Pashinyan called Putin. The President of the Russian Federation once again emphasized the importance of the EAEU and the EU

July 27, 2026

“On the initiative of the Armenian side, a telephone conversation between the President of the Russian Federation Vladimir Putin and the Prime Minister of the Republic of Armenia Nikol Pashinyan took place,” the official Russian Kremlin reports.

According to the Kremlin, the Russian President reaffirmed his loyalty to the joint statement of the leaders of Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Russia at the Eurasian Economic Union (EEU) summit held in Astana on May 29, 2026, which refers to the steps taken by the Republic of Armenia towards joining the European Union.

“Particularly, Vladimir Putin emphasized the need to hold a nationwide referendum in Armenia as soon as possible on the matter of joining the European Union or remaining in the Eurasian Economic Union,” said the official Russian message.

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Pashinyan will not be able to turn to EAEU again with impunity. its owners other than Pashinyan

July 27, 2026

168TVof “Trigger” the guest of the program political scientist Rostislav Ishchenko.

During the program, the most significant international processes affecting global and regional security were discussed. The expert analyzed the dynamics of confrontation between Russia and the collective West, as well as the situation around Iran.

Special attention was paid to the results of the meeting between the Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov and the US Secretary of State Marco Rubio, the discussion of the change in Washington’s approach to the international agenda, and the role of Turkey, which announces its willingness to act as a mediator in a number of regional conflicts.

Read also

  • “Putin’s way” in the transport connectivity architecture of the South Caucasus. geostrategic and political-communicative significance
  • Another “sanction” of “Rosselkhoznadzor”. why the meeting with Mishustin did not save Armenian exports?
  • “I have something to say to our pro-Western charlatans…” Suren Surenyants

During the program, the situation in the Ukrainian direction, the problems of replenishment of the armed forces of Ukraine, the sentiments of the Ukrainian society, as well as the issues related to the further military and political support of the Western countries to Kiev were also discussed.

A significant part of the conversation was devoted to the South Caucasus. The impact of the ongoing geopolitical changes on the region, the policies of Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, the prospects of Armenian-Russian relations, as well as the possible risks and scenarios of the development of the situation were discussed.

In addition, the expert commented on the visit of the President of Azerbaijan Ilham Aliyev to Germany, his negotiations with the Chancellor of the Federal Republic of Germany Friedrich Merz and the significance of that visit for regional diplomacy.

At the end of the program, Rostislav Ishchenko assessed the current state of Armenia’s relations with Russia, indicating the key challenges and possible options for the further development of the political situation in the South Caucasus.

Hayk Derzyan




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These will not be able to work against it. Russia will say: you will produce this much, more

July 27, 2026

168TV’s “Zara Has a Question” the guest of the program Economist Nairi Sargsyan is the leader of “Armenia is me” initiative.

Below are some theses expressed by Nairi Sargsyan during the conversation:

  • Russia is now going the way of turning Armenia’s economy into a planned economy, and they won’t be able to work against it, they won’t be able to implement any other planning, any diversification, regardless of their, sorry, lot of talk. Russia will say: you will produce this much, I will get it. you can’t produce more.

The deterioration of economic relations with Russia has a very long chain, a chain reaction. not exporting such a volume immediately leads to not producing the rest of the batch at all, because the entrepreneur produces for two markets: the domestic market and the Russian market. The sum of 2 allows them to service: credit costs, irrigation costs, salary costs, etc. If we remove the large batch of exports, then their fixed costs are so high that they are not directly involved in agriculture.

Read also

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  • It is necessary to clearly separate propaganda talk and real economic trends. Hrant Mikayelyan

If they are not engaged in agriculture, the Republic of Armenia starts to import, that is, approximately 150,000 people, who are involved and employed in the agricultural economy, leave agricultural employment. Next is the processing industry, if it was not produced, naturally, the processing industry cannot work. If the processing industry does not work, employees are fired, and in that case, naturally, consumption is already reduced.  a person does not receive money, salary, income, so that he can go buy bread, buy shoes, buy clothes, etc.

  • In terms of price-quality combination, Armenian products cannot go to Europe. Can Armenia produce? Yes, it can. To produce, we need to see a three-level or tripartite cooperation: government, business, science. What do we see? for example, the dissolution of the National Academy of Sciences, small increases in science investments that are not enough, including for laboratory experiments. If science, government, and business work together, yes, it is possible to get a new, high-quality product that can be sold in Europe.

No nationalization is taking place in Armenia. Property redistribution is taking place in Armenia. And since the world is in “turbulence”, the world’s security architecture of 5 years ago no longer exists, a new architecture is being built, and no one yet knows who can go into which zone of influence. Therefore, whoever achieves, takes it.

  • If I’m not mistaken, the estimate of the HEC was between 800 million and 1 billion dollars, let it be around half a billion dollars for the “Ararat Cement” factory. Where will Armenia pay 1.5 billion dollars for nationalization, what is it about? It is obvious, isn’t it, that the budget of the Republic of Armenia with 8 billion dollars will not implement the nationalization of the two largest objects in one year, when the budget is closed with a deficit, that is, the state debt still needs to be raised to be able to fulfill the 2026 budget.

In other words, it is obvious that there is a redistribution of property. What happened to Ameria Bank? While Ruben Vardanyan was sitting in Baku prison, the bank’s shares were completely sold. how did it happen, why did it happen? In other words, one of the largest banks in Armenia, the electricity networks of Armenia, the largest cement producer… simply, new capital owners are brought to the Republic of Armenia, who will work with them much more easily, who will be much more subordinate to them, will never rebel, or, perhaps, people dictated by their masters from outside should be investors in Armenia to manage all strategic objects.

Power will reach everyone. didn’t he reach the president of his National Assembly, didn’t he reach several other ministers, didn’t he reach the heads of the government staff, who meekly and submissively serve him all the time? Yes, they will always succeed. One early, one late. it will reach everyone indiscriminately. That’s why we have to face this, so much.

  • TRIPP has a very uncertain future. is unpromising at the moment. What is TRIPP? Permit for crossing the state border of Armenia. 2 from the borders, both from the western and eastern borders. It is the state border that gives the passability, it is called the customs border. As soon as the name became a customs border, only the Republic of Armenia does not decide anymore, because the Republic of Armenia is still a member of the EAEU.

Armenia lost its subjectivity a long time ago, and Nikol Pashinyan goes on some active vacations in various regions, etc., and outside decides the fate of the Republic of Armenia, Syunik, etc. He has no part in it at all.

  • Taxes have been increased so that Nikol Pashinyan can buy bicycles, then run a bicycle race with the government, to carry out constant repairs of ministries or government offices, to buy new vehicles.
  • Do you see who our biggest taxpayers are? banks. What does the entry of so many banks in the first twenty mean? means that the society lives on loans.
  • If the sales in the Russian market were blocked, the producer in Armenia will no longer produce. The gap of unproduced goods is always filled by importers. Who is in a much more favorable position here: Turkey, because what we produce in Armenia is produced in Turkey.

These actions of Nikol Pashinyan lead to an increase in the volume of imports from Turkey to Armenia. This means an increase in dependence on Turkey, and also a lack of supplies to solve any political issue.

For example, Turkey can say: you know, I am stopping the supply of some goods to the Republic of Armenia until you go to make such and such a statement from the UN podium, or make such and such a speech in the European Parliament.

Details in the video




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168: “Putin’s Way” – South Caucasus transport connectivity infrastructure

July 27, 2026

In the 2020s, the South Caucasus again became one of the key areas of competition for external actors. After the change in the balance of regional forces, the aggravation of the question of the post-conflict structure of Armenian-Azerbaijani relations, and the activation of the USA, Turkey, and Iran, infrastructural connectivity began to be considered as a tool for political influence, strengthening presence, and forming new dependencies.

Transport corridors touch on issues of sovereignty, security, market access, transit control and symbolic leadership, turning the South Caucasus into a theater of competing models of regional order.

One of the most notable was the TRIPP project. In parallel, the Azerbaijani-Turkish “Zangezur Corridor”, the Armenian “Crossroads of Peace” project, the Araks Corridor (from the main part of Azerbaijan to Nakhichevan, through the territory of Iran, bypassing Armenia, with a possible exit to Turkey and the Persian Gulf), the Trans-Caspian or Middle Corridor, the “North-South” International Transport Corridor, the Persian Gulf-Black Sea are being promoted in the region. Corridor along the Iran-Armenia-Georgia route, and the EU-Azerbaijan-Georgia-Romania-Hungary Black Sea Energy and Digital Corridor, which provides for the transmission of electricity and data from the South Caucasus to Europe.

The analysis of these projects shows that the main competition is not so much between the roads as between the principles and procedures of their management: sovereign control or external mediation, exclusive access or mutual open communication.

Read also

  • Pashinyan will not be able to turn to EAEU again with impunity. its owners will find another Pashinyan. Rostislav Ishchenko
  • The Armenian junction of the “Middle Corridor”. The South Caucasus is included in the “Turkic zone”.
  • US-Iran military escalation continues. A manageable crisis scenario or a global threat?

This panorama requires Russian initiatives, including the “Putin’s Way” project, which has been submitted “Russia and the world. dialogues-2026. “New reality” at the international conference. The route should connect Russia to Armenia via Abkhazia and Georgia, restore direct transport links and provide access to wider South Caucasian and Iranian infrastructure.

The concept of “road” itself means not only a transport route, but also a movement towards a new model of regional communication, restoration of trust and reconciliation of the interests of the South Caucasus states. It reflects the Russian approach to regional development through dialogue, interdependence and joint perspectives, as well as the geostrategic and political-communicative meaning of the initiative. The initiative received a great response in the mass media.

Some foreign experts began to see it as a countermeasure that symbolically challenges the American TRIPP and is aimed at maintaining the Russian presence in the regional transport architecture. Without entering into a debate, let us mention two circumstances.

First of all, the Russia-Abkhazia-Georgia-Armenia route existed long before TRIPP. Railway communication through the territory of Sukhum ensured the connection of Moscow with Tbilisi and Yerevan.

It was stopped after the collapse of the USSR and the Georgian-Abkhaz War, including the destruction of the Ingur Bridge in 1992. That is why the “Putin’s Way” initiative is not related to TRIPP, but has been modernized based on real experience.

Second, Russia is considering the restoration of railway communication with Georgia through the territory of Abkhazia as part of the unblocking of transport and political communications in the Caucasus.. After the resumption of air traffic in 2023, the Russian Foreign Ministry approved the further regulation of relations with Tbilisi the willingness and in February 2026 A. Overchuk spoke About the possibility of restoring the railway route through Abkhazia.

Thus, the initiative corresponds to the Russian trajectory of gradual restoration of transport, humanitarian and political ties between the countries of the South Caucasus and the neighboring states.

Geostrategic significance

The “Putin Way” initiative is interlinked with such Russian strategic interests as maintaining cooperation in the near abroad, developing Eurasian transport links, strengthening economic security and countering external monopolization of the South Caucasus infrastructure agenda.

In the concept of foreign policy of the Russian Federation for 2023, the near abroad is defined as a priority direction, and Russia’s goal is to turn the region into a zone of peace, neighborliness and prosperity.

The geo-economic significance of the initiative is related to the problems of the Transport Strategy of the Russian Federation until 2030 (forecasted until 2035), which envisages the development of international transport corridors, transit potential and logistics services.

For Russia, this route could reduce dependence on a limited number of southern destinations and expand access to Iran and the Middle East.:

While TRIPP is primarily aimed at including Armenia in the East-West route, the Russian initiative proposes a North-South route linking Russia, Abkhazia, Georgia and Armenia with a potential exit to Iran.

Integration with the North-South International Transport Corridor (NCT) could strengthen the role of participating countries as Eurasian transport hubs and provide them with additional access to Middle East markets.

For Russia, the project means maintaining direct contact with Armenia. Strengthening of positions in Abkhazia, involvement in Georgian transit policy and formation of parallel Western-Turkish-Azerbaijani logistics configuration.

It shows that the unblocking of communications is possible not only in the Western or Azerbaijani-Turkish format. In this sense, “Putin’s way” is a means of adjusting the regional balance of forces and corresponds to the logic of the formation of a multi-vector and multi-polar world of the countries of the South Caucasus.

Moreover, it is understood that the practical implementation of the project is limited by the political status of Abkhazia, the position of Georgia, balancing interests of Armenia and the competition of external actors: But these contradictions can become not only obstacles, but also the subject of agreements, because the common infrastructural interest can create additional space for dialogue.

The political and communicative significance of the “Putin’s Way” initiative

Under the conditions of TRIPP’s advancement, the transport problems of the South Caucasus go beyond the boundaries of economic logic and become an area of ​​symbolic competition of external actors.  Infrastructure routes are seen not only as ways to transport goods and passengers, but also as political statements about who can shape regional connectivity architecture.

In this context, “Putin’s Way” presents Russia as an actor that offers mutually beneficial solutions and new opportunities to each participant of the project.

The initiative can contribute to easing the historically accumulated contradictions and the conflict legacy of the collapse of the USSR, which defined the relations between Georgia, Armenia and Abkhazia.

The main political and communication problem of the South Caucasus remains the lack of trust. The force scenario can change the positions of the parties, but it does not create stable order and lasting peace, but only transfers the contradictions into a latent form. For example, the Karabakh case shows the risks of perceiving the outcome of the situation as the final solution. And in reality, collective injuries, mutual concerns and the feeling of historical injustice are preserved at least among the two parties, the Karabakh people and the Armenians.

Therefore, today it is necessary to think not in the categories of achieved excellence, but in the perspective of joint existence։

“Putin’s way” can become a practical tool for increasing trust and replacing the logic of division and conflict with the logic of mutual necessity and agreement. Regular transportation, agreed rules, mutual obligations and a common security interest will create conditions for predictable interaction. It is from such practices that peace is gradually formed, which cannot be established exclusively by force. Thus, the initiative turns the transport route into a tool for new political communications and the future peaceful construction of the South Caucasus.

Benefits for countries participating in the “Putin Way” initiative

Apart from its geostrategic importance, the practical implementation of the Putin Way initiative can create direct benefits for each participating country.

For Armenia, the project can become not only a transport route, but also a tool for strengthening foreign political subjectivity. The land link with Russia is highly dependent on the Upper Lars crossing, whose operation is subject to seasonal restrictions, snowfall and avalanche danger. An alternative route through Abkhazia and Georgia will reduce dependence on one direction and increase the stability of foreign trade.

Since 2008, the railway system of Armenia has been under the concession management of the subsidiary company “Russian Railways”, but the lack of transit communication through the territory of Georgia and Abkhazia limits its possibilities.

The restoration of the railway route would allow the transportation of raw materials, heavy cargo, industrial and agricultural products to be cheaper. For a landlocked country, this also provides an opportunity to become a link between the Eurasian north, Iran and the Persian Gulf.

«“Putin’s way” can counterbalance TRIPP and reduce Armenia’s dependence on the dynamics of American interests. The emergence of the northern route will allow Yerevan to maintain a multi-vector policy. The socio-humanitarian significance of the route stems from the facilitation of contacts with the Armenian communities of Abkhazia, Georgia and Javakhk, as well as the development of tourism on the Russia-Abkhazia-Georgia-Armenia route.

For Georgia, the initiative can become a tool for strengthening the transport and geo-economic role. Its territory is capable of connecting East-West and North-South directions, providing transit revenue, handling freight and passenger flows, and infrastructure development.

The creation of coordinated transit mechanisms in the Abkhazian direction is of particular importance.  If agreements are reached, mutually acceptable customs, legal and technical procedures can be established to ensure the safety and predictability of transportation. This would allow the route to be used not only as a source of income, but also as a mechanism for the gradual formation of transparent economic relations with Abkhazia.

Through traffic can stimulate the development of logistics centers, road services, hotel business, public catering, gas stations and repair infrastructure.

Tourist and passenger flows from Russia to Armenia will create additional demand on the territory of Georgia, and control over the key part of the route will strengthen its negotiating positions.

For Abkhazia, “Putin’s way” can become a tool to get out of the transport periphery and partly from international isolation. The republic can turn from a dead end into a transit section of the Russia-Georgia-Armenia route and earn income from transportation, passenger transportation and logistics services.

As the restoration of communications will require upgrading railways and highways, energy, digital and service infrastructure, it will create jobs, increase regional connectivity and support small businesses.

The inclusion of Abkhazia in the international route can also increase the tourist flow, including in the off-season sector, and expand the access of local producers to the markets of Armenia and potentially Iran. Participation in the project will strengthen the political subjectivity and political-communication significance of Abkhazia.

For Russia, the “Putin Way” means maintaining a leading role in unblocking regional communications and shows that the US, Turkey and other external actors are not the only architects of the South Caucasus’ future.

The economic effect will be related to the promotion of production, employment, trade and development of the border areas. Russian companies can get new opportunities in the fields of construction, modernization of transport infrastructure, logistics, insurance and transport services. The route can reduce the cost of supplying Russian goods to Armenia and expand access to the markets of Iran and the Middle East.

Conclusions

Ամփոփելով՝ Several communication architectures are proposed in the South CaucasusThe North-South International Transport Corridor, the US-Armenia TRIPP, the Azerbaijan-Turkey Zangezur Corridor, the Armenian Crossroads of Peace, the EU-backed Trans-Caspian Corridor, and Iranian routes through Armenia or along the Araks River. Although the same infrastructure segments may be included in different projects, there is competition between the management principles of these projects.

“Putin’s Way” has a meaning that goes beyond the usual transport and logistics project. It has a political-communicative and geo-strategic meaning aimed at creating conditions and opportunities for dialogue and trust between the countries of the South Caucasus.

“Putin’s Way” is one of the models of interconnectedness based on historically and geographically formed Russia-South Caucasus ties. It does not allow to monopolize the topic of unblocking regional communications by external actors in order to realize their interests, without a real effort to ease the tension in the South Caucasus.

Participants in the “Putin Way” initiative have their own benefits and interests, but they are united by a common interest in restoring regional connectivity and predictability of mutual relations. Therefore, there is a possibility that the basis of the agreement on the project (not the deal, but the agreement itself) will for the first time not be the coincidence of political positions, but the emergence of new non-political conditions for consensus, the search for compromises, opportunities for dialogue and, ultimately, the restoration of lost trust.

Vladislav Gasumyanov

Doctor of Economic Sciences, Director of the National Research Institute of Communications Development, Head of the Department of Corporate Security at the Institute of International Energy Policy and Diplomacy of the Moscow State Institute of International Relations (MGIMO)

interaffairs.ru

Translation by Zhanna Avetisyan




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RFE/RL – Iranian Mission Urged To Help Free Tsarukian

July 27, 2026
Armenia – Supporters greet jailed opposition leader Gagik Tsarukian outside an Investigative Committee building in Yerevan, July 24, 2026.

Supporters of Gagik Tsarukian picketed the Iranian Embassy in Yerevan on Monday to urge it to help free the wealthy businessman and opposition leader arrested following last month’s Armenian parliamentary elections.

Tsarukian was prosecuted after Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian’s repeated pledges to jail him and the top leaders of two other, bigger opposition groups that challenged the ruling Civil Contract party in the June 7 elections. He is facing fraud charges stemming from a financial dispute with two Iranian business partners who set up two years ago a joint venture with his Multi Group that never operated as planned.

Armenia’s Investigative Committee has backed their allegations that Tsarukian misappropriated $22 million worth of fuel, transport equipment and other goods supplied by them from 2022-2024. The Iranians stood by their claims during a face-to-face interrogation with him last week. Tsarukian’s lawyers insist he himself was defrauded by them.

“It is unacceptable for us that the centuries-old friendly Armenian-Iranian relations are at risk because of two citizens of the Islamic Republic of Iran whom I can confidently call fraudsters,” Tsarukian’s spokeswoman, Iveta Tonoyan, said during the protest.

Tonoyan called on the Iranian mission and Ambassador Khalil Shirgholami in particular to “use all possible legal and diplomatic tools to stop the completely illegal prosecution” of the tycoon leading the Prosperous Armenia Party (BHK).

Armenia – Aides and supporters of Gagik Tsarukian protest outside the Iranian Embassy in Yerevan, July 27, 2026.

Shirgholami signaled concerns over Tsarukian’s arrest during a July 8 news conference in Yerevan. He warned of a risk of dangerous “division” within Armenia and expressed hope for a compromise settlement of the BHK leader’s dispute with the Iranian entrepreneurs.

Tsarukian was demonstratively taken into custody on July 6 just as investigators sealed off the offices of dozens of Multi Group companies employing thousands of people. Virtually all of those companies, including Armenia’s second largest brandy distillery, have remained effectively closed since then.

The chief of executive of the Yerevan-based Ararat Brandy-Wine-Vodka Factory was arrested late last week on tax evasion charges also levelled against Tsarukian. The tycoon’s lawyers brushed aside the accusation, saying that he has not been involved in this and other Multi Group companies’ day-to-day operations since 2003.

Tsarukian was already charged with “large-scale” tax evasion and barred from leaving Armenia two days after the elections in which his party was one of the main opposition contenders. The Investigative Committee dropped that accusation earlier this month.

In another statement issued from prison on Monday, Tsarukian refrained from calling for regime change in the country. He instead accused the authorities of “deliberately damaging” his businesses and expressed sympathy for his employees remaining out of work.

“I am confident that justice will be restored and you will all return to your regular work,” he said.

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Armenia Looks To Boost Gas Imports From Iran

July 27, 2026


Iran – Iranian Oil Minister Mohsen Paknejad (right) meets Armenian Infrastructures Minister Davit Khudatian, Tehran, July 25, 2026.

Following Russia’s threats to hike the price of its natural gas for Armenia, Armenian Infrastructures Minister Davit Khudatian discussed with senior Iranian officials in Tehran at the weekend the possibility of increasing Iranian gas supplies to his country.

Khudatian met with Iran’s Vice President Hamid Pourmohammadi, Oil Minister Mohsen Paknejad and Energy Minister Abbas Aliabadi during the visit.

According to the Armenian Ministry of Territorial Administration and Infrastructures, he and Paknejad spoke about “increasing the volume of gas supplied as well as expanding trade in the energy sector.” Paknejad reportedly expressed Tehran’s readiness to supply more gas to Armenia.

“Armenia has helped Iran during difficult days, and we also seek to help this friendly country,” the official IRNA news agency quoted him as telling journalists after the talks.

The two sides agreed to set up a “joint specialized task force” that will look into practical modalities of expanding Armenian-Iranian energy ties. Khudatian was reported to tell Pourmohammadi that this is of “strategic importance” to Yerevan.

Russia accounts for more than 80 percent of some 2.3 billion cubic meters of natural gas imported by Armenia each year. The rest of those supplies come from Iran through a pipeline with an estimated annual capacity of up to 2 billion cubic meters.

The Russian gas price for the South Caucasus country is set well below international market-based levels. President Vladimir Putin and other Russian leaders warned of an end to that discount in May as Moscow stepped up economic pressure on Yerevan over its pro-Western foreign policy.

“We supply gas to Armenia at a quarter of its price, to our own detriment (the price in Armenia is $177.50 per thousand cubic meters, while in Europe it’s $633 per thousand cubic meters) … What we get in return is [Prime Minister Nikol] Pashinian’s meanness and dishonesty. This cannot continue,” said Vyacheslav Volodin, the State Duma speaker.

Pashinian dismissed the Russian threats at the time. He claimed that Armenia sill soon be awash with “billions and trillions” of dollars as a result of transport links and other commercial ties forged with neighboring Turkey and Azerbaijan. The country can therefore afford a higher gas price, he said.

In addition to being supplied to households and power plants, Russian gas is also heavily used in some sectors of the Armenian economy such as greenhouse farming. Iranian gas is believed to be significantly more expensive even if Yerevan pays for it with electricity exported to the Islamic Republic.

The Armenian government has repeatedly announced plans to boost gas imports from Iran in the last few years. But there appears to have been no sizable increase in their volume to date.

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Putin Insists On Armenian Referendum On EU Entry

July 27, 2026


Russia – Russian President Vladimir Putin meets Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian at the Kremlin, Moscow, April 1, 2026.

Armenia must hold “as soon as possible” a referendum on its exit from a Russian-led bloc and accession to the European Union, Russian President Vladimir Putin reiterated on Monday in a phone call with Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian.

The two men spoke for the first time since Armenia’s disputed June 7 parliamentary elections. Putin never congratulated Pashinian on his party’s election victory not recognized by the Armenian opposition, underscoring heightened tensions between Moscow and Yerevan.

Putin first demanded that Pashinian’s government quickly choose between continuing to seek EU membership and remaining part of the Eurasian Economic Union (EEU) following two European summits held in Yerevan in early May. The leaders of the three other EEU member states — Belarus, Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan — backed the demand in a joint statement with Putin adopted during a May 29 summit boycotted by Pashinian. The latter scoffed at the move.

The Kremlin said Putin “reaffirmed his commitment” to that statement during the call which took place “at the initiative of the Armenian side.” He also emphasized “the need to hold a national referendum in Armenia as soon as possible on joining the EU or continuing to be part of the Eurasian Economic Union,” it added in a short statement.

According to an Armenian readout of the call, Pashinian repeated his earlier remarks that such a vote cannot be held before Yerevan formally applies for EU membership and has a realistic chance of joining the bloc.

The Armenian premier also complained about the Russian bans on imports of Armenian agricultural products and beverages imposed later in May and in early June, saying that they run counter to Russian-Armenian treaties and EEU rules. He asked Putin to have them lifted, said the statement. Pashinian at the same time expressed readiness to “resolve the aforementioned issues through open, partnership-based and friendly dialogue,” it added without elaborating.

Pashinian’s government enacted last year a law calling for the “start of a process of Armenia’s accession to the European Union.” But it is still in no rush to leave the EEU, which guarantees Armenian exporters’ tariff-free access to Russia, their main market. Also, no EU member state or institution has voiced explicit support for Armenia’s eventual entry to the bloc.

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RFE/RL – Armenian Exports Tumble Following Russian Sanctions

July 27, 2026


Armenia – A flower greenhouse in Gyumri, April 9, 2022.

Armenia’s exports fell by over 20 percent year on year last month following unprecedented trade restrictions imposed by Russia, the South Caucasus country’s main trading partner, according to official statistics.

Although the Armenian government’s Statistical Committee has not yet released a country-by-country breakdown of exports in June or the first half of this year, the sharp fall clearly resulted from the sanctions highlighting heightened tensions between Moscow and Yerevan.

Citing sanitary grounds, the Russian authorities blocked in late May and early June multimillion-dollar imports of Armenian fruits, vegetables, mineral water, flowers, fish and some alcoholic beverages. Moscow imposed the sanctions as it pressed Yerevan to quickly choose between continuing to seek membership of the European Union and remaining part of a Russian-led trade bloc.

Economy Minister Gevorg Papoyan touted over the weekend sharp rises in first-half Armenian exports to the EU, China and India. However, Papoyan pointedly declined to give any absolute numbers or mention the fact that overall exports fell by 6.7 percent in January-June 2026.

Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian has downplayed the impact of the Russian sanctions on the Armenian economy. Papoyan likewise cited Statistical Committee data showing that economic growth in the country remained robust in June. By contrast, the World Bank expressed concern at possible consequences of the embargo earlier this month.

“Should the [Russian] ban continue and widen without mitigation measures, the negative impacts could spill beyond trade and affect growth, prices and social conditions,” it warned in a report.

The ban is already affecting the Armenian government’s tax revenue. The government’s State Revenue Committee (SRC) has reported sharp reductions in taxes collected in the first half of the year from Armenia’s leading companies growing and/or exporting agricultural products. Taxes paid by the largest of them, Spayka, shrunk by almost half, to 1.78 billion drams ($4.8 million).

Last Friday, Rosselkhoznadzor, the Russian government’s agricultural oversight agency, also banned imports of Armenian dairy products. The move came more than two weeks after Pashinian’s meeting with Russian Prime Minister Mikhail Mishustin. The latter reportedly repeated the Russian demands during the talks held in the Russian city of Yekaterinburg.

Pashinian has ruled out any reversal of his European integration drive since his party’s victory in disputed parliamentary elections held on June 7. European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen reaffirmed support for that policy when she visited Yerevan on July 2. She promised that the EU will open its market to Armenian products in addition to providing 52 million euros ($60 million) in urgent financial aid to Pashinian’s government.

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California Courier Online, July 27, 2026

California
Courier Online, July 27, 2026

1- Not Finding Justice in Yerevan, Armenians

Should Apply to the European Court

By Harut
Sassounian

TheCaliforniaCourier.com
2- UN Experts Question ‘Terror’ Case Against Armenian Archbishop

3- Armenia Ranks 89th in World Happiness Report
4- Tina Demirdjian Named Glendale’s Poet Laureate
5- Armenian authorities will spend £660,000 to defense itself in international lawsuits
6- Aivazovsky’s ‘On the Shores of Yalta’ to Be Auctioned in Moscow
7- Azerbaijan’s Great Return: Refugee Resettlement, Rebuilding, and Destruction of Armenian Cultural Heritage in Nagorno-Karabakh

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1- Not Finding Justice in Yerevan, Armenians

Should Apply to the European Court

By Harut Sassounian
TheCaliforniaCourier.com

While successive Armenian governments have exhibited democratic shortcomings since independence in 1991, the current situation is far worse than at any time before.

Since Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan came to power in 2018, democratic institutions have steadily deteriorated, despite his repeated claims to the contrary. Even more troubling is that the so-called democratic West has totally ignored his abuses because he serves their geopolitical interests rather than Armenia’s.

Today, all governmental institutions are run by one man. The constitutional provision calling for the separation of powers among the executive, legislative, and judicial branches has been severely undermined. As a result, both Armenia’s domestic governance and foreign policy have suffered. Pashinyan entered office with no management experience, yet he proudly proclaims that he makes all decisions on his own without consulting anyone.

The judiciary provides the clearest example of this deterioration. In 2019, Pashinyan and his supporters surrounded a courthouse in Yerevan, preventing a judge from conducting a trial. On June 5, 2019, he made his infamous statement: “Is there a judge in Armenia today who wouldn’t do what the Prime Minister says?”

Pashinyan and his parliamentary majority replaced the members of the Constitutional Court, including the Chief Justice, with judges loyal to the government. He has repeatedly ordered the arrest of political opponents critical of his administration. Hundreds have been detained in recent months in the course of the June 7 elections. Even more alarming, authorities have confiscated the property of several prominent detainees before any trial or judicial determination of guilt. As a result, many Armenians have lost confidence in their country’s judicial system.

Because Armenia is a member of the Council of Europe and falls under the jurisdiction of the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR), Armenians whose constitutional rights have been violated have the right to pursue justice before that Court, after exhausting all available domestic legal remedies.

Some Armenians have already done so successfully. The ECHR has awarded compensation to complainants after finding that the Armenian government had violated rights protected under the European Convention on Human Rights.

Ironically, Pashinyan himself appealed to the ECHR in 2010 after he and his newspaper were convicted by an Armenian court in connection with the 2008 post-election unrest. After becoming Prime Minister in 2018, he chose not to withdraw his complaints to the ECHR. This is an unprecedented case in which a sitting head of government sues his own country before an international court.

Moreover, as Prime Minister, Pashinyan prevented the Armenian government’s attorney before the ECHR from defending the country’s position, thereby helping to secure a judgment in his favor in 2022. The ECHR awarded his newspaper 9,000 euros in damages, plus taxes to be paid to him by the Armenian government.

Pashinyan has violated numerous Armenian laws as well as multiple articles of the Constitution over the past eight years. Here is a short list of the Prime Minister’s violations that should be referred to the European Court of Human Rights:
1) The Prime Minister has interfered in the internal affairs of the Armenian Apostolic Church in order to replace the Catholicos, despite the Constitution’s requirement that Church and State remain separate.

2) In 2020, he signed an agreement with Pres. Ilham Aliyev of Azerbaijan and Pres. Vladimir Putin of Russia, transferring large portions of Artsakh to Azerbaijan, despite lacking the authority to do so. As Prime Minister of Armenia, his decisions are limited to some issues exclusive to the Republic of Armenia. Therefore, the 2020 agreement he signed is an illegal document and should be considered null and void.

3) Without any jurisdiction, he later recognized the entire Republic of Artsakh as part of Azerbaijan, despite his previous declaration that “Artsakh is Armenia. Period.”

4) He violated numerous provisions of Armenian law, during the June 7, 2026 elections. Nevertheless, his appointees at the Central Election Commission and the Constitutional Court upheld the election results.

5) In July, Parliament enacted an illegal law that prohibits Armenian citizens from voting if they had not lived in Armenia for one year during the preceding two years. This law violates Armenia’s Constitution, which gives all citizens the right to vote regardless of the length of residency in Armenia. This law disenfranchises hundreds of thousands of Armenian citizens who live outside the country for a variety of reasons. Articles 8, 48, and 80 of the Constitution protect the voting rights of all adult citizens without imposing a residency requirement. Furthermore, Article 80 specifically stipulates: “The essence of the provisions on basic rights and freedoms enshrined in this Chapter shall be inviolable.”

It is important to note that legal cases can be filed with the European Court of Human Rights by individuals and organizations living inside or outside Armenia. Applicants do not have to be Armenian citizens — or even Armenian — provided they can demonstrate that they were affected by the violation.

There should be hundreds, if not thousands of cases filed with the ECHR. Because such lawsuits can be expensive, a legal defense fund should be established to cover attorney fees and related expenses. Wealthy Armenians should contribute generously to such a fund.

If justice cannot be obtained in Armenia, it must be pursued wherever the rule of law prevails.

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2– UN Experts Question ‘Terror’ Case Against Armenian Archbishop
Robert Zargarian

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3- Armenia Ranks 89th in World Happiness Report

Hetq.am
Armenia is ranked 89th out of 147 countries in the 2026 World Happiness Report.

Finland is the world’s happiest country for the ninth consecutive year, according to the report published by the Wellbeing Research Centre at the University of Oxford.

The rankings are based on a three-year average (2023–2025) of self-reported life evaluations on a 0 to 10 scale.

Armenia is the leader in the region, ahead of its neighbors Georgia – 91st place, Turkey – 94th, Iran – 97th, and Azerbaijan – 102nd.

The report notes that Armenia is among the ten countries with the highest levels of negative emotions (along with several countries in Africa and the Middle East). Socio-economic challenges, security, and other factors may contribute to it.

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5- Armenian authorities will spend £660,000 to defense itself in international lawsuits

news.am

An additional £660,000 has been allocated to the Office of the Government of Armenia. The corresponding decision was adopted at a Cabinet meeting on July 23.

It is noted that the funds will be spent on paying for legal services to protect the country’s interests in international lawsuits. The justification for the decision does not specify which lawsuits are in question.

6– Aivazovsky’s ‘On the Shores of Yalta’ to Be Auctioned in Moscow

MOSCOW — Works by Hovhannes Aivazovsky, Nicholas Roerich, and several other prominent artists will be offered at an auction in Moscow on July 26, with a combined estimated value of approximately 1 billion rubles.
According to the Moscow Auction House website, collectors will have an opportunity to bid on Aivazovsky’s painting On the Shores of Yalta. The auction will reveal how much bidders are prepared to pay for the work, which has been valued at $420,000.
The painting depicts the seashore, the city, and the outlines of the surrounding mountains, with the Church of St. John Chrysostom standing out against the landscape.
Another major lot is Nicholas Roerich’s The Place of Idols, which is estimated at 18 million rubles. Experts say the pastel work is of museum-level significance.
Other works offered at the auction include Mikhail Nesterov’s Near the Monastery, valued at $200,000; Kuzma Petrov-Vodkin’s Reclining Nude Woman and Model, estimated at 2.2 million rubles; Pyotr Konchalovsky’s Pine Trees in Autumn, valued at 16 million rubles; and Konstantin Makovsky’s Portrait of Raisova, estimated at 7 million rubles.
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7- Azerbaijan’s Great Return: Refugee Resettlement, Rebuilding, and Destruction of Armenian Cultural Heritage in Nagorno-Karabakh
Azerbaijan’s Great Return: Refugee Resettlement, Rebuilding, and Destruction of Armenian Cultural Heritage in Nagorno-Karabakh
By Kristie Moore
Genocide Watch
Introduction
Conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan over Nagorno-Karabakh has been ongoing for decades. Displacement has been a constant facet of this reality. Both Armenians and Azerbaijanis have been cleared from the area on numerous occasions, displaced from their homelands, and forced to rebuild from nothing. This report examines Azerbaijan’s Great Return program and the aftermath of the 2020 War and Azerbaijan’s recent takeover of Nagorno-Karabakh in September 2023. Both events prompted the resettlement of Azerbaijani IDPs into regained territories and led to large-scale reconstruction efforts. This reconstruction has been highly controversial both for criticisms of being inefficient, marked by corruption, and indifferent to local needs and requests, and for its destruction of Armenian cultural heritage in the region.
Background
The Great Return is a massive undertaking coordinated by the Government of Azerbaijan. It largely began following the end of the 2020 War when Azerbaijan took over seven districts surrounding Nagorno-Karabakh (Aghdam, Kalbajar, Lachin, Jabrayil, Fuzuli, Zangilan, and Qubadli) and approximately one-third of the region itself. This included historically significant cities like Shusha, a major cultural and symbolic center in the region. This land was initially lost to Armenia during the First Nagorno-Karabakh War, which lasted from 1988-1994. On November 24, 2020, President Ilham Aliyev established the Coordination Headquarters for the Centralized Resolution of Issues in the Liberated Territories of the Republic of Azerbaijan. The government then approved the Azerbaijan 2030: National Priorities for Socio-Economic Development plan on February 2, 2021. Both initiatives led to the Action Plan of the “I State Program on the Great Return to the territories freed from occupation of the Republic of Azerbaijan.” The government passed this plan on November 16, 2021, which focused on reconstruction, restoration, and sustainable development of the liberated territories. In the implementation of this program, the Azerbaijani government allocated significant financial resources. Following the Second Karabakh War (2020), the government of Azerbaijan allocated 2 billion AZN to reconstruction. The government allocated an additional 1.5 billion AZN in 2021, followed by 2.2 billion AZN in 2022. Investment numbers have grown over time, with an increase expected in the coming years.
The Azerbaijani government divides the Great Return into three phases: 1) rebuilding infrastructure, including damaged electricity and gas lines, 2) building houses and essential facilities like schools, hospitals, clinics, kindergartens, and social service establishments, and finally 3) the relocation of IDPs into the region. Moreover, development is centered around the five pillars of housing, production, social services, agriculture, and sustainable energy. With this plan, the Government of Azerbaijan aims to provide a comfortable life for returning IDPs. However, the program’s objectives are highly ambitious. By the end of 2026, the state plans to clear 280 hectares of territory of mines and build 34,500 apartments and private houses, 197 educational institutions, 8 vocational schools, and 1 specialized education school. This comes in addition to the planned completion of 26 highway projects and the development of employment opportunities in the region. By 2040, the process of returning Azerbaijani IDPs to their native lands is expected to conclude.
The government and contractors have already made considerable progress in the region with hundreds of families being moved back into the region. The Azerbaijani media has applauded and celebrated the return of families to their homes, as evidenced by frequent news articles highlighting the return of refugees and sharing their stories. However, there are significant challenges facing the Government of Azerbaijan. One of the biggest challenges is demining the region. Due to decades of conflict, hundreds of mines remain in the area. They are a significant threat to resettled populations and have rendered considerable amounts of land useless. Mines have already claimed 262 casualties. Another challenge is the lack of local consultation in the redevelopment process. The Azerbaijani Government has not made active attempts to consult with former residents of the region or involve them in the city planning process. Instead, speed is the top priority. Many locals are dissatisfied with the redevelopment effort, citing inefficiency, corruption, and a lack of local consultation. In an interview with RFE/RL, Vasila Mammadova, a former resident of Xocali shared that, “I wasn’t happy with that, and I asked the government to give us back our yard. But they told us that the city was being rebuilt according to the plan of the government, and they could give us a plot of land of a comparable size in any other part of Xocali.” Many IDPs remain reluctant to return to the region. While many older IDPs are optimistic about returning home, many also struggle with the new technologies implemented within these smart cities. Younger generations, who have adapted to city life in Baku, have little motivation to leave and fear the potential for future conflict. These challenges have limited the Great Return program’s success.
The Great Return in Azerbaijani National Consciousness
The Great Return plays a major role in Azerbaijani society and national consciousness. Azerbaijanis have embraced narratives of a lost homeland ever since the First Nagorno-Karabakh War when the country lost considerable territory to Armenia. This war also saw the displacement of 700,000 Azerbaijanis, only further contributing to senses of loss and national trauma. For many Azerbaijanis, this conflict remains associated with memories of suffering, humiliation, and loss. As such, the resettlement of these territories has become synonymous with ideas of the fulfillment of a national dream, restoration of communities separated from their homeland, and sustainable life following liberation. Many Azerbaijanis view it as a symbol of cultural revitalization. The Government of Azerbaijan demonstrates this through celebrations and events across the region. Traditional heritage, music, cuisine, crafts, and festivals are being emphasized and reintegrated into daily life. However, this project also takes on a larger meaning to the Government of Azerbaijan. The Aliyev government hopes that reconstruction efforts in Nagorno-Karabakh will serve as a model of post-conflict resilience for the international community. This is particularly evident in the government’s significant investment into the cities of Aghdam, Zangilan, and Shusha – former cultural centers within the region that continue to hold cultural significance to Azerbaijan. The government has promoted a new slogan, “With great hopes for a new era!” This slogan emphasized Azerbaijan’s progress and its commitment to achieving future goals.
Azerbaijani media has highlighted the return of IDPs in the years following the 2020 War. In an article celebrating the return of 23 families (72 people) to Lachin, one resident named Shafag Farman Gizi Mammadova, stated “I left Lachin when I was 24. I always dreamed of moving to our native land, our village. Even now, I think it’s a dream, and someone will wake me up at any moment. We lived as internally displaced persons in Baku, in the Yasamal district, for 33 years, and today we are returning to our native Lachin. We are grateful to our Supreme Commander-in-Chief and our victorious Army for allowing us to live these days. May God have mercy on our martyrs and grant health to our veterans!” In another article highlighting the return of IDPs to Fuzuli, Elman Suleyman Oglu Guliyev stated, “I was born in a house at 82 Khanlar Street, Fuzuli district. We lived our nomadic life in Baku, in the Khatai district. I remember all my memories of Fuzuli vividly, and they will never leave my mind. Today we are going to reunite with our memories and childhood. I am a pensioner, but I work as a businessman with my son. God willing, we will try to establish our business in Fuzuli as well.” The article also announced the resettlement of an additional 27 families (115 people) to Fuzuli, bringing the city’s total to 527 families (1,969 people). Many interviews with IDPs include statements of gratitude to the “Supreme Commander-in-Chief” and the Azerbaijani military.
In addition to highlighting the return of Azerbaijani families to the region, the media and Government has done significant promotion of various events and initiatives occurring in the regained territories. The government and media also promoted the 2024 elections held in the newly regained territory, which officials described as a major success with strong voter turnout.
Destruction of Armenian Cultural Heritage
The reconstruction of Nagorno-Karabakh has also seen the widespread and intentional destruction of Armenian heritage in the region. This has especially been the case since the end of the 2020 War when Azerbaijan regained portions of Nagorno-Karabakh and seven districts surrounding the region. ACLED reported nearly 80 instances of the destruction of Armenian historical, religious, political, and residential sites have been recorded. This destruction accelerated after the September 2023 military offensive which concluded with Azerbaijan’s complete takeover of the region. This includes the destruction of Saint Sargis Church in Mokhrenes in 2022. This was later followed by the complete destruction of the city.
Researchers documented several instances of cultural heritage destruction in Shusha – a city that holds considerable importance to both Azerbaijan and Armenia. Azerbaijani forces removed the dome of the Ghazanchetsots Cathedral and demolished the Kanach Zham Church in 2021. In 2022, Azerbaijani forces attacked memorials of the First Artsakh War and destroyed Armenian cross stones and cemeteries. In 2023, there were additional reports of destruction of Armenian residential properties in preparation for the resettlement of ethnic Azerbaijanis. Azerbaijani authorities also destroyed an Armenian cemetery in Lachin to make way for road construction. The destruction of Armenian cultural heritage has continued since 2023 and includes the removal of all traces of the Armenian political project, statues of prominent Armenians, and the intentional targeting of religious sites.
The Government of Azerbaijan has ambitious resettlement plans in Nagorno-Karabakh following its complete military takeover in 2023. The Great Return program best illustrates these plans, which serves as a propaganda tool for the Azerbaijani government, legitimizing its rule and helping push new narratives about Azerbaijani ownership of the land. However, it has also given a platform for corruption, complete disregard for local needs, and the destruction of Armenian cultural heritage as a means of historical erasure.

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Iran blames the attack on its ship on Kiev’s sponsors

Photo: vietnam.vn

Official Tehran issued a severe warning to the countries that support Ukraine, blaming them for the attack on the Iranian merchant ship in the Caspian Sea. As a result of the incident, there are human losses, and the Iranian side declares its readiness to take tough retaliatory measures.


As reported by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Islamic Republic, last Saturday the Ukrainian armed forces carried out a targeted attack on a commercial ship. As a result of this military attack, one crew member was killed and another sailor was injured.


The official representative of Iran’s Foreign Ministry, Ismail Baghai, emphasized during the briefing that this incident will not go unanswered under any circumstances. According to him, all those states that act as patrons and main allies of Kiev should fully share the burden of responsibility for what happened.


Earlier, in a lengthy statement published on the official telegram channel of the ministry, the diplomatic department stressed that Tehran reserves the full and unconditional right to resort to appropriate retaliatory actions, and the full weight of the consequences of this “adventure” will fall entirely on the Ukrainian leadership and foreign partners supporting it.

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