June: 6, 2026
During the preparation days of the military parade-report held on May 28, on May 22-23, it came to light that the RA authorities decided to change the coat of arms of the RA Armed Forces, as the one depicted in the posters posted on the Republic Square was significantly different from the official one.
Only days later, on May 27, the RA Ministry of Defense introduced The new coat of arms of the Army of the Republic of Armenia, where the tricolor of the Republic of Armenia is present, the map of the Republic of Armenia “developed” by Nikol Pashinyan is also depicted on it, an eagle with a sword in one hand and a cross in the other, that is, the place of the cross has been changed.
And on January 23, 2001, approved by the President of the Republic of Armenia, Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces, Robert Kocharyan and used before the new one appeared, the RA flag is depicted on the coat of arms of the RA Armed Forces, without the map of “real Armenia”. By the way, “State symbols” of the official website of the RA Ministry of Defense section is still the old coat of arms.
It should be noted that before the presentation of the new coat of arms of the RA Ministry of Defense and the presentation of the explanation for changing it, 168.amsent a written request to Suren Papikyan to find out when the idea of changing the coat of arms of the RA was born, the sketch was developed, and who was its author, in response to which, in its reply letter sent only on June 5, the defense department said:
“As part of the transformation of the RA Armed Forces, the works on the new coat of arms of the RA Armed Forces started in January 2024. They were carried out by leading specialists and military personnel. During the works, not only the emblem of the Armed Forces was designed and implemented, but also the insignia of the sergeant system, officer’s epaulettes and combat troops.
Let us add that the concept of transformation of the army was submitted in November 2024.
And on January 28, 2024, at the festive event dedicated to the 32nd anniversary of the formation of the Army of the Republic of Armenia, Nikol Pashinyan had announced that the mindset in the army needs to change.
“And that change should be expressed in every detail, starting with the uniform, continuing with the appearance of each soldier, continuing with the environment, weapons and equipment in the places of permanent deployment, the salary of servicemen and the system of social guarantees, our requirements for the professional skills of servicemen and the degree of ideological training of each serviceman. We have started this process, but I can’t say whether we are moving fast enough.”
And instead of “combat army”, the wording “defensive army” began to be used.
In one of the articles we wrote that when it comes to defense capability (оборонопоспосность), the state is first of all in mind. And the defense capability of the country (оборонопоспосность государство) is a comprehensive concept or state, and the military power or the fighting ability of the army is a component of it.
In other words, the defense capability of the country is ensured not only by the military construction, but also by the powerful economy (this determines the quality of the military or defense construction), the development trends of the military industry, the demographic picture, the functioning of all state bodies in peace and war situations, the foreign policy, in some ways even the legal-legislative base, the moral and psychological disposition of the public, etc.
When, for example, the head of Russia sees a threat to its borders from NATO, he instructs the government to increase the country’s defense capabilities, which means the implementation of complex measures.
Let’s return to the issue of changing the emblem and insignia of the Armed Forces.
On May 26 we wrote that in January 2020, a new version of the emblem of the RA Ministry of Defense was circulated, which was perceived as the emblem of the RA Armed Forces and gave rise to various interpretations: “there is no power in it, the lion’s wings have nothing to do with the animal, the swords are not Armenian, that the Armenian crosses have been flourishing since the Urartian region, and the Celtic one is a combination of the Scandinavian emblems of Thor and Odin”, etc.
And the fact that there is a discussion about a new version of the emblem of the Ministry of Defense became clear in the context of the Army Day celebration, because it was printed on the invitation card. Later at that time Artsrun Hovhannisyan, spokesperson of the RA Ministry of Defense clarification spread that it is not about the coat of arms of the Armed Forces.
“This is not the coat of arms of the RA Armed Forces, but a version of the coat of arms of the RA Defense Ministry.
If we leave aside our personal opinions, several circumstances are important here.
This is a draft, not official, not final.
2. Neither in this picture, nor in yesterday’s circulated picture, the symmetry of the lines may not be preserved, because it is not a vector file.
3. This project can become official in case of public support. It can become.”
Accordingly, in our written request addressed to RA Defense Minister Suren Papikyan on May 27, 2026, reminding us of this, we asked the following question: “Whether a new version of the coat of arms was approved in 2019-2020 by the order of the then RA Defense Minister Davit Tonoyan, if so, we will ask you to provide the draft or original version, and inform by whom it was canceled.”
Moreover, we have also asked to be informed whether there was an idea to change the coat of arms of the Armed Forces before 2018.
In response to our questions, the Ministry of Defense of the Republic of Armenia only stated in its reply. “Regarding your second question and the posted picture, we should note that it was never a variant of the Armed Forces coat of arms.”
And whether it was officially used as a logo, there is no word on this, when, we repeat, in the questioning, we presented in detail that it was presented as a version of the Army logo by the spokesman of the Ministry of Defense, on the other hand, how could the logo be on the Army Day invitation card, if there was no intention to make it a coat of arms?
By the way, before the defense department responded to our written request, former Minister of Defense of the Republic of Armenia Davit Tonoyan in a briefing with journalists referred to to this question.
“If I’m not mistaken, back in 2016, the Ministry of Defense created a very open and public interagency commission and involved artists, heraldists (heraldists), because actually our coat of arms had heraldic problems. That change was placed before us, I chaired that committee. We had a result, we had a coat of arms, which was later qualified as not a coat of arms, and I think it is still used in the Ministry of Defense, it is a winged lion. And regarding the new one, I can’t give you my assessment, because there is no friend to the taste,” explained the former Minister of Defense, essentially confirming in our article published on May 26 and information included in our written request to the Ministry of Defense thereafter.
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168: The “Baghramyan 26” telegram channel distributed a completely fake recording
June: 6, 2026
Today, the infamous “Baghramyan 26” telegram channel distributed a completely fake and artificially generated recording, in which the voice of the “HayaVote” union coordinator Avetik Chalabyan can be heard.
This regular discussion by the servants of the government aims to tarnish Chalabyan’s good reputation and influence the voter’s free expression, that is, one day before the elections, on the official day of silence.
In the near future, Avetik Chalabyan will contact the law enforcement agencies to find out the source of this regular fraud.
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Thirty Years of Hope, One Day of Reckoning
Then something changed.
I cannot pinpoint the exact moment when the decline began. Perhaps it happened gradually, so gradually that I failed to notice it. But what had taken years to build seemed to begin unraveling before my eyes. The dream started to collapse.
I now watch Hayastantsis turn against Diasporans. Hayastantsis against Artsakhtsis. Instead of unity, I see division. Instead of solidarity, I see suspicion. Instead of a shared national purpose, I see competing tribes claiming ownership of the same wounded homeland.
I witness the auctioning of principles to the highest bidder. I see political expediency replace historical memory. I watch people justify compromises that previous generations would have considered unthinkable. It is as though the hard-earned lessons of genocide, survival, resistance, and perseverance have become inconvenient burdens to be discarded whenever they stand in the way of short-term interests.
The country I once dreamed of spending the rest of my life in seems to have vanished. The Armenia that lived in my imagination – a nation built upon dignity, self-respect, sacrifice, and historical consciousness – feels increasingly distant. In its place stands something unfamiliar, something disconnected from the values that shaped my understanding of what it meant to be Armenian.
And yet, despite everything, a thin strand of hope remains.
It is a fragile strand, worn and frayed after years of disappointment, but it is still there. Perhaps that is why June 8 feels so significant. It feels like the final test of a rope that has been stretched beyond its limits. Every betrayal, every compromise, every national humiliation, every abandonment of principle has added strain to its fibers.
I fear that on June 8, that rope will finally snap.
If the current government remains in power, I will regard that moment as my final divorce from Hayastan.
I do not wish to be associated with a society that tramples over everything I was taught to value. I do not wish to be associated with a society that disregards the sacrifices of those who survived genocide, rebuilt communities, preserved a culture, and carried Armenian identity across generations and continents. I do not wish to be associated with a society that appears interested in the diaspora primarily as a source of financial support while dismissing its concerns and contributions whenever they become inconvenient.
At some point, a relationship becomes unsustainable. Trust erodes. Shared values disappear. The emotional bond weakens until only habit remains. And eventually, even habit is not enough.
For twenty-eight years, I devoted an extraordinary portion of my life to Armenia and Armenians through Armenian News Armenian News Network. I voluntarily spent countless hours reading, collecting, editing, and posting articles from newspapers around the world. I translated material from Arabic and French, and occasionally from Italian and Turkish. Over nearly three decades, I helped process and distribute approximately 300,000 articles concerning Armenia, Artsakh, and Armenians. No one paid me to do it; I did it because I believed it was my duty to show the world the values and history that had shaped me. I considered it my mission to tell the world the story of Armenia: a nation of extraordinary resilience, achievement, and untapped potential.
Those articles became part of my daily life. I celebrated the victories. I mourned the losses. I shared in moments of national pride and endured moments of national embarrassment. Every night, I spent two to three hours – sometimes even more when there was a major event in Hayastan – gathering material after a full day’s work, driven by the belief that staying informed and helping others stay informed mattered. I did not miss a single day.
I believed I was contributing, however modestly, to a better future for hayastan.
Today, I find myself wondering whether all those hours, all those sleepless nights, all that emotional investment were ultimately spent on a people unwilling to help themselves; a people increasingly disconnected from their own history, their own sacrifices, and their own responsibilities.
That realization is perhaps the most painful part of all. The Hayastan of today has finally broken my faith in the dream I spent a lifetime defending.
I desperately hope that I am wrong.
I hope June 8 proves me wrong. I hope I wake up on June 8 feeling foolish for having written these words. I hope the rope holds. I hope there remains enough strength in its fibers to withstand one more strain.
But I have lowered my expectations so much that very little coming from Armenia can still surprise me.
And if the rope does snap, then I will finally let go.
I will free myself from the constant cycle of hope and disappointment. I will stop following every political development, every controversy, every promise, every betrayal. I will detach myself from the daily news and from the emotional burden that has accompanied it for nearly three decades.
And I will leave Hayastan to find its own path, for better or worse, among the wolves.
If that day comes, the divorce will be final.
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What’s at stake in Armenia’s election on Sunday?
June 5, 20264:23 PM GMT+3Updated June 5, 2026
REFERENDUM ON PEACE DEAL
RUSSIAN PRESSURE
WARMING TO THE WEST
PRO-RUSSIAN OPPOSITION
NORMALISATION WITH AZERBAIJAN, TURKEY
Reporting by Lucy Papachristou; Editing by Alex Richardson
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EU and Russia clash as Armenians head to the polls, Putin fumes
Russian officials have hit Armenian exports with new restrictions, while President Vladimir Putin has made thinly veiled threats comparing Armenia and Ukraine’s relations with Europe
Armenians are voting on Sunday in parliamentary elections as the incumbent government, under mounting Russian pressure, seeks to loosen ties with Moscow and deepen cooperation with the West.
Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan and his ruling Civil Contract party are looking for a strong mandate for a new geopolitical course. The opposition they face includes some parties that are vocally pro-Russian.
Casting his vote on Sunday, Pashinyan said that Armenia would continue strengthening its independence, statehood, democracy and rule of law. “The European Union is our main partner in democratic reform implementation and we will continue that path,” he said.
However, he also stressed that there were no tensions between Armenia and Moscow, saying, “our relations with Russia are institutional and based on mutual respect,” Armenia’s state news agency reported.
Russian officials have hit Armenian exports with a barrage of restrictions in recent weeks, while high-ranking officials, including President Vladimir Putin, have made thinly veiled threats comparing Armenia’s path to that already taken by Ukraine.
Trump offers support as Putin urges caution
Armenia’s National Assembly must consist of at least 101 members who are elected for five-year terms. Parties must win at least 4 per cent of the vote to take a seat, while blocs made up of three or more parties must hit 8 per cent.
Two political blocs and 17 parties are taking part in Sunday’s election. Most pollsters and experts have predicted Pashinyan, who came to power in 2018 following sweeping street protests, will come out ahead.
“I think Armenians expect, first of all, a peaceful, independent and prosperous Armenia from this election, as we have today,” said Hripsime Grigoryan, a member of the pro-European Civil Contract party and part of the outgoing government.
Pashinyan has spoken on several occasions about the need for a balanced foreign policy ensuring Armenia maintains good relations with the United States, Europe and Russia, as well as regional powers such as Turkey and Iran.
Despite this, Pashinyan has attracted far more enthusiasm in the West than in Moscow. He has been endorsed by several European leaders, as well as US President Donald Trump.
“Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, of Armenia, a great friend and Leader, is making his Country strong, wealthy, and very secure,” Trump wrote on social media, urging Armenians to “Make [Armenia] Great Again.”
This has displeased the Kremlin. Speaking to journalists after Russia’s Victory Day parade on May 9, Putin said if the Armenian people saw benefits in joining the European Union then “we will certainly have nothing to say against it.”
Yet he also reminded reporters, “We are currently living through everything that is happening in respect of Ukraine. And how did it start? It started with Ukraine’s joining or attempting to join the EU.”
Armenia’s National Assembly must consist of at least 101 members who are elected for five-year terms. Parties must win at least 4 per cent of the vote to take a seat, while blocs made up of three or more parties must hit 8 per cent.
Two political blocs and 17 parties are taking part in Sunday’s election. Most pollsters and experts have predicted Pashinyan, who came to power in 2018 following sweeping street protests, will come out ahead.
“I think Armenians expect, first of all, a peaceful, independent and prosperous Armenia from this election, as we have today,” said Hripsime Grigoryan, a member of the pro-European Civil Contract party and part of the outgoing government.
Pashinyan has spoken on several occasions about the need for a balanced foreign policy ensuring Armenia maintains good relations with the United States, Europe and Russia, as well as regional powers such as Turkey and Iran.
Despite this, Pashinyan has attracted far more enthusiasm in the West than in Moscow. He has been endorsed by several European leaders, as well as US President Donald Trump.
“Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, of Armenia, a great friend and Leader, is making his Country strong, wealthy, and very secure,” Trump wrote on social media, urging Armenians to “Make [Armenia] Great Again.”
This has displeased the Kremlin. Speaking to journalists after Russia’s Victory Day parade on May 9, Putin said if the Armenian people saw benefits in joining the European Union then “we will certainly have nothing to say against it.”
Yet he also reminded reporters, “We are currently living through everything that is happening in respect of Ukraine. And how did it start? It started with Ukraine’s joining or attempting to join the EU.”
Opposition wants closer ties with Russia
Unlike the Civil Contract party, most of Armenia’s opposition supports building stronger relations with Moscow.
The Strong Armenia party seeks to develop business ties with Russia and has accused Pashinyan of attempting to start a war with Moscow. Party leader and Armenian-Russian billionaire Samvel Karapetyan is on trial for allegedly advocating for the government’s overthrow, which he has rejected as a politically motivated case. Karapetyan has coordinated the party’s campaign while under house arrest, aided by his nephew Narek Karapetyan.
Other potential contenders include former President Robert Kocharyan, who leads the Hayastan bloc and has accused Pashinyan of “seriously undermining” relations with Russia, and the Prosperous Armenia Party led by pro-Russian business owner Gagik Tsarukyan.
These parties have strongly criticised Pashinyan for attempting to normalise relations with neighbouring Azerbaijan. The Armenian leader and Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev initialled a document on moving towards a peace deal at the White House alongside Trump in August.
The two countries were locked in a decades-long conflict over the fate of Karabakh, a breakaway region of Azerbaijan that had been controlled for decades by ethnic Armenian forces backed by Armenia. Azerbaijan took control of the entire Karabakh region during a rapid offensive in 2023.
“I want this government to change because the condition of our country is getting worse,” Sahakyan Elina, a supporter of the Prosperous Armenia Party, told reporters at a rally on Thursday. “I don’t want to live with my enemies in unity.”
Unlike the Civil Contract party, most of Armenia’s opposition supports building stronger relations with Moscow.
The Strong Armenia party seeks to develop business ties with Russia and has accused Pashinyan of attempting to start a war with Moscow. Party leader and Armenian-Russian billionaire Samvel Karapetyan is on trial for allegedly advocating for the government’s overthrow, which he has rejected as a politically motivated case. Karapetyan has coordinated the party’s campaign while under house arrest, aided by his nephew Narek Karapetyan.
These parties have strongly criticised Pashinyan for attempting to normalise relations with neighbouring Azerbaijan. The Armenian leader and Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev initialled a document on moving towards a peace deal at the White House alongside Trump in August.
The two countries were locked in a decades-long conflict over the fate of Karabakh, a breakaway region of Azerbaijan that had been controlled for decades by ethnic Armenian forces backed by Armenia. Azerbaijan took control of the entire Karabakh region during a rapid offensive in 2023.
“I want this government to change because the condition of our country is getting worse,” Sahakyan Elina, a supporter of the Prosperous Armenia Party, told reporters at a rally on Thursday. “I don’t want to live with my enemies in unity.”
EU criticises Moscow
Russian officials have slapped new restrictions on Armenian produce in the run-up to the parliamentary vote, banning the import of Armenian flowers, certain types of cognac and wine, aubergines, potatoes, dried fruits, fish and more.
Russia says the bans are related to violations of agricultural import rules.
The European Commission on Thursday described the move as “nothing short of economic coercion.”
“By extending export restrictions on Armenian products, Moscow is weaponising economic relations for political pressure. We know this playbook all too well,” the commission said in a statement.
Moscow also controls a significant portion of Armenia’s energy and infrastructure and supplies it with cheap gas, which is a point that Putin has been quick to drive home in his meetings with Armenia’s prime minister.
Putin also has stressed that Armenia cannot join the EU and remain within the Eurasian Economic Union, a Russian-led customs bloc.
“Being in a customs union with the European Union and the Eurasian Economic Union is impossible,” Putin said. “It’s simply impossible by definition.”
Russian officials have slapped new restrictions on Armenian produce in the run-up to the parliamentary vote, banning the import of Armenian flowers, certain types of cognac and wine, aubergines, potatoes, dried fruits, fish and more.
Russia says the bans are related to violations of agricultural import rules.
The European Commission on Thursday described the move as “nothing short of economic coercion.”
“By extending export restrictions on Armenian products, Moscow is weaponising economic relations for political pressure. We know this playbook all too well,” the commission said in a statement.
Moscow also controls a significant portion of Armenia’s energy and infrastructure and supplies it with cheap gas, which is a point that Putin has been quick to drive home in his meetings with Armenia’s prime minister.
Putin also has stressed that Armenia cannot join the EU and remain within the Eurasian Economic Union, a Russian-led customs bloc.
“Being in a customs union with the European Union and the Eurasian Economic Union is impossible,” Putin said. “It’s simply impossible by definition.”
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Video: Armenian PM and opposition vote in election, amid Russian pressure to p
June 7 2026
Armenian PM and opposition vote in election, amid Russian pressure to prevent drift toward West
Armenians are voting Sunday in parliamentary elections as the incumbent government, under mounting Russian pressure, seeks to loosen ties with Moscow and deepen cooperation with the West.
Watch video at
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Armenia Votes in Crucial Parliamentary Election Shaping Foreign Policy Directi
Nearly 2.5 million registered voters are eligible to participate in the election to select members of the 101-seat National Assembly. The ruling Civil Contract party, which has governed since the 2018 snap elections, currently holds 69 seats and is led by Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan.
Polling is scheduled to begin at 8 a.m. local time and conclude at 8 p.m., with more than 2,000 polling stations operating nationwide.
International monitoring missions are expected to observe the process, including delegations from the OSCE and the Commonwealth of Independent States, according to reports.
A total of 16 political parties and two alliances are contesting the vote. The main governing party faces opposition from the Armenia Alliance, led by former President Robert Kocharyan, and the newly formed Strong Armenia party led by businessman Samvel Karapetyan, who is currently under house arrest on allegations related to attempted coup activity.
These opposition groups generally advocate for a shift away from Armenia’s pro-European orientation and favor strengthening ties with Russia instead.
The election marks the country’s first regular parliamentary vote following earlier snap elections in 2018 and 2021.
It also takes place in the aftermath of major geopolitical changes in the region, including Azerbaijan’s full assertion of control over Karabakh in 2023 after separatist forces there surrendered, a development that has significantly altered the South Caucasus political landscape, according to reports.
MENAFN07062026000045017281ID1111222888
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Video: Armenia votes in test of PM Pashinyan’s pivot away from Russia
June 7 2026
Armenia votes in test of PM Pashinyan’s pivot away from Russia
Asia / Pacific
Issued on: 07/06/2026 – 16:21
Armenians voted in a parliamentary election on Sunday as the incumbent government, under mounting Russian pressure, sought to loosen ties with Moscow and deepen cooperation with the West. Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan and his governing Civil Contract party are looking for a strong mandate for a new geopolitical course for Armenia. The opposition they face includes some parties that are vocally pro-Russia. FRANCE 24’s Olivia Bizot reports from Yerevan.
Video by:
Olivia BIZOT
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Elections in Armenia: the head of the municipal service and his wife took all
17:13
At one of the polling stations in Armenia, the head of the local municipal service and his wife collected the ballots in a bag and took them away. This is reported by the Armenian Vendetta telegram channel with reference to a local news outlet.
A video has fallen into the hands of journalists, in which the chairman of the Sisian district election Commission, Armine Andranikyan, a member of the Civil Contract party, enters the polling station in the village of Lor. She takes the ballots from the booth, puts them in a bag and says that she is going to move them to another polling station.
In this she was assisted by her husband, the chairman of the commission, a member of the Civil Contract party, David Margaryan❶.
He is the head of the Sisian municipal service and, as the telegram channel notes, is actively involved in the political activities of the Civil Contract party.
More details: https://eadaily.com/en/news/2026/06/07/elections-in-armenia-the-head-of-the-municipal-service-and-his-wife-took-all-the-ballots
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Armenia, once Russia’s reliable ally, considers an EU future
14 hours ago14 hours ago
Citizens of Armenia are not only electing a new National Assembly on Sunday: They are also voting on the future geopolitical direction of the country. On the table is either rapid EU integration or a return to Russia’s sphere of influence.
A preelection survey commissioned by the Washington based NGO International Republican Institute (IRI) puts Civil Contract, led by pro-EU Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, in first place, with 32% of respondents saying they would vote for the party.
The opposition traditionally has more pro-Russian views and is represented by three major forces that currently lag far behind the ruling party, according to the poll results. Some 7% of voters said they would support the “Strong Armenia” bloc run by a Russian billionaire of Armenian origin Samvel Karapetyan. He is currently under house arrest in Yerevan on charges of inciting a violent power grab as he publicly supported the Armenian Apostolic Church amid a bitter conflict between the church leaders and Prime Minister Pashinyan.
The political grouping “Armenia Alliance”, led by former president Robert Kocharyan who is reportedly a friend of Russian leader Vladimir Putin, is expected to garner 4% of the votes. The “Prosperous Armenia” party founded by business mogul Gagik Tsarukyan can likely count on the support of 2% of the Armenian citizens. Tsarukyan’s party is officially partnered with Russia’s ruling ‘United Russia’ party.
The remaining five political parties, including some new protest projects, are only polling around 1-2%.
Experts warn that these numbers should be treated carefully given the unprecedentedly low response rate with only 16% of respondents agreeing to participate in the poll. That is 19 percentage points lower than ahead of in the 2021 snap election. At the same time 92% of participants expressed their willingness to vote compared to 72% in 2021. Almost one in two respondents declined to name their favorite candidate or said they have not yet reached a final decision on how to vote.
However, other polls showed different results, giving Pashinyan’s “Civil Contract” party between roughly 26 and 34 per cent, suggesting it could have a slightly narrower lead against the opposition.
The new political vector: Brussels or Moscow?
The pivotal issue in the election campaign is international affairs. The ruling party has moved closer towards the European Union, gradually distancing itself from Russia and the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) — a military alliance overseen by the Kremlin.
In May 2025, Armenian parliament adopted a law to launch the process of joining the EU. During the ongoing election campaign, Nikol Pashinyan promised to secure a visa-free regime with Europe within the next two years.
In early May, Pashinyan hosted the European Political Community Summit in the Armenian capital Yerevan. At the press conference after the summit, he pointed out that his country “is no ally of Russia’s” when it comes to its war against Ukraine.
This rhetoric prompted a harsh reaction in Moscow. At the end of May, President Vladimir Putin threatened to impose tariffs on Armenia and build new legal obstacles for its citizens willing to work in Russia. He, alongside with other members of The Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU), suggested that Armenia hold a referendum on whether it wants to join the EU or remain part of the EAEU.
As Russia remains the largest market for Armenian agricultural produce, Moscow has tried to use its trade relations with Yerevan as leverage. Prior to the elections, Russia’s Federal Service for Veterinary and Phytosanitary Supervision applied multiple restrictions on Armenian imported products including vegetables, berries, wine, flowers and fish under an excuse of alleged violations of sanitary norms.
At the same time, Moscow has notified Yerevan that their agreement on preferential supplies of gas and petroleum products to Armenia can be suspended.
Putin also compared of the current political context in Armenia to the one in Ukraine in 2014, which he referred to as a “crisis”. He warned that adopting European standards will lead to Moscow ending its economic cooperation with Yerevan.
Russia’s bid to influence the elections
Moscow’s interference in the upcoming elections became subject of heated discussion in Armenia long before the vote.
Tensions in the campaign escalated sharply following the publication by the Russian independent investigative media outlet The Insider about an alleged Russian spy network in Armenia. According to the investigation, Russian billionaire and leader of “Strong Armenia” party Samvel Karapetyan mentioned the Information Center of Russia’s Federal Security Service as his employer in his application for a passport issued in 1999.
Armenian security forces have repeatedly opened criminal cases against representatives of the pro-Russian opposition. A major political scandal erupted following the arrest of Andranik Tevanyan, the second candidate on the “Prosperous Armenia” party list. The politician, who is known for his pro-Russian views, faces charges of treason and espionage. The opposition has described both the cases and the article by The Insider as “political persecution.”.
A new page in US-Armenian relations
Aside from its EU shift, Pashinyan’s government is deepening its dialogue with Washington. Recently the two countries signed a charter on a comprehensive strategic partnership and a memorandum on rare earths.
In August 2025, Armenia and Azerbaijan paved the way to an ambitious logistics project mediated by U.S. president Donald Trump and informally called Trump’s Route. It aims at connecting Azerbaijan with its exclave of Nakhichevan through Southern Armenia. This agreement marked a significant step towards the end of the blockade imposed upon landlocked Armenia by neighbouring Azerbaijan and Turkey amid a long-standing dispute over the breakaway region of Nagorno-Karabakh.
Pashinyan’s party describes Armenia’s future relations with Russia as ‘transforming’ rather than allied. The reason, according to the party, is diversification of foreign policy. This change does not remain unanswered by Moscow. The crisis in relations between the two states started escalating in the fall of 2022, when the CSTO and Russia effectively failed to provide a response to Yerevan’s request for military assistance amid border clashes with Azerbaijan.
Main opposition forces, on the contrary, act as ideological opponents of the current ruling power. They push for restoration of a strategic alliance between Armenia and Russia, viewing it as a key security guarantor in the peace process with Azerbaijan.
Controversies around Nagorno-Karabakh
Nikol Pashinyan made the idea of “real Armenia” central for his election campaign, denying the revisionists’ calls to restore the country’s “historical borders.” Those include the region of Nagorno-Karabakh previously controlled by pro-Armenian forces. Azerbaijan regained control of this breakaway region following the 2023 war, which brought an end to a conflict that had lasted for more than three decades.
The opposition criticizes this approach, insisting that Yerevan should advocate for the right of ethnic Armenians from Nagorno-Karabakh who had to flee as a result of the war to return to their homes. The authorities accuse their opponents of pushing the country to the brink of war with Azerbaijan by their hostile rhetoric.
Despite the tensions, 71% of participants in the survey commissioned by IRI believe that the elections will be free and fair, while 61% of them said that the country is moving in the right direction. 17 % of the respondents consider border security to be the main challenge for their country.
Edited by: Jess Smee
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