August 4, 2026
The other day, the CP Department decided that NA Vilen Gabrielyan should be the candidate for the chairman of the Standing Committee on Defense and Security Issues, leaving Armen Khachatryan and Sasun Mikayelyan out of the competition, and the latter was eliminated in the first round.
Why did the National Assembly decide? Andranik Kocharyan did not fight for the position of the chairman of the Standing Committee on Defense and Security Affairs, he has his own explanation for that, claiming that Vilen Gabrielyan’s participation in the fight has nothing to do with it.
“I led that committee for 8 years, and the biggest problem is that after 8 years it might be worth it…, then you got used to me a lot, a new one should come, try not to forget me, good or bad, it doesn’t matter. After all, it looks like work in comparison Was the quality high or not?” In a briefing with journalists on August 3, he stated and continued. “Here there is no question of being elected or not, I have said that the first step for me to be elected is to run. I have never nominated myself, in the 90s, when the “Karabakh” committee offered me the position of Deputy Minister of Internal Affairs, I offered myself, and it has always been offered: Ministry of Defense, National Assembly.
Andranik Kocharyan responded to the retort of the journalists – is it not true that he was rejected? Who rejected him? As such, no such mechanism was set up.
“The mechanism was as follows: let whoever wants to nominate himself. I didn’t want to, there is nothing incomprehensible, everything is very clear.” he emphasized.
Basically, the problem here is not even the mechanism, but the unwillingness to be publicly declared defeated. if you are offered, it means that your victory is guaranteed in the “election battle”, therefore, it is not excluded that if Andranik Kocharyan knew that the CP Department would elect him, he would have run for office. This is no less simple than Andranik Kocharyan’s explanation, and why is it not understandable and natural?
But it was not possible for the CP Department to prefer Andranik Kocharyan, if before this there were reports several times that his issue would be discussed as the chairman of the National Defense and Security Standing Committee. Of course, we do not rule out that there was also a question of not being “self”.
But it turns out that Andranik Kocharyan has decided to change the arrows of his “parliamentary activity”, as stated in Meschyan’s famous song, and to be nominated as a member of the National Assembly’s Standing Committee on State and Legal Affairs, because it has the reports of investigative bodies, including the Chief Prosecutor, and according to Kocharyan, they are also related to security issues. By the way, the candidate for the chairman of this committee is the current chairman Arusyak Julhakyan, under whom, so to speak, Andranik Kocharyan will not be constrained to work, perhaps because he did not head this committee.
And the main purpose of addressing Andranik Kocharyan is what he did and didn’t do as the chairman of the 44-day investigative commission, and the fact that the report was never submitted due to different dates being changed. We remember the Andranik Kocharyan-Alen Simonyan “legislative” debate in this regard.
And no matter how much we admit that if Nikol Pashinyan really wanted to, he would have bypassed the law, the legal obstacles pointed out by former NA Speaker Alen Simonyan, we still cannot forget how Andranik Kocharyan kept the finished report in his “safe”, how late he passed it to the NA Speaker and decided to present it in the plenary session, how the requirement set by the NA Regulations, Article 22 of which on the rights of invited persons was violated, states that the Investigator Officials invited to the commission or persons who submitted information related to the commission’s jurisdiction have the right to:
– to get acquainted with the protocols of the committee meetings with his participation, as well as to submit a request to make changes in them,
– to provide clarifications regarding the commission’s report, as well as justifying its position in its entirety.
But Andranik Kocharyan was ready very late only to hand over the protocols to the former military leadership, of course, the former head of the General Staff Onik Gasparyan did not even express such a wish, only the former Minister of Defense of the Republic of Armenia Davit Tonoyan, whose writings with this demand were also rejected by the then Speaker of the National Assembly Alen Simonyan.
Andranik Kocharyan continues to insist that the 44-day report still has a way to go, everything is not finished.
A report can ‘sleep’, but since it’s in a completed state, it will go down if it needs to go down, and come back up again. There are such conclusions in that report that it is absolutely necessary to read our relevant structures, especially the defense department. We also used the analyzes of the Ministry of Defense to prepare the report, but we managed to collect more information because we were also able to call people, listen, make videos, up to the Prime Minister. Don’t doubt that the importance of that report can decrease for a second. A few days ago, I was listening to the interview of the editor-in-chief of “Hetk”, where he talked about why we lost. The answer to that “why” is there.” Andranik Kocharyan told journalists, noting that he would like the report to be read by the society whose family had a victim during the 44-day detention. The number of our victims is needless to say.
And what is it? to say
Editor-in-Chief of “Hetki” Edik Baghdasaryan. We picked up a few thoughts from the podcast with him on Why Did We Lose the 44 Day War?
■ The defeat in the 44-day warthe main reason: there was no management, the army was not managed.
■Special forces yearwent out to hold a position, they did nothing in the rear (this is in the case when Azerbaijan also emphasized its special forces. – M.P.)
■There was a man, one of the volunteers was holding a weapon for the first time.
■ 2020-from no was azerbaijani accumulations, that a lot more early is was, themselves more early are troops accommodate, dugouts to make, positions to dig: But from the war ahead again exploratory data we are had, for example, In Mataghis, Stepthey were having fun in Anakert, and in Jabrayil, on September 25, he had already given an order and the whole army was in position, that is, their commander had decided… but it is impossible that the head of the General Staff, the minister did not know.
■ And Kamo Vardanyan, who was the chief of staff of the Armed Forces, does not remember the most important details about the operations, including the well-known counterattack operation, in which nothing was taken into account, including the morale of the troops.
As Andranik Kocharyan says, the 44-day report contains the answers to these questions, including the well-known counter-strike operation approved by Nikol Pashinyan, for the failure of which Jalal Harutyunyan was initially blamed, later he was acquitted. And Pashinyan does not give a responsible answer for this, maybe one day find him, especially when he pointed the accusatory arrow at Onik Gasparyan during his interrogation in the Investigative Commission. And now in the court about the “component” of the counterattack operation, in the case of “Lele Tepe” passes Seyran Ohanyan’s son, Artur Ohanyan, commander of Tsor military unit and not only. He brings shameful facts to the surface in the court and demands that his superiors be held accountable.
By the way, the report cannot be complete if the directors of the Artsakh and RA National Security Service during the war, the commanders of the Armed Forces, etc., were not invited for questioning. The investigative commission has its subjective side in other respects as well we have touched on: We we wrote also that Andranik Kocharyan very late attached to it the written analysis of the former head of the Armed Forces of the Republic of Armenia Onik Gasparyan, about 70-80 pages, and his several-page letter-analysis related to the Su-30s, which he presented to Pashinyan, and which was also mentioned in the investigative commission during Pashinyan’s interrogation. Why the 44-day report cannot be complete and objective, other facts can be brought.
And now, since the agenda of the newly elected NA inaugural session also includes voting in favor of the candidate for the chairman of the NA Standing Committee on Defense and Security, Vilen Gabrielyan, they will ask him questions, he will give a speech, about the 44-day report in the near future. had answered.
“Now, the report of the investigative commission has arrived… let’s say, isn’t it clear to you that it will also be published in some way?”
Maybe at a really convenient political moment, Pashinyan will publish it, and Vilen Gabrielyan will attribute this “success” to himself, or to the new NA Speaker. Andranik Kocharyan will leave his committee with sufficient information about the 44-day program, maybe one day he will need it. Let’s wait for the development of events.
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Armenia will not want to leave EAEU. CSTO and EAEU: two structures, one demand. Moss
August 4, 2026
The autumn-winter political season for Armenia seems to enter the stage of open confrontation and tough decisions, where the issues of security architecture and economic integration are approaching the final conclusion.
Months ago, Russian President Vladimir Putin and the leaders of the other EAEU member states, Belarus, Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan, in a joint statement urged Yerevan to hold a referendum on joining the European Union or staying in the Eurasian Economic Union as soon as possible. The leaders of the 4 EAEU member states directly told the 5th member, Armenia, that this December, during the next EAEU summit, the issue of Armenia’s membership in that structure will be on the table for discussion, and the Eurasian Intergovernmental Commission will report on the possible consequences of suspending Armenia’s membership.
The permanent representative of Russia in the CSTO Viktor Vasilev also said that the adoption of the decision to deprive Armenia of voting rights in the CSTO bodies will require consensus. “The regular session of the CSTO Collective Security Council will take place on November 11 in Moscow, and the heads of states will probably discuss this issue. The decision on it, if required, will be taken by consensus,” the Russian official said.
He emphasized that Article 25 of the CSTO Charter provides for the possibility of nominating citizens of the state in quota positions, as well as suspending the right to vote in the organization’s bodies, if the given country does not fulfill its obligations to the organization’s budget within two years.
“This actual situation has been in place for more than two years, because Armenia does not nominate its citizens for the quota positions of the Secretariat, and also recalled its representatives from the CSTO Joint Headquarters.” noted Vasiliev.
Let’s remind that Armenia has actually frozen its participation in CSTO from September 2023. After Victor Biyagov’s recall, Armenia did not appoint a permanent representative in that organization.
Back in 2024, Nikol Pashinyan made it clear that Yerevan does not veto CSTO decisions, but is ready to strengthen relations with its partners. According to Yerevan, the freezing of Armenia’s participation in the organization is due to the fact that the Collective Security Treaty Organization did not fulfill its obligations during 2021-2022. It was about the attacks of the Azerbaijani side on the sovereign territory of the Republic of Armenia during that period. Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov announced on June 10 that due to Armenia’s failure to make payments to the CSTO, the CSTO will consider invoking the article of the charter that regulates actions against member states that do not fulfill their obligations.
It is obvious that the November CSTO session and the December EAEU summit will turn into a classic “moment of truth” for Armenia’s foreign policy. Against this background, it is noteworthy that Pashinyan was congratulated today by the President of Kazakhstan Kasim Jomart-Tokayev, who joined the EAEU statement against Armenia, as well as the President of CSTO member Tajikistan, Emomali Rahmon, on his appointment as Prime Minister.
Russian analyst Alexander Khramchikhin said that the raising of the issue of Armenia in both the CSTO and EAEU is not accidental, because Russia, which is the core of these organizations, has put the issue hard. According to him, if in the case of CSTO the situation was more predictable before these developments, it already seemed that Armenia will not continue the work and is ready for any decision in this regard, as it considers cooperation in that area closed, then the situation is different in the case of the EAEU, because the mechanisms in the EAEU are working, the economies are interconnected.
“Naturally, it is difficult for the economy to be deprived of the working economic mechanisms of the EAEU, the benefits of its work, when there are no alternatives. On the other hand, it is clear to everyone that EAEU is not a purely economic integration structure, only economic integration is difficult to imagine, because economy and politics are interconnected, especially in the case of Russia and especially in the case of current geopolitical developments.” noted the analyst.
“The problem is that when making a decision in both structures, there should be a consensus, and especially in the case of EAEU, the statements coming from Armenia allow us to assume that the issue will be complicated and the processes will not be easy.” the analyst expressed a similar opinion, continuing that the Armenian side will probably choose the tactic of restraining tough decisions through veto or consensus mechanisms. However, according to the analyst, it is difficult to say how much it is possible to extend this period with such tactics, because this, in turn, will deepen the political resistance against Armenia.
According to Alexander Khramchikhin, it is also obvious that the West is still not ready to compensate for the possible economic losses that may occur as a result of the rupture with the EAEU.
“This is the main reason, perhaps, that Armenia will not want to leave the EAEU, because it has not resolved the issues of redirecting economic flows to other markets, and this is the most complicated process in this whole process.” said the analyst.
This autumn-winter political season is becoming a lucky milestone for Armenia, where Yerevan will have to finally clarify its position in the integration structures operating on the Russian axis.
While in the CSTO case the actual relations are frozen and decision-making depends on consensus, the situation in the EAEU direction is more complicated, given the deep economic interdependence and the lack of alternatives.
Diplomatic developments in the coming months will show how Armenia will be able to maintain economic stability and at the same time continue its adopted path of integration with the West without upheavals. At this intersection of economic ties and geopolitical orientation, Moscow is constantly narrowing the field of maneuver of the Armenian authorities and the opportunities to gain time.
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Europeans will use and throw the toilet. Pashinyan understands this. Trump
August 4, 2026
168.amof “Trigger” the guest of the program former head of the Israeli “Nativ” special service, military-political analyst Yakov Kedmi.
During the program, the development of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict, changes in the military-political situation, the reaction of Western countries, as well as international security issues were discussed.
Special attention was paid to the decision of the Israeli government regarding the draft resolution on the recognition of the Armenian Genocide, the postponement of the vote in the Knesset, and the reports of possible external influence on that process.
The role of Turkey in modern international processes, the policy of President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, the statements of the Assistant to the President of Azerbaijan Hikmet Hajiyev and the latest statements of the President of Azerbaijan Ilham Aliyev related to the energy security of Russia and Europe were also discussed.
During the conversation, the internal political situation of Armenia, the results of the past elections, the position of Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, the relations between the authorities and the Armenian Apostolic Church, as well as the situation surrounding the Catholicos of All Armenians were touched upon.
Investments in strategic branches of Armenia’s economy, Russian-American investor Konstantin Sokolov’s activities, his participation in projects related to the Teghut copper-molybdenum mine, “Viva Armenia” company and “TRIPP” fund, as well as the impact of these processes on the region, became a separate topic.
In addition, the program addressed the issues of geopolitical conflict, external influence on political processes and the situation in the South Caucasus.
Below are some of Kedmi’s thoughts.
- Europe is distinguished by one very characteristic feature, which indicates their stupidity and lack of understanding of the world. they try to force all peoples, all countries to live by their laws.
- Azerbaijan does not protect human rights as Europe wants. Azerbaijan, the Caspian Sea, the Caucasus have always interested Europe.
- As if the Israeli government’s recognition of the Armenian Genocide in Turkey is a cynical, dirty, insincere decision. This was done in response to the aggressive statements of Erdogan and the Turkish authorities. They took it off the agenda. A dirty technical trick.
- Trump solved the problem of Turkey’s aggressive speeches by telling Erdogan. “Shut your dirty mouth and don’t mess with Israel!” Turkey stood back.
- Our sold-out government and our sold-out parliament have forgotten that the first genocide was directed against the Armenian people.
- Pashinyan, apart from his meanness and treachery, shows a lack of intelligence. He does not have enough intellectual abilities to manage a state like Armenia. Pashinyan is in a desperate situation like Netanyahu. He brought the relations with the EAEU to the edge of the abyss. And the question arises, whether not to send him to a certain address? He is afraid of the referendum, he says. “We will do it when we submit an application to the EU”, but he is also afraid to apply there. Pashinyan thought that the EU would save him. This reminded me of an obscene joke. The EU demands a clear position from him towards Russia, but he cannot. Severing relations with EAEU means destroying Armenia’s economy. And that is why he calls Putin and says: “Listen, I’m not going anywhere, we continue economic relations.”
- Pashinyan is in a desperate situation from all sides. Europeans put it in, used it, and, like used toilet paper, will put it in the toilet. He understands that. He has no choice.
- As a result of the elections, this parliament is unable to solve Armenia’s problems. Until new elections are held without the participation of Pashinyan and the dirty hands of the Europeans, the situation in Armenia will not change.
- Apart from Russia, the South Caucasian railways are not beneficial to anyone.
Hayk Derzyan
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Do not follow Pashinyan’s thread. “Bjni” was not taken away, “Bjni” was sold, the Armenian buyer bought it
August 4, 2026
The press today, referring to Nikol Pashinyan’s dispossession of Gagik Tsarukyan and its consequences, made the following comparison, writing:
“Just as Ruben Hayrapetyan did not digest taking “Bjni” from Khachatur Sukiasyan, Pashinyan will not digest taking Tsarukyan’s property. Especially, in that case, the factory was sold at a cheap price, in this case they take it away without paying a single dram for what was created by man.”
Let the reader judge how appropriate the comparison is. we will present the facts.
2009 There was one application for participation in the “Bjni” auction. 4 billion 441 million 500 thousand AMD was offered, and the only participant was Ruben Hayrapetyan, who also bought that factory. At that time, in particular, Khachatur Sukiasyan and his entourage said that it was a political persecution by the current authorities because Khachatur Sukiasyan was one of Levon Ter-Petrosyan’s supporters and close friends.
Still in 2019 on December 14 168.amof “Pressing” On the air of the program, Ruben Hayrapetyan, referring to the topic, said:
«I don’t think that Khachatur Sukiasyan was pressured for Levon Ter-Petrosyan because, as far as I know, there were tax audits. Now they are inspecting the “Bjni” factory today with the same success. Now let me say, is the pressure or this inspection of the factory for Serzh Sargsyan? There is a demand, they are checking, let them check. What happened to that? You can’t turn everything into demagoguery, start talking empty. This is a characteristic of Khachatur Sukiasyan…
I would like one day to invite you to the “Bjni” mineral water factory, and you can see the factory, take pictures, and also present it to the public. I also kept all the photos, the videos that were taken of how we bought that factory in 2010. And apart from that, Khachatur Sukiasyan constantly says that they oppressed, took away, you know what, the end can be put to an end one day.
How much tax did “Bjni” mineral water factory pay to the state in 12 years? In years, 1996-2000: 0 (zero) AMD. If you pay attention, they paid the biggest tax in 2008, 420 million, in the year when there was an inspection there since February, they had to do that, they had to pay it. I ask a question: should the state write a tax act in case of this illegal activity or not? In 12 years, they gave a total of 917 million drams in taxes. And please, let the same Khachatur Sukiasyan remove the data from the tax office… After we bought the factory, we paid 780 million drams in taxes last year, almost as much as they paid in 12 years. Come, see, today with what lines, what technique? is the factory working? Talk to the factory workers. What are the conditions? The women were working standing under the water, the water dripping. There was no roof.”In an interview given in 2019, Ruben Hayrapetyan told and presented documents.
According to 2019 according to the submitted documents, after Ruben Hayrapetyan acquired Bjni, 3 billion 661 million drams were paid to the state in 9 years, while Khachatur Sukiasyan paid only 917 million drams in taxes from the “Bjni” factory in 12 years.
But regardless of the numbers and facts presented by Ruben Hayrapetyan, 168.amin 2020 On January 10, he also sent a request to the State Revenue Committee (SRC). Regarding the taxes paid by “BJNI” MINERAL WATER FACTORY PB company, by years, to get information.
from SRC in 2020 In January, we were presented with the following picture by year.
Let’s remind that the State Revenue Committee imposed a fine of 4 billion drams on the factory years ago on the grounds of hiding taxes. And since the owner, Khachatur Sukiasyan, refused to pay, the factory was auctioned and sold. Ruben Hayrapetyan, as we already mentioned, bought it by paying 4.4 billion drams. This happened about 17-18 years ago.
The topic began to circulate actively again after the color revolution of 2018 and the change in the political situation, when Khachatur Sukiasyan smoothly returned to the stories related to “Bjni” and began to make demands for the restoration of his property rights on various platforms, while the state sold, the buyer bought. Moreover, Ruben Hayrapetyan presented in what condition he bought the factory and what huge investments he made.
“Back in 2010, if I’m not mistaken, I said: if they find that I stole from them… The state sold, I bought. If they find that I stole from them, I am ready right now, let them give the money I gave, I will give them back. I said this publicly at a press conference. Apart from that, I was talking with Tsarukyan Gagik about 2-3 months ago, I said: tell him to give me my money right now, I will give him more, more or less let him not talk. But now I’m saying something else. If I sell that factory to someone else for 10 million less, then to him for a billion dollars. I mean, what do I want to say? to himself, never”, in 2019 said Ruben Hayrapetyan in one of the interviews, presenting the problem of owning the “Bjni” factory.
Based on political expediency, it is always possible to find justifications that the former authorities imposed unjustified fines at the time, and thus put the burden of responsibility on the state. Perhaps, with that hope, Khachatur Sukiasyan or his family intend to receive a large amount of compensation from the state. It is about 3.5 billion drams or more than 7 million dollars.
Remarkable in this case developments were in particular, still in 2022. we wrote that in order to make a decision in favor of Khachatur Sukiasyan, the judge had an official promotion, which was ensured by Khachatur Sukiasyan’s brother-in-law, at that time the chairman of the Central Committee of the Republic of Azerbaijan, Gagik Jhangiryan. In fact, the myth that “Bjni” was taken away from Khachatur Sukiasyan to give it to Ruben Hayrapetyan, which was generated decades ago, including by Nikol Pashinyan’s family newspaper, is still alive today. it is unfortunate, but it also lives in the subconscious of media and political circles.
So, don’t follow the lead of Nikol Pashinyan. “Bjni” was not taken away, “Bjni” was sold, the Armenian buyer bought it. saved the state from receiving tax revenues from the work of that factory.
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168: Pashinyan’s scenario: he will not leave the EAEU in his lifetime. Will they be kicked out, persecuted?
August 4, 2026
Satik Seyranyan’s guest in the “Pressing” program is Davit Ananyan, a member of the management board of the “Wings of Unity” party, the general director of the “DS-EY Consulting Group” company, the former head of the RA State Revenue Committee (SRC), candidate of economic sciences.
The main theses of the interview are below.
- Perhaps, both the government and the National Assembly are two bodies of parallel importance. From a political point of view, naturally, the No. 1 podium and the No. 1 theater of political processes is the National Assembly.
- The importance of the government lies in the fact that the economic processes, what the government has to do and the determination of our future largely depend on its activities. However, politically, the important stage is the National Assembly, also due to the fact that the tactics of our two titular opposition factions is based on uniting the National Assembly and the street.
Due to the parallel conduct of the political struggle in these two dimensions, the National Assembly becomes an extremely important platform.
Our country is facing economic challenges and we may actually face great losses. Therefore, the government has work to do economically, and the National Assembly has work to do politically.
- After any political process, a vacuum situation is usually created in the political field. Those forces whose expectations were partially or completely not met, or were subject to fiasco, face certain complications in terms of political activity.
But those forces that see evolution in everything and did not enter politics in the classical sense, but rather came to signal specific actions and processes and become their participants, should try to dictate the agenda in the extra-parliamentary environment and closely follow what is happening in the parliament.
- It is very important how our opposition figures will position themselves, and whether they will limit their activities only to polemics, asking questions and presenting bills in the parliament. It is still too early to make clear assessments, but yes, during these few days, apart from the process of electing the president and deputies of the National Assembly, sensible political statements and speeches are being made de facto step by step. Among them, certain program provisions presented by Narek Karapetyan are forward-looking and will put everything in its place like a litmus test.
- The people should be occupied in both the political and the good sense of the word, so that it does not suddenly go backwards. We see that the public does not actively participate in political processes, and that seemingly high participation – 59% registered as a result of various manipulations – was actually around 40-49%. We record that the expectations of public participation were overestimated by all of us, therefore, the results of political teams and bodies were also overestimated.
- Those agendas are not merely the problem of the parliamentary opposition, but should be formed as a result of the united work of the opposition field. The extra-parliamentary forces should dictate, prompt, support, etc. with their activities. In other words, there is a huge potential for concerted work here, but we must do everything to overcome the culture of fragmentation that has been formed for years and be united.
- Our opposition MPs who were in the National Assembly of the 8th convocation, as a matter of fact, seemed to have something to say in half, which they continued in the first sessions of the National Assembly of the 9th convocation, as if trying to erase their unspoken words. In other words, in terms of mutual positioning, adjusting and rethinking the reverential approaches, there are things that they will probably do now and return to the clear targeting of the agenda items you and we mentioned.
- Those agenda items should not be limited to a mere question-and-answer format, but concrete bills should be presented. Those bills should be subject to public discussion, to which not only non-parliamentary political forces, but also public figures will be invited. Those persons who have a certain weight in public perception and have something to say should all participate in these discussions. As a result, it will turn out that the opposition will take to the National Assembly not just the bill authored by the titular parliamentary opposition, but a concrete agenda document that has already been refined by public discussion, purified and achieved by public solidarity.
- Nikol Pashinyan’s statements are another form of manifestation of adventure, which will have consequences. When he says that the EAEU has been paralyzed, in the next sentence he declares that we have no intention of leaving the EAEU. All this is presented in such a way that it is always said in a footnote, a footnote, in the margin: but we have never set such a problem to leave the EAEU, because he is very well aware that leaving the EAEU is very painful.
- At one time, when he tried to play the “European Union or EAEU” dilemma, he did so because he used anti-Russianism and the direction of going to Europe as the main resource of political reproduction. And while using that resource, the European bureaucrats, in fact, gave him carte blanche and helped him in everything to reproduce here, because they saw in him a very important actor of anti-Russian sentiment, or someone who seems to have a high loyalty to the European Union or Euro bureaucrats.
- In fact, Europe has no economic interest in Armenia. It is an illusion, and we must openly tell everyone that Armenia is not very interesting for the European Union economically. If we look at Europe as a consumer market of 450 million with high solvency and intelligence, do they look at us from the point of view of serving that market? Do they expect that high-quality agricultural or industrial products should be produced in Armenia, which should be consumed in Europe? On the contrary, in the process of European integration, they look at the countries as additional consumption markets for the products that are produced in Europe itself. Therefore, in terms of standardization, Europe sets such strict standards that it will take a long time for your industry and agriculture to comply with them.
- Armenia should not have economic illusion or economic priority regarding Europe. Europe is only interested in political expectations. And the political expectation is to be anti-Russian and to tear Armenia from Russia in this region and bring it to the path of European integration (because in the case of Georgia, it was not fully successful). And European integration in our case essentially means turning into a protectorate region of Turkey. This is what Europe wants։
- What does this “Russian-Armenian” war, which Nikol Pashinyan instigated, mean? He does not want to leave the EAEU, but he has a political order and within the framework of that order, he plays another role. However, he probably doesn’t have a great desire to break away from Russia and EAEU, speaking among us, because he has a good idea of what it means for Armenia. These are just political curtseys.
- We have witnessed, haven’t we, that he also told people in political processes. “I was pretending to be crazy so that I could escape.” Yes, when he published that recording (Serzh Sargsyan published, ed.), he was the one who said that, right? Maybe now it’s not a madman, but a joke, I don’t know. Now he, like a trapped sparrow, imagine that he is in a situation where the trap was a little big at first, but now it is getting smaller. Russia on this side, the European Union (more precisely, the Euro-bureaucracy) on the other side slowly squeezed him, and he went and found himself in the trap he set. If he used to have hesitation, he went to Russia and said what was expected of him, then he went to Europe and said what Europe needed, now that hesitation has reached almost zero, he has no more hesitation.
- Both Europe and Russia have put him in front of the fact: choose, make a choice. Now he sees how painful that choice is for him. This is what he is thinking about today, and what he says about anti-Russianism is, in fact, a game. He is playing, he doesn’t want to give up yet, but I have no idea if his anti-Russian sentiment is real. it’s just an illusion։
- In the Russian Federation, in many cases, our “Russian partners” can make decisions on the spur of the moment, rather than being the result of a far-reaching, drawn-out, long-term plan or another step. They just used a very strict toolkit, introducing restrictions. They say that they don’t have a problem with the Armenian people, but the problem is with this political force. Now, you have a problem with the political power, but you use such a harsh toolkit, the beneficiary of which is the Armenian people, that is, we will feel it on our skin.
Now the peasant, producer, brandy producer, etc. feel it. But we understand, don’t we, that Russia clearly knows that it is not just a market for Armenia, but an export market that accepts system-building products (agriculture, processing industry, etc.). And this means that serious problems may arise in marzes and regional economies.
- I accept that, like all countries, they have their own interests, but I expect that as a result of our activities, their interests should match or at least take into account our interests as well. For that, however, we must have adequate power.
- Yes, Russia has warned several times, but talking is one thing, and the harsh tools and irreversible consequences used by Russia cause anti-Russian sentiment among the public. Of course, that is precisely the goal of the West. In other words, Russia is directly serving the interests of Euro-bureaucrats with its actions today. Do you understand, they should realize that with these actions, they have raised the wave of anti-Russian sentiment among the public to an unprecedented level, which has never happened before? After all, in the social polls commissioned by the European Union from time to time, the number of those who approve of European integration has reached 51-54%. This year alone, at least two such polls have been organized, and thereby also contribute to the rise of the wave of anti-Russian sentiment։
- Today, Europe is not ready to finance our losses from leaving the EAEU. Europe, even when it says it will accept 80% of our agricultural products, adds․ “First, what I said will only be valid for 2 years, second, I will subject your products to strict standardization, and I will apply my authority to impose restrictions on certain agricultural products.” In other words, he sets such conditions, and the whole process is planned for about 2 years.
- The EU says: “I will give you 52 million euros” (of which 34 million have already been given in June, according to the data of the European Commission), and in July it was announced that a grant of 200 million euros will be given to implement the procedures of the European Commission channels, which has an investment potential of up to 2 billion. But whatever happens and becomes a reality, all this will not be able to compensate for the huge losses that we will have in the conditions of leaving the EAEU.
- As a result of leaving the EAEU, our losses may reach tens of billions, depending on, for example, how the gas tariff will be revised. Russia always says․ “You know, we supply you with gas on preferential terms for 177.5 dollars (for 1000 cubic meters), while in Europe we sell the same gas for, for example, 600 euros.” It’s clear, isn’t it, that we can’t buy for $600, and it’s also clear that Russia probably won’t sell to us at a discounted price anymore either.։
- He also shows the potential danger of gas price increase (from 177 to 600) what will happen to gas and electricity produced from Iran or other sources. Electricity, products of greenhouse farms and all those products in the production of which gas is used as a raw material will become more expensive. When you take all this into account, you understand that the damages caused by the increase in gas prices alone can reach tens of billions of dollars.
- Therefore, we should not have any great financial expectations or illusions from the European Union. First of all, Europe is not going to finance these losses. It can implement certain mitigating measures, but it cannot, does not want and is not going to compensate our damages. Moreover, Europe has not even made any official statement that it is ready to give us a candidate or any other status. Even at this year’s summit, Armenia was presented simply as a “close friend of the EU”.
- Europe’s demands today are purely political, and from the economic point of view, Armenia is not very interesting to them, and they are not going to take any serious economic burden on themselves.։
- No, he will not leave the EAEU, because he clearly understands that leaving the EAEU is really a very hard blow for the country, and as a result of that blow, he simply will not be able to keep the steering wheel in his hands, he will lose power. Because now, if certain subsidies are given to this or that sector to shut up and silence, tomorrow will not have that opportunity. Armenia does not have the resources to quickly reorganize, to find another market or another energy supplier country instead of Russia.։
- We all imagine, don’t we, that Russia supplied 82% of the gas. Iran could theoretically become an alternative, but initially pipeline capacity, quality and transportation systems will pose problems.
- We must not forget that Iran ranks second-third in the world in terms of gas reserves, therefore, there is gas, but there must be subsystems both with them and with us. In other words, Iran will not be able to be a full alternative in the foreseeable future. I was saying that. Does Iran have the potential to become an alternative? Yes, now no. Calculations show that in the medium term, years later, Iran will have the opportunity to supply us with gas at a price not less than 230-240 dollars (for 1000 cubic meters). this will be the best possible price instead of today’s 177.5. Therefore, we see that there is no alternative that will immediately replace Russia in foreign markets, energy and other areas.
- We forget one more thing․ in addition, the nuclear power plant is operated within the framework of the contract with the Russians, “South Caucasus Railway” is a subsidiary of the “Russian Railways” company, which we gave with a concession. A certain political debate has already been opened around it. In addition, the entire gas supply system, the railway and the nuclear power plant are subsystems controlled by Russian state organizations, that is, there are also serious issues here.
- You cannot sever relations with EAEU and at the same time maintain neighborly relations with Russia. Breaking with EAEU means breaking with Russia. Everyone should understand this.
- On the other hand, Russia also says․ “You can’t continue to stay like this, it’s enough to do this tightrope walk.” But Russia also talks to Armenia with an ultimate attitude. When the government representing your country has no face, everyone can speak to your country in the ultimate language։
- The United States of America talks to the government, but it also talks to the opposition. In other words, the delegates or the people they send to Armenia are sent to see what is happening. Different employees of the embassy or those with different roles meet both with the opposition and with the government, not publicly. Of course, this is precisely the collection of information in order to have a certain understanding of the country, an accurate understanding. Yes, it is information gathering. And Russia is the only country that always works only with the government, it has never worked with the opposition։
- Of course, Kazakhstan is able to have a certain dual role, but do not believe in life that Kazakhstan will become a participant in any process of dismembering the EAEU, no, never.
- Pashinyan’s patrons are trying to blow up the EAEU, but under Pashinyan, Armenia will never apply to leave the EAEU, on the contrary, he has always said that we want to stay in the EAEU. He himself would not be against a referendum, and with the referendum, for example, the people would come out and say that we want to stay in the EAEU. It is a scenario. He would not mind that the leaders of the EAEU countries present their report in December on what kind of procedures they can implement to leave Armenia out of the EAEU. If EAEU decides to withdraw Armenia, it will say until the end that Armenia itself does not want to leave EAEU, but you decided. Therefore, what he is doing now is a game. He is playing, he will never leave EAEU in his life, Armenia will never show initiative, Pashinyan will not do that. Will Armenia be kicked out of the EAEU, will it become persecuted in its face? What’s wrong?, that is his calculation.
- Pashinyan creates controllable chaos from his point of view. A manageable chaotic situation, the country does not care. The country’s interest and his personal interest do not go hand in hand. He is promoting his personal interest, he does not know where the interest of the country is.
- If 50,000 Indian migrants come to Armenia, can you imagine what kind of demographic collapse it could cause for your society? We, our country, with its internal systems, control systems, is not ready to accept any migrant. And we assume, don’t we, that those migrants who come do not come from a good day, that is, those people had problems with education, were subjected to violence, those people are poor, have no property. In other words, the migrants who are now moving to another country are trying to find good living and social conditions for themselves.
When Russian businessmen came to Armenia, we also considered it positive to some extent, because above average businessmen working in the field of information technology are coming, and also a certain vitality was created in terms of the public, right, it won’t be the same. There will be people who have a low educational level, have no education, and are of a low social class, who will have certain demands from us in our country.
I am more concerned now that we simply do not have internal control systems.
Armenia is a hospitable country, different nations can come, they want to live, let them live, but there must be control, demographic control, risk assessment. In any case, we, as a state, have not yet settled our internal issues, we have not yet finalized the problems related to our poverty, we have not yet finalized our border issues with our neighboring countries, we have not yet neutralized the risks related to statehood and we are accepting migrants.։
- All of us should unite around our only national institutional structure and His Holiness. It’s obvious, there’s nothing to say here, and yes, we should all announce it, talk about it. Even in your wildest dreams, you would not have imagined that 10 years ago someone would have said that, you know, the time will come when His Holiness the Pope will be involved as an accused in the case. Imagine if someone had said that phrase 10 years ago, and they would have said, “This is crazy.” We have reached it. This is an order.
- In Turkish traditions, “keshish baba” is a phenomenon characteristic of evil forces, and yes, with their state and educational systems, the Armenian cleric is considered evil for them. Now, as a matter of fact, I also imagine that there will be some European bureaucrats who will be among those patrons, because the Armenian Apostolic Church is represented behind the scenes as a sect, including a European one. Therefore, we still may not know the full range of real customers, but yes, this is a custom implementation that also coincides with his personal interests.
- We, the followers of the Armenian Apostolic Church, all of us who consider ourselves Armenian Christians, should not see this as an act against the Armenian Patriarch, but a blow to our independence foundations, a deliberate blow, where the Armenian Apostolic Church is the only institutional structure left with its 1,700-year history, and which has always kept us, has kept our face, and is one of the most important pillars of our independence, if not the most important. at the moment. I call on our society, our brothers, our sisters, to be attentive, to follow the development of events, and we should all stand around the Armenian Apostolic Church, be next to it, stand as a defense for the Patriarch and our faith.
Details in the video.
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RFE/RL – Armenian Agricultural Loans Restructured Due To Russian Sanctions
- Tatevik Lazarian
Armenian banks have restructured over 30 billion drams ($81.5 million) in loans to farmers and firms affected by Russia’s recent bans on agricultural imports from Armenia, according to the country’s Central Bank.
Moscow imposed the bans in late May and early June as it pressed Yerevan to quickly choose between continuing to seek membership of the European Union and remaining part of a Russian-led trade bloc. Russia has long been the main export market for Armenian fruits, vegetables, mineral water, flowers, fish and alcoholic beverages.
Armenian greenhouses and fish farms employing thousands of people are especially dependent on the Russian market. The Armenian government has scrambled to help their owners as well as the other affected entities by subsidizing their exports to other countries. The measure appears to have had a limited impact so far, as evidenced by a 20 percent year-on-year drop in Armenia’s overall exports recorded in June.
The government has also encouraged the banks to extend agricultural loan repayments due to the sanctions.
“We have current statistics showing that more than 30 billion drams worth of loans have already been restructured,” Hovannes Khachatrian, the Central Bank’s deputy governor, told a news conference.
“In the worst-case scenario, the portfolio that needs restructuring may increase several times,” he said.
Khachatrian estimated the Armenian banks’ combined agricultural credit portfolio at roughly 400 billion drams ($1.1 billion). According to Daniel Azatian, the chairman of the Armenian Union of Banks, it rose by a record 23 percent in the first half of this year. The bulk of the new agricultural loans were most probably extended before the Russian sanctions.
Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian and other Armenian officials have downplayed their impact on the Armenian economy. By contrast, the World Bank expressed last month concern at possible consequences of the embargo, saying that they “could spill beyond trade and affect growth, prices and social conditions.” Both Khachatrian and Azatian insisted they do not pose a serious threat to the Armenian banking sector.
“Our banking system is so well capitalized and has so much liquidity that we can withstand any risks,” Azatian assured reporters.
Moscow has threatened to take other punitive measures against Yerevan such as a sharp rise in the price of Russian natural gas supplied to Armenia, curbs on Russian tourists visiting the country and tougher requirements for hundreds of thousands of Armenian migrant workers in Russia.
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Yerevan ‘Unaware’ Of Italian Proposal For EU Migrant Center In Armenia
The Armenian Foreign Ministry declined to comment on Tuesday on Italy’s calls for the European Union to deport en masse illegal migrants to third countries, including Armenia.
Italian Interior Minister Matteo Piantedosi put forward a relevant proposal to his counterparts from other EU member states during an emergency meeting in Brussels on Tuesday. It followed last week’s influx of some 50,000 migrants from Morocco into Spain’s Ceuta enclave that triggered alarm across the EU.
“Now the time has come to put into practice new hub models for the external processing of asylum procedures and for returns in safe third countries,” the Reuters news agency quoted Piantedosi as saying at the meeting.
Under the proposal revealed by Italian media on Monday, the EU would open expulsion centers for migrants outside the bloc and keep them there while processing their asylum applications. Italy already has a similar arrangement with Albania. Italian Foreign Minister Antonio Tajani mentioned it ahead of the Brussels meeting.
Tajajni said the EU should consider creating similar centers in the “countries of origin and transit.” A preliminary list of those countries reportedly suggested by the Italian government includes Armenia.
“We are not aware of such information,” an Armenian Foreign Ministry spokeswoman told RFE/RL’s Armenian Service when asked to present the Armenian side’s position on the issue and say whether Rome has discussed it with Yerevan. She did not comment further.
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RFE/RL – Baku Sees Constitutional Referendum In Armenia
- Ruzanna Stepanian
Armenia’s leadership may soon hold a constitutional referendum to meet Azerbaijan’s key precondition for signing a peace treaty between the two nations, a senior aide to Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev said on Tuesday.
Azerbaijan objects to a preamble to the current Armenian constitution referring to a 1990 declaration of independence, which in turn cites a 1989 unification act adopted by the legislative bodies of Soviet Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh. The only legal way to remove that reference is to adopt a new constitution through a referendum.
While rejecting the Azerbaijani precondition in public, Prime Minister Pashinian has repeatedly called for the kind of constitutional change that is demanded by Baku. Pashinian said last month that he has a popular mandate to enact such a change after his Civil Contract party’s victory in the June 7 parliamentary elections rejected as fraudulent by the Armenian opposition.
“We are receiving signals that the process of adopting a new constitution will begin in Armenia in the near future,” Aliyev’s chief foreign policy aide, Hikmet Hajiyev, told the Turkish TV channel Haber Global.
“It is possible that a referendum will be organized in Armenia,” he said. “After the removal of the demands addressed to Azerbaijan in the preamble to the Armenian constitution, we will no longer see any obstacles to the final signing of a peace agreement.”
Hajiyev visited Armenia and met with the secretary of the country’s Security Council, Armen Grigorian, one week after the disputed elections. The meeting took place in the northern Tavush province. Pashinian was also in Tavush on a short holiday that day, a fact that prompted opposition and media speculation that he held secret talks with Hajiyev.
The Armenian premier said afterwards that Hajiyev’s trip was aimed at “managing” the risk of another Armenian-Azerbaijani war. He had regularly stated before that peace has already been established between the two South Caucasus states.
The current constitution stipulates that the draft of a new constitution must be approved by at least two-thirds of the parliament deputies before being put on a referendum. Pashinian’s party fell short of such a majority in the June 7 elections.
Pashinian has yet to clarify just how he is planning to overcome this hurdle. He said on July 9 that the new Armenian parliament’s composition does not allow the new constitution’s adoption “solely through intra-parliamentary mechanisms.”
Some Armenian opposition figures and commentators have speculated that Pashinian could hold the referendum without the draft constitution’s mandatory parliamentary approval. But another leader, Ishkhan Saghatelian of the Hayastan alliance, suggested on Tuesday that Pashinian is more likely to pressure the parliamentary opposition to back the draft rejected by it.
“It is obvious that tough developments await Armenia this fall,” Saghatelian. “I do not rule out that he will make an appeal, gather people and try to put pressure on us to satisfy Azerbaijan’s demands because Nikol Pashinian gave his word to Aliyev but did not receive enough votes to fulfill that promise. So he will try to use threats, blackmail, arrests.”
Hasmik Hakobian, a parliament deputy from Civil Contract, said in this regard that Pashinian may well resort to the kind of pressure that he had exerted on a former Armenian parliament in order to become prime minister during the 2018 “velvet revolution.” He was far more popular at the time and faced no political foes capable of rallying massive crowds.
“If our [draft] constitution is acceptable to the people, I don’t think any deputy will oppose that important change,” claimed Hakobian.
To push the draft through the National Assembly, Pashinian’s party will need to co-opt or win over at least six of the 41 opposition parliamentarians representing Hayastan and the Strong Armenia bloc. Saghatelian and Strong Armenia’s parliamentary leader Narek Karapetian insisted that no member of their respective faction will switch sides. Saghatelian said these and other opposition forces should form a united front against the change of the Armenian constitution enacted in 1995.
“We must unite everyone’s efforts so that we can abort the anti-state, anti-Armenian agenda that is being imposed on us,” he told reporters.
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The New Silk Road moment: How China shapes the future and what it means for Ar
Photo: Public domain
Op-ed by Stepan Kocharyan, Editor-in-Chief of the Armenpress English Department
At sunrise, around six in the morning, bistros are already full, serving breakfast to workers rushing to their jobs. Railway stations are buzzing as passengers board trains that operate with minute-by-minute precision. Students fill university campuses, studying AI, engineering, and other fields that will shape the technologies of tomorrow. This is China—a country preparing for the next generation.
Across three visits spanning nearly a decade to various parts of the country, perhaps the most lasting impression is this: China is not waiting for the future. In many ways, the future has already arrived there.
My first trip was in 2017, when I spent a week in Lanzhou, the regional capital of Gansu Province in northwestern China. Having visited various countries before, it became clear to me within the first few seconds of leaving the airport that I had entered another world.
Years later, in 2024, I had the privilege of returning to China and traveling extensively throughout the country before revisiting parts of it in 2026.
Each destination offered a different perspective.
After seeing China from so many different angles—from the coasts of the South China Sea to the megacity landscape of Beijing, from modernized mountain villages to cities bordering the historic Taklamakan Desert, and from maritime trade centers to ancient routes once traveled by Silk Road merchants—I was left with one recurring thought: China has seized the future.
From a personal perspective, I noticed an unusual sense of calm amid the nonstop buzz.
These journeys provided insights into a country that is sometimes misunderstood abroad, especially given the never-ending narratives about great power rivalries and other mainstream accounts.
What I witnessed was not simply a fast-growing economy, but a nation engaged in long-term planning and transformation—investing on an enormous scale in every aspect of life, from infrastructure to education and human capital.
These policies are reshaping not only China itself but also the entire world, given the country’s enormous role in the global supply chain.
The progress of technological development in all areas of life—from AI-assisted remote surgical procedures in hospitals in remote desert towns to something as ordinary as rapid online shopping, where orders can arrive at your doorstep in as little as 30 minutes or even less, depending on your location—is a testament to Chinese ingenuity, which is reflected in technologies designed to make everyday life as convenient as possible while minimizing wasted time.
Every technology, innovation, and creative solution is aimed at increasing convenience and efficiency. I vividly remember traveling on a high-speed train in China at around 400 km/h when I ordered food online. It was delivered to my seat at the next station, where the train stopped for just two minutes.
Much of the mainstream international debate about China often focuses on ideology, geopolitical competition, or narratives surrounding the so-called “Chinese threat,” as perceived by some nations, often fueled by attempts to rock the boat.
Whatever one’s views may be on geopolitics or global affairs, China’s economic transformation, opening-up policies, and its modernization efforts represent a remarkable development story that deserves careful study.
According to World Bank data, over the past four decades, China has lifted more than 800 million people out of poverty—one of the most significant economic and social transformations in human history.
Today, China is a manufacturing powerhouse, producing an extraordinary range of goods, from consumer electronics and household products to advanced industrial equipment. This achievement is driven by massive investments in infrastructure, logistics, and technological innovation.
The country has built a major high-speed rail network, expanded ports and highways, modernized cities, and carried out infrastructure projects on a scale rarely seen elsewhere. At the same time, China continues to advance the Belt and Road Initiative, seeking to strengthen connectivity between Asia, Europe, Africa, and beyond.
Chinese companies have also become global leaders in fields such as electric vehicles, batteries, solar energy, and artificial intelligence.
In the vital area of clean energy, China has become a global leader, rapidly expanding solar and wind power capacity while playing a dominant role in much of the world’s battery supply chain.
In 2024, while stationed in Beijing for four months alongside journalists from more than 100 countries, I had the opportunity to cover major official events, including the Two Sessions, where President Xi Jinping outlined the government’s program for the coming year.
I also traveled to numerous provinces and cities across China, gaining a broader understanding of the country’s development, culture, and transformation.
Among the places I visited were Sanya and Haikou in Hainan Province, often described as China’s Hawaii, where I covered the Boao Forum for Asia. Beyond my professional duties, I also had the chance to experience the beauty of the island, including its golden sandy beaches and tropical landscapes.
In 2024, I also visited the historic Xinjiang region, where I had the honor of accompanying a delegation led by a Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesperson to Urumqi, Shihezi, and Alar. In Shihezi, I had a rare opportunity to meet officials from the Xinjiang Production and Construction Corps (XPCC), who explained how the city had been built from scratch over several decades, transforming what was once a largely undeveloped area into a modern oasis.
I also traveled across Jiangsu Province, one of China’s most economically advanced coastal regions in the east.
I walked through the Forbidden City in Beijing, stood in Tiananmen Square, climbed the Great Wall, and viewed centuries-old treasures of Chinese civilization preserved in museums. I visited construction sites on the scale of entire cities, observed the movement of cargo containers in busy ports with the precision of a carefully planned system, traveled through the vast landscapes surrounding the Taklamakan Desert, played chess and checkers with a robot (and suffered a humbling defeat each time) and also had the unforgettable experience of seeing China’s famous pandas in Jiangsu.
This year, I once again returned to China, revisiting Xinjiang’s Urumqi, as well as Lanzhou in Gansu Province, and exploring beautiful rural areas hidden among the mountains. I witnessed the rapid development in all sectors. Parts of the cities I once thought I was familiar with had transformed beyond recognition, starting with Urumqi Airport, which recently opened an entirely new, huge terminal for passenger traffic, while the old terminals are now used exclusively for cargo shipments. Of course, it would be naïve to say that I’ve seen it all, since even a lifetime isn’t enough to see all of China, and hopefully I still have many journeys ahead of me.
These trips gave me the opportunity to witness China’s diversity—from ancient historical sites to some of the world’s most modern infrastructure projects.
But above all, I had the chance to get to know the people of China—from the hospitable Uyghurs in Xinjiang, who have fascinating traditions, to the hardworking and optimistic farmers in mountainous villages, and the motivated and disciplined Chinese youth of Beijing.
They are all united by shared values: a deep connection to their ancestral heritage, respect for traditions and customs, an endless thirst for innovation, and a relentless drive to move forward, racing against time as though every second counts. Now, looking back, perhaps I have discovered the answer to the question that a Chinese reporter once asked me: “What are your expectations from these visits?” I answered that I wanted to discover the secret behind Chinese development—and now it seems that I have. Aside from effective government policies, the answer appears to lie in the people themselves: their sheer determination, ingenuity, and drive for innovation and creativity.
No country is without challenges. China faces its own difficulties, as does every major nation. However, the consistency of its long-term planning, its ability to implement large-scale projects, and its emphasis on technological advancement demonstrate a remarkable capacity for problem-solving.
As an Armenian, I found myself asking an important question: Where does my country fit into this global landscape?
For centuries, Armenia was more than simply a stop along the Silk Road. It was a bridge between civilizations—a place where cultures, ideas, goods, and knowledge met. The Armenian nation historically benefited from its position at the crossroads between East and West.
As China seeks to revive the spirit of the Silk Road through the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), countries like Armenia have an opportunity to participate in a new era of connectivity, cooperation, and shared development.
Armenia was among the first countries in the region to support the Belt and Road Initiative. Today, the country continues to pursue connectivity projects with various international partners while seeking to diversify its economic and diplomatic relationships.
In 2025, Armenia and China elevated their relations to a strategic partnership and agreed to strengthen cooperation under the framework of the Belt and Road Initiative. China has also become one of Armenia’s most important trading partners. According to official data published by the Armenian foreign ministry, in 2025, bilateral trade between the two countries reached approximately $2.64 billion, making China Armenia’s second-largest overall trading partner. Armenian exports to China totaled about $763.6 million, while imports from China reached approximately $1.877 billion.
These figures demonstrate that the relationship is becoming increasingly significant in practical economic terms, highlighting the importance of further exploring and utilizing its untapped potential. The cooperation has been progressing in various areas, including education, investments and culture. Most importantly, China has officially welcomed Armenia’s Crossroads of Peace initiative, while Yerevan has signaled that this landmark connectivity project could be linked with the Belt and Road Initiative. The opportunities for stronger cooperation are vast: the market offers endless possibilities, while Armenia’s growing tech sector could also find significant opportunities there.
While others often focus on short-term political cycles, China plans in decades. This difference in approach deserves attention—especially for countries like Armenia that are seeking sustainable economic development.
Across the world, many countries remain consumed by ideological divisions, conflicts inherited from previous generations or fueled by external actors, internal political struggles, and short-term calculations. Meanwhile, one of the greatest geopolitical and economic transformations of our era continues to unfold in the East.
Each visit to China left me with the same impression: the world’s center of gravity is shifting faster than many of us realize.
While many countries debate, China builds. From my observations, instead of focusing on immediate political gains, China thinks in terms of generations ahead.
The twenty-first century will not be defined only in Washington, Brussels, or Moscow. Increasingly, it is being shaped in Beijing.
For centuries, Armenia prospered when it connected civilizations rather than choosing between them. Its historical role was not to separate East from West, but to serve as a bridge between them. Today, as China seeks to reconnect Asia, Europe, and beyond through new trade and infrastructure networks, history may once again be offering Armenia an opportunity—especially as Yerevan positions itself once again in the spirit of its historic role as a bridge between continents.
China’s rise is not only apparent in statistical data; it can be seen in its cities, universities, laboratories, ports, factories, and the everyday lives of hundreds of millions of people. It is visible in the speed of construction, the scale of innovation, and the confidence of a society that is advancing toward the future at remarkable speed.
On this path, China is extending opportunities for cooperation to partners willing to engage under President Xi Jinping’s vision of a “global community of shared future,” with the Belt and Road Initiative serving as its primary platform.
The Chinese dragon has awakened long ago—not in mythology, but in factories, research centers, ports, universities, and digital networks. The world is adjusting to this reality.
Armenia cannot become China, nor should it attempt to. Every country has its own history and identity, and perhaps even its own destiny. Yet the wisdom found in ancient Chinese sayings conveys an important message: fate matters, but so does effort.
Armenia can benefit from Chinese experience, learn from its discipline, long-term planning, investment in education, infrastructure development, and consistent focus on economic transformation.
The future will belong to countries that understand the importance of connectivity, innovation, and cooperation. In the spirit of the ancient Silk Road, Armenia has an opportunity to strengthen its role as a bridge between civilizations and participate in a new era of shared development. Given the changes and transformations taking place across the world, we do not have the luxury of overlooking the vast opportunities in Armenia–China relations. Advancing cooperation under the Belt and Road Initiative is therefore of vital importance.
The BRI offers an opportunity to pursue a path toward a prosperous future—not through imitation or mere formalities, but through genuine cooperation, experience-sharing, and mutual respect.
The nation whose ancestors once built the Great Wall of China is now building what could become one of the most monumental connectivity projects of our lifetime: the BRI, an endeavor whose impact could echo across future generations.
The Silk Road was never just about trade. It was about the exchange of ideas, cultures, knowledge, and human potential. It was, in a sense, a path towards a global community of a shared future – the core idea behind today’s BRI.
Perhaps one of its greatest lessons today is that civilizations prosper when they connect and turn walls into bridges.
Embracing this lesson could prove to be one of the defining choices of the century.
Published by Armenpress, original at
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CTBTO regional workshop for Eastern European National Data Centers opens in Ar
A regional five-day workshop for the National Data Centres of Eastern European countries, organized by the Preparatory Commission for the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty Organization (CTBTO), began on August 3 at the Territorial Seismic Protection Service of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Armenia.
Armenia’s Minister of Internal Affairs, Arpine Sargsyan, also attended the event.
Representatives from various countries, experts, and guests participated in the workshop, the Ministry of Internal Affairs said in a press release.
On behalf of the Government of Armenia, Minister Sargsyan thanked the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty Organization for holding the workshop in Armenia, emphasizing that such a representative gathering demonstrates a commitment to joint work and the exchange of scientific expertise. She noted that the workshop would create new professional opportunities for participants.
“The workshop is not only an experience aimed at ensuring the effective implementation of the Treaty but also an opportunity to strengthen the resilience of the Republic of Armenia. I would like to emphasize that Armenia remains committed to the goals of the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty and to strengthening international peace and security,” Sargsyan said, according to the press release.
Highlighting the important contribution of the Territorial Seismic Protection Service to the International Monitoring System, Sargsyan stressed that such involvement demonstrates Armenia’s readiness to play an active role in this field.
Minister Sargsyan expressed gratitude to the staff of the Ministry of Internal Affairs’ Territorial Seismic Protection Service and partner institutions for their efforts and effective work in organizing the event.
Speeches were delivered at the workshop by Sos Margaryan, Director of the Territorial Seismic Protection Service of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, and Yassine Chaari, a representative of the Technical Secretariat of the Preparatory Commission for the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty Organization.
During the workshop, the participants will become familiar with innovative solutions in the field and improve their professional skills through simulation exercises.
Published by Armenpress, original at
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