Armenia uninformed about cancellation of Prague meeting

Armenia uninformed about cancellation of Prague meeting

Mediamax news agency
25 Mar 04

YEREVAN

Armenia has not received from the co-chairmen of the OSCE Minsk Group
an official notification about the cancellation of the meeting between
the Armenian and Azerbaijani foreign ministers with the mediators in
attendance in Prague on 29 March.

Mediamax news agency reports that the press secretary of the Armenian
Foreign Ministry, Gamlet Gasparyan, said this in Yerevan today while
commenting on a statement by the Russian co-chairman of the OSCE Minsk
Group, Yuriy Merzlyakov, about the cancellation of the meeting at the
request of one of the sides to the conflict.

Gasparyan said that Armenian Foreign Minister Vardan Oskanyan had
received a written invitation from the OSCE Minsk Group co-chairmen to
take part in the Prague meeting.

Energy Min. denies reports of “security measures” in nuclear plant

Armenian ministry denies reports of “security measures” in nuclear plant

Noyan Tapan news agency
25 Mar 04

YEREVAN

The press service of the Armenian Energy Ministry has denied rumours
in the press that extraordinary security measures have been taken on
the Armenian Nuclear Power Station since the middle of the last week.

The press service told Noyan Tapan news agency that the Armenian
Nuclear Power Station will be refuelled again in summer.

Armenia denies Azeri leader’s remarks on opening of Turkish border

Armenia denies Azeri leader’s remarks on opening of Turkish border

Mediamax news agency
25 Mar 04

YEREVAN

The Armenian Foreign Ministry today expressed its disagreement with
Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev’s statement that “the Nagornyy
Karabakh settlement will be generally impossible if Turkey opens its
border with Armenia because Azerbaijan will have lost an important
lever”.

Mediamax news agency reports that the press secretary of the Armenian
Foreign Ministry, Gamlet Gasparyan, said in Yerevan today that “we, on
the contrary, are confident that the opening of the Armenian-Turkish
border will not only help develop regional cooperation, but will also
have a favourable influence on the settlement of the Karabakh
problem”.

“Turkey can actually become an important lever in the economic and
political development of our region, if it gives up its lopsided
pro-Azerbaijani position,” Gasparyan said.

Armenia urges Azerbaijan not to play “hide-and-seek” in NK talks

Armenia urges Azerbaijan not to play “hide-and-seek” in Karabakh talks

Mediamax news agency
25 Mar 04

YEREVAN

The Armenian Foreign Ministry today called on the Baku government “not
to play hide-and-seek”, but to “express clearly and honestly” its
unwillingness to take into account the results of the talks on the
Karabakh settlement over the last few years.

Mediamax news agency reports that the press secretary of the Armenian
Foreign Ministry, Gamlet Gasparyan, said this in Yerevan today while
commenting on Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev’s statement that no
agreements were reached on the settlement of the Nagornyy Karabakh
problem in Paris and Key West three years ago.

As for the Azerbaijani president’s proposal “to publish the documents
if they exist”, Gasparyan said that “written documents have been
elaborated not by us, but by the OSCE Minsk Group, and if the
Azerbaijani side has an interest in their publication, let them appeal
to the mediators”.

Some key facts about Georgia

FACTBOX-Some key facts about Georgia

TBILISI, March 25 (Reuters) – Here are some basic facts about the
former Soviet republic of Georgia, which holds a parliamentary
election on Sunday:

POPULATION – Estimated at 4,489,000 as of January 2001 by the state
statistics department. According to Central Election Commission
estimates, there are more than 2.3 million eligible voters excluding
the breakaway regions of Abkhazia and South Ossetia, which are
boycotting the poll.

BREAKAWAY REGIONS – Abkhazia and South Ossetia have long wanted full
independence from Georgia, while the Adzhara province has refused to
acknowledge Tbilisi’s authority for years. Abkhazia has run itself as
a de facto independent state since a 1992-93 war, which left thousands
dead.

ETHNIC COMPOSITION – As of 1997, 69 percent of the population is
Georgian, 9.0 percent Armenian, 7.4 percent Russian and five percent
Azeri. Other indigenous minorities, including Ossetians and Abkhazians
make up a small fraction of the population.

AREA – 69,700 square km (26,900 square miles). Georgia, occupying the
western part of the Caucasus mountains, borders Russia to the north,
Azerbaijan and Armenia to the east and southwest, and Turkey to the
south. Its western border runs along the Black Sea. Its frontier with
Russia includes a mountainous stretch bordering the rebel region of
Chechnya.

RELIGION – Most Georgians belong to the Orthodox Church of Georgia,
dating back to the year 337. There are small communities of Muslims,
Catholics and other faiths.

ECONOMY – Traditionally agricultural, producing fruit, wine, oils,
tobacco and spices. Industries include manganese and coal mines, crude
oil and gas production and food processing.

Privatisation began after independence in 1991 and large-scale
sell-offs of communications and manufacturing enterprises are
continuing.

The state statistics department says GDP per capita is $700. GDP
growth was 8.6 percent in 2003 and is projected to be 6.0 percent in
2004.

CURRENCY – Lari. The exchange rate was 2.0 lari to one U.S. dollar on
March 24.

GOVERNMENT – Georgia is defined as a democratic republic under the
1995 constitution. The president is directly elected for a five-year
term and cannot serve more than two terms.

03/25/04 07:27 ET

Decay and Glory: Back to Byzantium

New York Times
March 26 2004

Decay and Glory: Back to Byzantium
By MICHAEL KIMMELMAN

N 1440, Canon Fursy de Bruille arrived in Cambrai, France, with an
icon of the Virgin and Child he had received in Rome, which he had
been told was a holy relic painted by St. Luke. The image shows Jesus
squirming in his mother’s arms. Mother and child, doleful and shy,
turn slightly toward us, as if they are watching or waiting for
something. Many artists copied the picture. The canon gave it to the
Cathedral of Cambrai, where thousands of pilgrims saw it.

Modern historians are not sure who painted the Cambrai Madonna or
where, but it conforms to a type, the Virgin of Tenderness, an
invention of the late Byzantine era. The canon had returned home with
a contemporary picture, which looked as if it had the glorious
authority of antiquity. Because the Byzantine empire by then was
politically and militarily a wreck, nearly expired, St. Luke seemed
not just a more desirable creator for the icon but almost a more
plausible one, too. But as “Byzantium: Faith and Power (1261-1557)”
at the Metropolitan Museum of Art reminds us, artistic decline does
not necessarily accompany political decay.

The show, vast and humblingly beautiful, is the sort of exhibition
that could have been done only by a great museum, maybe only the Met
these days, when it has pulled out all the stops. More than the usual
abundance of glittery objects and a feat of cultural diplomacy, it
alters how we read history. Most exhibitions celebrate what we
already believe. This one rewrites a past most of us barely know.

It is the climax to what has become a virtual Met franchise, the
third installment – call it “Byzantium III: The Empire Strikes Back”
– in a cycle. Helen C. Evans, the curator, also organized “The Glory
of Byzantium” in 1997, a survey of the years 843 to 1261. She has
again teamed with Mahrukh Tarapor, the museum’s associate director
for exhibitions, to cajole and wrangle loans from nearly 30
countries, a far-flung horde of icons, ivories, textiles, mosaics,
manuscripts and drawings.

I suspect that even the Met wasn’t sure that this late period of
imperial history would be worth a show until “The Glory of Byzantium”
turned out to be such a success, and then a sequel seemed obligatory.
It is full of amazing exotica. An illustrated Gospels from Khizan, in
Greater Armenia, painted in 1455, a mélange of Islamic and Armenian
motifs in wild colors, looks almost like a modern cartoon, with wavy
motion lines and weirdly liquid bodies. Christ descends into hell to
free Adam and Eve wearing robes resembling blue and purple pantaloons
with bright yellow boots – a Khizan warrior, trampling the Devil and
pushing darkness away.

In “War and Peace” Prince Andrei Bolkonsky, dying on the battlefield
at Austerlitz, notices the icon that his sister, the pious Princess
Maria, hung around his neck on a gold chain and wishes he could see
in it what his sister did. “How happy and calm I should be if I could
now say: `Lord, have mercy on me!’ ” he says. “But to whom should I
say that?”

If, like Bolkonsky, we are not Eastern Orthodox believers, we may
still settle for awe, the earthly pleasure of aesthetic spectacle
linked with historical enlightenment. This show is neither about
early Byzantine history after the settlement of the new capital of
the Roman Empire in Constantinople (the Met’s “Age of Spirituality”
in 1977, the first Byzantine installment, was that), nor does it
cover the apex of Byzantine authority during the Middle Ages, when
the empire dominated Christianity.

It surveys the tottering regime after the Byzantine general Michael
VIII Palaiologos reclaimed Constantinople in 1261 from the Crusaders
who had taken it over in 1204. His successors, surrounded by
increasingly hostile powers, held onto the capital as a tenuous
leader among disparate states in the Byzantine sphere, until the
Ottoman Turks took over once and for all in 1453.

They did no more damage than the Crusaders, who, as Edward Gibbon
wrote in “Decline and Fall,” “trampled underfoot the most venerable
objects.” But Ottomans erased various monuments of the former
imperial city. Melchior Lorck, a Danish draftsman, produced a
meticulous prospect of the Ottoman capital in 1559, which is in the
show: Hagia Sophia had now become the city’s great mosque; the
Byzantine Church of the Holy Apostles, founded by Constantine in the
fourth century, had been torn down to make way for the tomb of Mehmet
the Conqueror.

Ms. Evans has contrived a terminus for the show, 1557. That is when a
German scholar, Hieronymus Wolf, came up with the word Byzantium,
derived from the name of an ancient Greek town, Byzantion, near which
Constantinople was founded, to describe what had then become a
phenomenon of history, a lost empire of Hellenic origins based on the
Bosphorus, the past of Yeats’s future dreams.

This conceit of a late date allows Ms. Evans to sneak in not only
Lorck’s drawings, but also a Persian miniature painting from 1557, of
Sokollu Mehmed, an Ottoman grand vizier, a convert from Eastern
Orthodoxy, in his plumed turban receiving a defeated Hungarian
commander. Byzantine and other cultures mingled long after the fall
of Constantinople.

Art during the late Byzantine era still served what Priscilla Soucek,
an art historian writing in the catalog for “The Glory of Byzantium,”
called “the politics of bedazzlement.” Demonstrating the big and the
small of the bedazzlement initiative were huge icons and miniature
mosaics. Late Byzantine icons had a new depth of pathos: meatier
figures, almost ballooning, advertising grandeur. Miniature mosaics,
hand-size devotional objects, were the era’s gems, sublime
achievements of the Middle Ages, which spoke to unbroken traditions
of refinement.

Manuscripts and paintings in the show, like the ones of Khizan and
Sokollu Mehmed, meanwhile proved the continuing reach of Byzantine
aesthetics, even beyond where we might have thought to look. The last
room of the exhibition, pure magnificence, is a virtual museum of
great Northern Renaissance paintings indebted to icons.

Now Byzantine icons look both ancient and modern. A “Man of Sorrows”
(from Moscow), black and hypnotic, brings to mind late Picasso.
Westerners rediscovered Byzantine painting a century ago. Painters
were inspired, and art critics dreamed up connections. Roger Fry, the
critic, said Cézanne and Gauguin looked Byzantine. Clive Bell wrote
that modern artists “shook hands across the ages with the Byzantine
primitives and with every vital movement that has struggled into
existence since the arts began.”

Abstraction, absent religious conviction, is our instant access route
to these icons, which are, however, fascinating for how they resist
21st-century Western eyes. Billowing robes and sinuous silhouettes
against gold backgrounds form patterns on flat surfaces with luminous
colors. But formal design and repetition, modern attributes, had
other meanings to the Byzantines.

Repetition reinforced a belief that each image, no matter where it
was, in Constantinople or Crete or Cambrai, faithfully represented
the same reality. This reality was not depicted by the image but
contained by it: icons held the “presence” of Christ or the Virgin or
the saints, as if in a kind of limbo, waiting to be activated by the
fervor of the faithful.

That is what mother and child in the Cambrai Madonna are waiting for.
They are waiting for us.

Icons stare out with sometimes disconcerting intimacy, questioning
our certitude about their incarnation. Their formality – what we can
see as proto-modern – is an expression of taxis: the Byzantine belief
that through poise and harmony of design “it was possible for human
beings,” as the historian Peter Brown has put it, “to create little
pools of order in this world which would bring to earth a touch of
the true, inviolable `glory’ of heaven.”

Mr. Brown has also written that Byzantine painting is “a courtly art
in that, at the center, stands a court thought of as a clear mirror
of the court of heaven.”

“But just because that center is, itself, a mirror,” he continues,
“so the glory caught in its reflecting surface can also be caught
faithfully in innumerable smaller mirrors. And in this world of
infinite reflections, what you see is what takes you to the threshold
of what you `fervently long’ to get. Great or small, at
Constantinople or in a distant village, there is always a glory
beyond the glory that you see.”

One of the grand icons in the show is from Novgorod, a metaphor of
reflected glory, painted around 1475. It shows three tiered scenes of
the legend of the siege of the city in 1170 by the army of Suzdal. On
the top, Novgorod’s revered icon of the Virgin Orans is transported
to the state’s fortress before the invaders come. In the middle,
Suzdal soldiers shoot the icon with arrows. At the bottom, avenging
Novgorodians, through the intercession of the tearful Virgin,
awakened from her iconic slumber, thwart their enemies with help from
the Archangel Michael and Russian saints.

The Virgin’s icon, depicted within the icon of the siege, brings
about the return of order, glory within glory, the work itself an
allegory of hoped-for glory, painted when Novgorod was besieged by
Moscow. Although the Ottomans owned Constantinople by then, the
crumbled Byzantine empire clearly endured in faraway places, as a
dream.

>From Novgorod back to Cambrai: mirrored reflections return us to
where we started and where the show ends, with more distant memories
of Byzantine glory. Around 1490, Gerard David, the Renaissance
master, painted a tiny version of the Virgin and Child,
heart-stoppingly beautiful. David’s sources included other Western
painters who also looked at icons like the one in Cambrai, so that
his painting was an evocation of an evocation of an icon, with its
gold background, a touch outmoded in David’s day, purposefully
conjuring up the idea of an ancient relic.

The Virgin is downcast, the child wide-eyed and expectant. The image
is all silence and poise. It is framed as a pendant to be worn around
the neck, like Bolkonsky’s icon. You don’t have to be a true believer
to find heaven in it.

A Divine Call to Action

The Jewish Journal, United States
March 26 2004

A Divine Call to Action
Parshat Vayikra (Leviticus 1:1-5:26)

by Rabbi Elazar Muskin

Once, on a mission to Israel, we needed a minyan for a prayer service
during the airplane flight. We were a total of six men in our group,
so we began to scan the plane for the remaining four for the
requisite 10 men.

As I went up and down the aisles, one fellow turned to me and said,
“Rabbi, make sure you get Jews for the minyan.”

I looked at him in astonishment and assured him that I had no other
plans. But why was he worried? He replied that many years ago on a
flight to Israel they also needed four men to complete a minyan. They
went around calling out “We need four for a minyan – four for a
minyan.” Before they knew it, four guys got up and joined them. They
handed the men kippot and started the service. Suddenly the newcomers
stopped the proceedings and asked what was happening. The others
explained that they needed four more men to make the minyan. The
newcomers, astounded, said, “We thought you were asking for four
Armenians, so we joined you. We are not even Jewish.”

These fellows responded to the call but misinterpreted the message.
This week’s Torah portion teaches the same lesson about the
importance of hearing the call correctly. The portion begins with the
words: “And the Eternal called unto Moses,” (Leviticus 1:1). Our
sages point out that this wording is unusual. Generally, in
Scripture, we encounter the expression that “God said to Moses” or
“God spoke to Moses.” As one rabbi noted, you don’t have to be a
biblical scholar or even barely familiar with Hebrew grammar to
appreciate that the phrase “and He called” suggests that the mind of
the person addressed is not attuned to or in communion with the mind
of the speaker. One doesn’t call a person with whom one is in
intimate conversation or rapport. One calls a man to attract his
attention.

The midrash in the Yalkut Shimoni uses this insight to provide a
beautiful homily. The midrash points out that the one who flees from
positions of honor and authority, achieves honor and authority. The
Yalkut provides many examples of great Jewish leaders who illustrate
this principle and comments that Moses represented the best example
of all.

The Yalkut tells us how Moses tried to reject the appointment to be
the savior of the Jewish people and lead them out of Egypt. God,
however, was adamant, and Moses performed admirably. At this point
the Midrash comments:

“In the end he brought them out of Egypt, parted the Red Sea, brought
down manna from heaven, provided water from the well and quail from
heaven, caused them to be surrounded with the clouds of glory and
erected for them the sanctuary. Having reached this stage, Moses
said, `What more is there for me to do?’ And he sat in retirement.
Thereupon the Holy One, Blessed be He, reproved him saying, `By your
life! There is still a task for you to perform that is even greater
than that which you have done until now – to teach my children my
laws and to instruct them how to worship Me.'”

If “Vayikra,” the call to continue his task, applied to the greatest
leader we ever had, how much more does it apply today?

Why, for example, is philanthropy for Jewish causes suffering among
the most affluent and generous of Jewish generations?

Why is higher education in Jewish studies absent among the most
educated and cultured in Jewish history?

Why is commitment to a Jewish homeland missing after only one
generation past the Holocaust?

At a similar juncture in Jewish history, the great sage Hillel asked,
“If I am not for myself, who will be for me?” That question
challenges us today to go back to work, “Vayikra,” to achieve a
positive response to God’s call.

Elazar Muskin is rabbi of Young Israel of Century City.

http://www.jewishjournal.com/home/preview.php?id=12014

Icon of Cranston political circuit, sub shop owner Pashalian dies

Providence Journal , RI
March 26 2004

Icon of Cranston political circuit, sub shop owner Pashalian dies

The back room of his humble sandwich shop became a political hub
where regulars hashed out different issues everyday and state leaders
stopped to speak.

BY BARBARA POLICHETTI
Journal Staff Writer

CRANSTON — Over the past 45 years, Joe Pashalian made the most of
the large front windows of his Gansett Avenue sandwich shop, using
them to post signs that not only touted menu favorites like the
“sensational steak sandwich,” but also provoked public comments with
questions such as, “When is a contribution not a bribe?”

Pashalian, owner of the Boston Submarine Sandwich Shop, which for
decades has been affectionately known in political circles as “The
Back Room,” died yesterday at Cedar Crest Nursing Centre at the age
of 92.

With Pashalian presiding over both the ovens and the daily
discussions, the back room of the humble shop became a political hub
where regulars hashed out different issues daily and state leaders
periodically stopped to speak.

The list of guest speakers included Sen. Claiborne Pell, Gov. Bruce
Sundlun, Sen. Jack Reed, business leader John Hazen White, former
vice presidential hopeful Geraldine Ferraro, and Dr. Stanley M.
Aronson, dean of medicine emeritus at Brown University.

The shop, which was also known for the hearty wheat bread and sizable
sandwiches Pashalian served up, was practically a mandatory stop on
the campaign trail for candidates vying for city or statewide office.

“We came to recognize the place as a wonderful place for political
forums,” Anna Minicucci said yesterday, recalling the 15 years she
and her husband, David, spent frequenting the sub shop. “As word got
around, all the television stations and newspapers would show up,
too, and the place would be packed.”

In the 1990s, Minicucci assumed the unofficial role of event
organizer and said that every famous visitor left with a hefty loaf
of Pashalian’s whole-grain bread. “He baked these huge, huge loaves
of wheat bread,” she said, “and before he’d give them to people, he’d
say, ‘Well, you know, we don’t give dough, but we do give bread.’ ”

Both Minicucci and Aram Garabedian, former legislator and Cranston
mayoral candidate, said that the politics and guest speakers may have
gotten the spotlight, but the real attraction at the Boston Sub Shop
was Pashalian himself.

“He was always bright and always funny and he simply loved words,”
Garabedian said yesterday remembering the variety of dictionaries
that Pashalian kept handy in the back room. “He was a man of words —
he loved to throw out a word and see if you knew the meaning.”

Pashalian’s love of words was evident not only in the ever-present
dictionaries, but in the hand-lettered signs that he plastered his
front windows with and hung from the light fixtures of the back room.
And he always kept a miniature copy of Rodin’s statue The Thinker in
the center of the back room table.

Always kindhearted, Pashalian nonetheless loved to play devil’s
advocate and provoke debates at almost any cost. “He was a charmer,”
Minicucci said, “but he would deliberately take the opposite view to
keep discussions going. Then, when everybody was yelling at him, he’d
yell back, ‘What do I know, I’m just a baker.’ ”

Pashalian was much, much more than just a baker, Garabedian said,
noting that the proud businessman had once studied to be a lawyer.

He served as an ensign in the Coast Guard after graduating from its
academy at Fort Trumbull in Connecticut, graduated from Providence
College, and attended Boston University Law School.

Garabedian, who has been a regular at the shop since the 1960s, said
that it was shortly after his own bid for Cranston School Committee
that he dubbed the shop “the back room” and the name stuck.

Eventually The Back Room drew national media attention in newspaper
and magazine articles, Garabedian said. And while Pashalian enjoyed
the limelight and the visitors, his loyalty was always to his
longtime friends.

Garabedian said he remembers the day that a reporter for a national
newspaper called during lunch hour hoping to interview Pashalian.
“Joe got on the phone and said, ‘I’m too busy waiting on customers,’
” Garabedian said.

“Even though he was operating this little innocuous sandwich shop, he
managed to get attention from all over,” he said.

The small brick-fronted shop, located across the street from Hugh B.
Bain Middle School, may have looked modest, Garabedian said, but the
food was as impressive as the list of guest speakers. Everything
Pashalian made — from sandwiches to hermit cookies — was good,
Garabedian said. Pashalian was known especially for the thin Armenian
cracker bread that reflected both his baking skill and his pride in
his heritage.

In 2000, Mayor John O’Leary honored Pashalian by making him the
recipient of one of Cranston’s “Outstanding Seniors” awards.

Garabedian said that Pashalian had started to falter physically
recently, but he still showed up at the sub shop everyday. Family
members said that the shop will continue to operate under longtime
friend Mike Vittulo.

Yesterday, Pashalian’s big signs were still up in the front windows
— one promising pizza and broccoli pies and another declaring that
“No university ever gave a degree in common sense.”

One small new sign was taped to the door. It notified customers that
the shop will be closed tomorrow for Pashalian’s funeral.

“Joe is the type of guy who wouldn’t want the shop closed too long,”
Garabedian said. “He was still working in the back room when I left
for Florida a couple of weeks ago, and I expected to see him there
when I came back.”

Both Garabedian and Minicucci noted that Pashalian never declared any
party affiliation despite the parade of politicos who dined and
campaigned at his shop.

“I really think that he hated politics, but loved the politicians,”
Minicucci said. “I think that deep down, he just loved people.”

Pashalian, who lived on Bretton Woods Drive, was the husband of Alice
R. (White) Pashalian. They were married for 68 years.

Joseph Pashalian was born in Providence, a son of the late Charles
and Paris (Tashjian) Pashalian. He owned Pashalian’s Market in
Providence before opening the sandwich shop 45 years ago.

Besides his wife, he is survived by two daughters: Joyce C. Pashalian
of Providence and Joan A. Morrison of Jamestown. He was the brother
of the late George and Anna Pashalian, Irene Juskalian, Rose
Meldonian and Zarie Dionne.

The funeral will be held tomorrow at 8:45 a.m. from the Nardolillo
Funeral Home, 1278 Park Ave., Cranston, with a service at 10 a.m. in
Sts. Sahag & Mesrob Armenian Apostolic Church, 70 Jefferson St.,
Providence.

Burial will be in North Burial Ground Cemetery, Providence.

Arsinée Khandjian at Bay Area ANC “Hai Tad Evening”

Armenian National Committee
San Francisco – Bay Area
51 Commonwealth Avenue
San Francisco, CA 94118
Tel: (415) 387-3433
Fax: (415) 751-0617
E-mail: [email protected]

SPEECH BY ARSINÉE KHANDJIAN AT BAY AREA ANC “HAI TAD EVENING”
Saturday, March 6, 2004

When I was first invited for an opportunity to speak tonight, I wasn’t sure
what it was that the organizers were hoping to hear me say. The response
came back to me very quickly in the form of a self-evident suggestion which
was to address the topic of “the role of the artist in Hay Tad (the Armenian
cause)”. When I say self-evident, I mean, from the perspective of the
organization’s mandate and history which is to keep the subject of and the
work towards the recognition of the Armenian Genocide alive and continuous.

As we know, both politics and the arts have been driving forces for social
change throughout history. Cultures that have rejected the influences and
challenges presented by artists have remained poorer and weaker as a society
and a civilization.

When artistic activities have been embraced by societies, the artists have
often found themselves inscribed in the history of that culture. Not only
in its art history, but also in the larger collective history. Over time,
the process of the creative endeavor as well as its outcome have come to be
identified with the personal beliefs and views of the artist himself.
Undoubtedly, his personal experiences and morals influence his inspiration;
but if the resulting expression runs counter to the dominant, accepted
ideology of a particular society, – sadly, we’ve seen time after time, – the
most common reaction is to label the work as “propaganda”.

Over the years, as Atom Egoyan and I discussed the question of the Armenian
Genocide, the history’s effects on us as survivors, and the burden on the
Diaspora to face the denial of this inconceivable pain, one question kept
coming back unfailingly. It was a question in two parts: “Why and how to
remember?”

As long as we were not directly exploring this very history through our
work, the challenge for us remained in understanding it on a personal level
– in understanding its effects on our identity. However, when we decided to
address these issues in a film work that would explore our Armenian identity
and expose the effects of the Genocide on it, not only did the two-part
question resurface – more than that – what became clear was that there was
an inherent danger in the simple fact of raising the topic. In the face of
an unsettled historical event, it was difficult to just follow the natural
law of the creative process which normally allows artists to speak from what
they know and what they believe in, what inspires their work and what
substantiates their imagination. The infamous question of `why to remember’
started putting us in a defensive position. Explaining and contextualizing
our work were not unusual to us. Artists’ views and observations are often
challenged for their meaning, their accuracy, and their pertinence in light
of established conventional values. But the position we found ourselves in
this time was atypical because as our responses ran the risk of being
perceived as political stances. For some, the initiative of the film was
further evidence of our engagement in a political act. They felt that not
only had we decided to remember the Genocide, but we were also suggesting
“how to remember” it – which brings me to the heart of the subject.

“Ararat” was designed to be first and foremost a work of art inspired by
humanistic and creative concerns previously present in the filmmaker’s body
of work. Atom Egoyan says in his introduction to the screenplay: “The
problem with any film that deals with the “Armenian issue” is that there are
so many issues to deal with… From the moment I began to write this
script, I was drawn to the idea of what it means to tell a story of horror.
In this case, the horror isn’t only about the historical events that took
place in Turkey over eighty-five years ago, but also the enduring horror of
living with something so cataclystic that has been systematically denied.
Without getting into the mechanics of that denial (there are a number of
books and articles on that issue), it is important to note that the role of
the director in my film-within-the-film is monumental. Edward Saroyan, and
his screenwriter, Rouben, are faced with an awesome task. They will be the
first filmmakers to present these images to a wide public. If their film
seems raw and blunt in its depictions, it’s because they are the first
people to cinematically present these “unspeakable horrors.” (later he adds)
most of the conflicts that occur in the contemporary story are related to
the unresolved nature of not only the Genocide, but also the difficulties
and compromises faced by the representation of this atrocity. How does an
artist speak the unspeakable? What does it mean to listen? What happens when
it is denied? (and finally) thus the screenplay had to tell the story of
what happened, why it happened, why it’s denied, why it continues to happen,
and what happens when you continue to deny. Ararat is a story about the
transmission of trauma. It is cross-cultural and inter-generational. The
grammar of the screenplay uses every possible tense available, from the
past, present, and future, to the subjective and the conditional.”

These incessant questions, – either in preparation for the production, or as
voiced by the character of Saroyan in the film, and again raised by the
filmmaker after the completion of Ararat, – are a clear indication that at
no point was there a desire to prove that the history was true. Instead,
the only concern was to find a way to give voice to a true history, to
retrieve it from oblivion and make the viewers ask themselves why they have
never heard of it. These were the obligations felt by the filmmaker.

Nevertheless, in the last two and a half years, we were to be confronted by
many politically charged situations and accusations. There is no doubt that
in the case of Ararat, the artifact itself, the film as an object, has
become in many cases a political instrument. As you may well know, opinions
are expressed regularly from various Turkish sources that adamantly reject
what the film represents, despite the fact that only a few of the respective
parties have actually even seen it. And, perhaps, there are Armenians who
may have not fully appreciated the thematic treatment of the movie and yet
they will unconditionally support it because it is “about the Armenian
Genocide”. These reactions and developments may be considered inevitable
given the political contrapositions on the subject. They do, however,
suggest that as artists we, nonetheless, have to be prepared to enter into
political discourse and sometimes directly so.

I will take a moment to describe one recent incident that not only caught
Atom and me by surprise but once again made us wonder to what extent the
artist is to be involved in the realm of political action even if that is
not his objective or choice.

It was end of December last year, just before the holidays, when we heard
that Erkan Mumcu, the Turkish minister of culture and tourism, had announced
that “Ararat” will finally be shown in Turkey. This came as a big surprise
mixed with excitement and suspicion. After all, we had already heard when
the film was screened publicly that festival organizers would invite it to
the Istanbul film fest. We had heard encouraging words from Turkish
journalists and critics that the film should be shown to Turkish audiences.
We were even approached by the head of a distribution company called Belge
film, who would take it upon himself to open the movie in Turkey. But all
these expressions of interest and curiosity had amounted to very little.
The individual initiatives were either not sincere enough or strong enough
to change a government policy shunning all discussion about anything
directly related to the subject of the Armenian Genocide. The more
organized campaigns were to refute the validity of the film both from a
historical and artistic perspective. Just before the opening of the film in
the states, over two thousand e-mails had inundated Disney’s and Miramax’s
head offices, claiming historical distortion and propaganda. One may
imagine, therefore, our amazement at this latest news where the minister was
announcing, through one of the most important press agencies in the world,
associated press, that “Ararat” was to be screened to Turkish audiences.
This was to show that the country was a serious proponent of democratic
ideals and that the release of the film was an example of Turkey’s tolerance
and openness as a society. The message appeared to be that Turkish citizens
should be entitled to their own opinion after having a chance to see the
film. These statements were commendable but they indicated a drastic shift
in the government’s position. Why now, we asked ourselves? After all, most
of the initial buzz, impact, concerns and accusations had already had their
run and the subject of the controversy around the film was slowly fading away.

Atom, in his magnanimously generous and optimistic outlook was happy about
this news. It was his hope that Turkish society would have a chance to see
this work along with previous ones, as part of his ongoing fascination with
human tragedy.

I, on the other hand, was much more skeptical. The news was too good to be
true. The vociferous articles that had been published over the past two
years in so many Turkish papers did not give me a sense that this
announcement could be anything other than rhetorical. I decided not to get
my hopes too high and naively be seduced by an intangible gesture. In a
strange way, I was even uneasy that “Ararat” would finally be released in
Turkey. I felt a sense of manipulation and opportunism guiding this highly
volatile announcement. As if, someone was walking into my garden, picking
up my golden apple, and walking out into the world to show the discovery. I
was determined to follow the turn of events as closely as possible until I
heard that the film was actually running in Turkish theatres.

Unfortunately, my instincts were well founded. It didn’t take us long to
find out that not only was the decision of the government challenged by the
nationalist action party, but also that any individual choosing to attend
screenings would suffer the consequences of the decision to shame Turkey by
paying dearly with his or her life.

Of course, this time no international media was to report these latest
developments. We found out about it through individuals who read Turkish
newspapers and who took it upon themselves to inform us of the way the
situation was unfolding.

As one may guess, Turkey needed to persuade the European Union through a
grandiose gesture of her ongoing efforts to establish democratic values as
an enduring principle of social and political course. “Ararat” with its
international profile was a perfect “golden apple” to show off at this
occasion. This strategy would not, however, survive the precarious
democratic structures on which this recently elected government was trying
to hold itself up.

My feeling was that something had to be done before this development would
go unnoticed and the world would remain with an initial false impression.
“Ararat” was not to see “the light of projector” in Turkey, and this,
everyone had the right to know without ambiguity. This was, yet again,
another example of deception, not only for us the filmmakers, but also for
every righteous citizen in the international community. Often our
politicians, for political expediency and alliances, fail to keep us from
knowing what is true and what is not. But this sort of knowledge is not a
privilege, it’s a public right.

I started to talk about it with friends, with community leaders, with
activists. To my surprise, I was to be given predictable generic responses
such as: “Oh well! It’s hardly surprising! But what can be done?” Or “there
are so many other issues to deal with when it comes to denial; this is more
or less one other small example of it”. Or “Armenian organizations have
more important ongoing concerns and this situation is only another
“velveloug”, rumor, not worth prioritizing it necessarily”. When I called
an American/Armenian organization to exchange ideas about a possible way to
address the situation, my phone call was not to be returned. Amazed by this
dismissal, I complained to someone in private, at which point I heard
something that amazed me even more: “What! Just because you’re a movie star
you think the person would have to take your call? Don’t you realize how
busy they are handling major Armenian issues?” I didn’t need insult from my
own people over injury from Turkish politicians.

I informed Atom that this case was not to be abandoned. We needed to
publicize the incident in a media-wide splash. After all, the Turkish
government has had the “presence d’esprit” to use the press in the first
place. Why stop them in their own device?

That’s when the ANC chapter in Toronto was contacted. I will personally
name Aris Babikian because he was the one person, who listened carefully to
what I was proposing as an opportunity and as an approach to turn the
situation around in our interest. I am thankful and humbled by his
generosity to commit the time and effort to this cause. He did it single
handedly by calling upon every Toronto newspaper editor. Soon, the
journalists were calling in to speak with Atom and find out what sources in
Turkey had to be contacted to substantiate the story. They managed to get
hold of the distributor who had rejected the offer of the minister of
culture to provide police force in protection for audiences attending the
public screenings. How could one take on, after all, the responsibility of
threatened lives? The Turkish ambassador in Ottawa was asked for an opinion.
He responded that this situation was not an example of a failing democracy
in Turkey… Finally, the same minister of culture gave in. Pressured by
demands for answers from Canadian journalists, he claimed that it was all a
ploy by the Canadian distributor of “Ararat” who had forced Turkey to
purchase the film, in order, to show later that Turkey was not an open,
tolerant society.

Yes. All this was reported in the Canadian press, nationally.

But the major success of this media campaign was marked when the editor of
the globe and mail, one of our most influential national papers, gave a most
unprecedented editorial write up, firmly establishing an explicit editorial
policy by calling the events of 1915 a genocide, and venturing even further.
Under the title, blocking Ararat, read the following passages: “If only
stories were as powerful as Ulku Ocaklari, the youth wing of a Turkish
nationalist group, seems to think they are! Threats of violence from the
group this month caused a film distributor in Turkey to withdraw Atom
Egoyan’s movie Ararat, about the 1915 genocide of an estimated 1.5 million
Armenians, before its debut on Turkey’s movie screens. Ulku Ocaklari must
be among the last believers in the power of art to change the world. (He
continues) the movie provides a test of the country’s political maturity at
a time when Turkey is pressing to join the European Union… Turkey is
failing the test. (later, he asks) What do the nationalists fear would
happen if Turks sat down to watch Mr. Egoyan’s complicated tale, much of
which is about the effects of the Genocide on Canadian Armenians today? The
stirrings of empathy, the desire for reconciliation? A wish to know more, to
seek the truth about their country’s history?… Despite the efforts of
countless writers to bear witness – genocidal campaigns still flourished in
Cambodia, Rwanda and the former Yugoslavia. Even so, the artists and others
will continue to come forward, because they must. (and he concludes) in the
end, the Turkish people are the poorer for this violent threat against their
freedom to think.”(1)

Soon, ANC Washington and Los Angeles chapters were contacted and took it
upon themselves to alert the American press. What started up as being one
more affront in the ocean of assaults and deceptions regularly obstructing
the recognition of the Armenian Genocide, turned into a premise to serve the
truth. This time, both the New York Times and the Los Angeles times
reported on the blocking of the film, not with such a unequivocal sense of
outrage as their Canadian counterpart, but then again, it is consistent with
the differences that mark the Canadian and American ways of contemplating
the world!

So, what is the role of the artist in Hay Tad?

Anatole Baja, a French theorist of the decadence movement, asks the
following question regarding the poet’s pursuit : “Isn’t their (the poets)
aim to seek the quintessence of things, to extract from them the most
intense perfume, in order to produce, in a few instants, a saraband of
striking visions giving the sensations of the manner of facts?”(2)

If this is the blessing, the power, the talent, and the vocation of the
artist and of the poet, then let me answer that question with another
question. What is the role of hay institutions, of hay politicians and
lobbyists, of hay culture and hay nation towards the artist? How do we
ensure that we acknowledge each other’s presence and we validate, as a
worldwide community, the differences among us? How do we bridge the gaps,
the lack of communication, and the ignorance that often plague the ever so
crucial bond linking a society to the voice of the artists?

I firmly believe that the role of the artist is to make art. But more
importantly, I consider it indispensable that societies appreciate closely
artistic processes and legitimize the endeavor of their artists; that they
come to understand there are several ways to accomplish goals towards a
promising future and that, in this respect, the artist is a major asset,
influence, and contributor.

Atom Egoyan and I never dreamt of writing a manifesto or a work of
propaganda with Ararat. All we wished for was to explore with rigor and
critical honesty the very essence of what we have to carry on as an identity
in our lives. That Armenians and hundreds of thousands of other citizens in
the world heard what “Ararat” had to tell is nothing other than a
celebration of the power of art to reach the heart and the mind of humanity.

If we played a role in Hay Tad, it was only because we first and foremost
believed in the need to tell our story as we know it. Thank you.

___________

(1) “Blocking Ararat”, in The Globe and Mail, Monday, Jan. 26, 2004.
(2) Legitimizing The Artist, Manifesto Writing and European Modernism,
1885-1915, Luca Somigli, University of Toronto Press, Toronto, Buffalo,
London, 2003, p. 85.

http://www.ancsf.org/press_releases/2004/khandjian_speech.htm
www.ancsf.org
www.TeachGenocide.org

Between Islam And The West

Dar Al-Hayat, Saudi Arabia
March 24 2004

Between Islam And The West
Mustafa Al Faqi

The study of the Turkish phenomenon needs historical awareness and an
understanding of the Turkish character and the various factors that
form its identity and determine its policies that oscillate between
the historical Ottoman Turkey and the geographical European Turkey.
The Turkish State is not disturbed by being in Europe’s backside
instead of being in the Islamic world’s front. There are many aspects
to consider within the Turkish phenomenon: First of all, Turkey’s
location as a link between Asia and Europe and its control of the
straits gave it historical powers whose remnants remain to this day.
Secondly, the European dream that tickles Turkish feelings and
dominates its policies has led it to seek the appeasement of the
European Union and subsequently the United States and Israel. There
is no doubt that Ataturk’s ideology contributed substantially to
Turkey’s turn of perspective from the east to the west, despite all
the difficult conditions and concessions it had to face.
Nevertheless, the former French President, Valerie Giscard D’Estaing
has deemed that Turkey’s membership in the EU is almost impossible
and that perhaps a country like Morocco, in his point of view, has a
priority over it.

Ataturk’s secularism distanced Turkey from the Arab East, for the
eradication of the traditional headwear is not just symbolic but an
indication of the end of the Ottoman era and the beginning of
adopting Latin letters and turning Islam to a unique “Ataturkian”
model that is guarded by the army. We should also not forget that
Turkey is an important member of the NATO alliance and has played an
essential role in protecting Western and American interests and so it
is a key member of the Western defense system, which stood by its
side during its security troubles whether pertaining to the Cypriot
or Kurdish issues. Furthermore, the expansion of the Islamic tide in
modern Turkey represents an exceptional phenomenon, for new
generations express enthusiasm about returning to Turkey’s Islamic
character.

Hence, Turkey is a distinctive country and has played a significant
historical role in the entire region. Arabs have not properly used
the Turkish “card” in all their issues particularly in the
Arab-Israeli struggle. It is about time that Arabs deal with Turkey,
perhaps through the Arab League or bilateral ties, in a new
perspective because the diversity of its role makes it in a position
that can exert pressure on major world powers. The Turks are probably
enthusiastic about such a role but we Arabs have failed in taking
advantage of that role. Arab-Turkish relations definitely vary from
one Arab country to another as well as from one period to another
depending on international circumstances. We will not forget the
confrontation in 1998 with Syria that was avoided by the wisdom of
late President Assad and the efforts of the current Egyptian
President Mubarak.

Arab-Turkish relations have a lot of potential and should focus on
the following points: Overcoming the past’s negative aspects and
concentrating on the partnership that lasted for many centuries in
order to boost relations and give Turks the incentive to reconsider
their total secularism and change of identity without hurting Turkish
pride or the image of their legendary conqueror, Mustafa Kemal. The
Israeli-Turkish relations should not be an obstacle but a quality in
this course for Turkey could exert pressure in favor of peace. That
is why it should be given the status of observer in the Arab League
since it and Iran constitute the Arabs’ northern and eastern
neighbors. Moreover, the Turkish model of Islam should be considered
a fact. The recent visit by the current Syrian President to Turkey
has created a better atmosphere and has strengthened Arab-Turkish
relations and possibly gave way to a mediation role with Israel on
the Syrian and Lebanese tracks. The situation in Iraq might also be a
factor in bolstering these relations especially that Northern Iraq
has an ethnic Turkish minority.

This is our point of view concerning that country, at the center of
the world and that carries a part of human heritage and occupies a
strategic and unique position, which we share with a long history
including points of strength and weakness, particularly at the time
when the Turkish army perpetrated historic misfortunes that were
embodied in “Damascus’s hangings” in addition to the “Armenian
massacre.” Yet, history exonerates and peoples forgive and at the end
it is the long-term perspective of the relations between Arabs and
the country, oscillating between east and west that persist.

http://english.daralhayat.com/opinion/03-2004/Article-20040324-7a58a525-c0a8-01ed-006c-e26e37a2e701/story.html