Category: News

And on the Farm He Had Caviar (E-I-E-I-O)
By FLORENCE FABRICANT
New York Times
Dec 22 2004
Published: December 22, 2004
IT is time to add new players to the usual caviar vocabulary of beluga,
osetra and sevruga: transmontanus and baerii.
Farm-raised caviar is becoming a better option than the shrinking and
restricted wild harvest, and the sturgeons of choice are Acipenser
transmontanus and Acipenser baerii. These terms are showing up on
caviar tins.
The quality of farm-raised caviar has improved dramatically, and the
amount that is available keeps increasing. It is being produced in
California, France, Italy and Uruguay, and experiments are also under
way in Greece, Spain, Portugal, Germany and Armenia.
Cultivated caviar is a response to decreasing supplies of Caspian
Sea caviar. The quotas for the 2004 catch have been sharply reduced
to protect the fish. That and the weak American dollar are driving
the already exorbitant price of wild caviar even higher, starting at
about $60 an ounce compared with $30 and up for farm-raised.
Armen Petrossian, the chairman of the caviar company that bears his
name, said: “Today about 25 tons of caviar are farm-raised, compared
with about 180 tons of wild. In five years I would estimate we’ll
see 150 tons of farm-raised on the world market.”
Petrossian now sells transmontanus caviar, which is also called
white sturgeon, from Stolt Sea Farm in California. It is $40 to
$45 an ounce in two grades: royal, which I found to have an earthy,
osetralike flavor, and imperial, which has a delicacy like beluga.
Stolt Sea Farm’s caviar is also marketed under the brand name Sterling
and is available at Zabar’s for $65 for two ounces.
Browne Trading in Portland, Me., is selling transmontanus from Italy
at about $50 an ounce. The texture of the dark grains is impeccable,
with a flavor that has sweetness and hints of black truffle. This
caviar is also available at Balducci’s stores.
(Exact price comparisons are difficult to make because some places
sell caviar by the gram and others sell it by the ounce. The price
usually drops for larger amounts.)
Tsar Nicoulai, another California company, is producing good, buttery
transmontanus, which it sells for $53 to $63 an ounce, depending on
the grade. Williams-Sonoma has it, too, for $65 an ounce (in two-ounce
tins) for select, the higher grade.
A type of Siberian sturgeon, Acipenser baerii, is being cultivated
in Uruguay. At Eli’s Manhattan, it is $37 an ounce. This baerii has
a smallish, sevrugalike grain and darkness, but is exceptionally
clean tasting, with delightful nutty overtones. Paramount Caviar in
Long Island City, Queens, also carries the Uruguayan caviar at $45
an ounce, but is now sold out and awaiting a shipment.
Acipenser baerii has been cultivated in the Bordeaux region of
France for about five years. D’Artagnan’s house brand is from Caviar
d’Aquitaine, owned by Pierre Bergé, a former partner in Yves Saint
Laurent. It is just under $60 an ounce. This caviar is dark gray
with a clean, fresh salinity. Petrossian sells French baerii from a
different company for around $60 an ounce; it has a small grain and
a softer texture than the company’s cheaper transmontanus. The flavor
is not quite as bright.
At prices like these for cultivated caviar, you might consider wild
Caspian Sea caviar after all, unless political or environmental issues
are factors. But it is best to buy only from Iran or Azerbaijan.
Earlier this year it seemed doubtful that any Caspian Sea caviar from
the 2004 catch would be approved for sale. In October wild caviar was
finally given the green light by the international organization that
regulates the trade, and by the federal Fish and Wildlife Service.
Fine Azerbaijan osetra from the 2004 catch is around $60 an ounce.
Delicious, classic Iranian osetra, which meets extremely high
standards, starts at around $75 an ounce most places, more for caviar
labeled golden or imperial.
As for beluga, which once dominated American caviar sales, little
is available, because of restrictions placed on the catch. Also, no
fresh caviar is coming in from Russia. This season the best beluga
is from Romania, on the Black Sea, for at least $85 an ounce.
“Prices are now as high as I have ever seen them,” Mr. Petrossian
said. “They may come down a bit after the holidays. But we are trying
to get our customers to experiment with different caviars. You can’t
just sell beluga anymore.”
Whether caviar is purchased from shops, mail-order catalogs or online,
the jar or tin should be labeled as to type of caviar and country of
origin. Those that say only “Caspian Sea” are best avoided because
they could be from an older harvest.
And if you want to indulge in caviar in a restaurant but shudder to
think of the price, there is a bring-your-own policy until Jan. 1
at Le Périgord, 405 East 52nd Street. The accouterments are on the
house. Georges Briguet, the owner, is also serving Iranian osetra at
cost, $130 for two ounces, for what may be the only caviar bargain
around.
–Boundary_(ID_ZnS3ahAlzGpwONCVc2D3YA)–

Zenit News Agency, Italy
Dec 22 2004
Christian Martyrs: Witnesses for the World
Says Secretary of Congregation for Sainthood Causes
VATICAN CITY, DEC. 21, 2004 (Zenit.org).- Because of the values
they incarnated, Christian martyrs are the patrimony of the whole of
humanity, not only of the Church, says a Vatican official.
Archbishop Edward Nowak, secretary of the Congregation for Sainthood
Causes, made that point during an address at the inauguration of
the new academic year of the “Studium” of the Vatican dicastery,
held at the Patristic Institute Augustinianum.
The “Studium” was established 20 years ago in response to the need to
form people specialized in carrying forward a cause of canonization,
from the first phases. Until last year, the studies were carried out
by more than 1,600 people.
The text of the monsignor’s introduction, with the title in Italian
“The Church Is Again the Church of Martyrs,” was issued earlier this
month by L’Osservatore Romano.
“The century that has just ended was presented as a time of very many
martyrs. Some historians say that, in the 20th century, Christianity
experienced the greatest persecution of its history,” the prelate
noted.
According to John Paul II, “at the end of the second millennium,
the Church is again the Church of martyrs, the persecutions against
believers, priests, religious and laity have produced a great sowing
of martyrs in different parts of the world.”
Martyrdom always has formed a part of the life of the Church,
Archbishop Nowak said. He mentioned for example the persecution of
the Armenian people, the Spanish and Mexican martyrs, and the victims
of the Nazi and Communist eras, as well as the present time.
“The martyrs are, in the first place, an inestimable and precious
value in itself for the Church herself,” he said. “In the second
place, they are bearers of a great message. Their martyrdom is above
all the testimony of faith and of the Church.
“In particular, the martyr is a witness who has undertaken the
following of Christ, to the giving up of his life, in order to witness
to the truth of the Gospel.”
The Vatican official said that martyrdom is “the scandal, the absurd,
the paradox of Christianity. From a martyr who was killed, other
faithful were born, hundreds, thousands. There is no reasonable
explanation. Perhaps there is one, namely the person of Christ, his
defeat on the cross, which generated Christianity, and millions and
millions of Christians in all ages.”
The secretary of the Congregation for Sainthood Causes added that
“the martyrs are also a great patrimony of humanity. These persons,
in civil language, are the heroes of society.”
“They incarnate values of civility, fidelity, solidarity, primacy
of conscience, primacy of being over having, heroism unto death,
forgiveness, and help,” he added. “Because of this, they are the most
beautiful and true pages of history. Not only those of the Church
but also of humanity.”
From: Baghdasarian

ASBAREZ ONLINE
TOP STORIES
12/21/2004
TO ACCESS PREVIOUS ASBAREZ ONLINE EDITIONS PLEASE VISIT OUR
WEBSITE AT <;HTTP:// 1) No Other Document on Karabagh Is As Pro-Azeri As Atkinson's Report 2) Minsk Group to Inspect Mountainous Karabagh Territories 3) Sheikh Sultan Inaugurates Armenian Cultural Show 1) No Other Document on Karabagh Is As Pro-Azeri As Atkinson's Report By Tatoul Hakobian (AZG)--The former Russian co-chair of OSCE Minsk Group Vladimir Kazimirov, dissatisfied with the Parliamentary of Council of Europe's (PACE) latest report on the Mountainous Karabagh conflict, wrote a letter to PACE rapporteur David Atkinson, who authored the report.  Kazimirov, who chaired Russia's mediating mission in Karabagh, particularly blasted the pro-Azerbaijan nature of the report. "The most important international documents on Mountainous Karabagh always maintained balance in order to make it easy for the sides to compromise. None of them has ever been as single-mindedly pro-Azeri as yours," Kazimirov wrote. Having visited the Karabagh conflict zone 47 times, Kazimirov, considered an expert on the conflict, says both Atkinson's report, as well as his predecessor's Terry Davis's, neglect the history of the confrontation, the 1992-1994 war, and the conflict regulation process. "Many issues of the conflict resulted from actions on both sides; yet your approach pins the entire blame on the Armenian side. I am not trying to justify the Armenians; I only say that we need to be impartial in assessing the actions of both sides. Moreover, it was Azerbaijan that wanted to settle the Karabagh issue by means of force--that rejected all steps to ease the tension," he writes. Kazimirov stresses that Mountainous Karabagh, both in the UN formulas and OSCE documents, was either directly or indirectly recognized as a side to the conflict: "Only your formula overlooks this issue and recognizes only Armenia and Azerbaijan as sides--thus playing into Baku's hands." He recalls that the OSCE Budapest summit also mentions "three sides" to the conflict. He criticizes the report's emphasis on the importance of Karabagh's Azeri community. "Azerbaijan is a side to conflict--not the Azeri population in Mountainous Karabagh. There is no difference of viewpoints between Azerbaijan's and Karabagh's Azeri population," he stresses. "Could it be that it is appropriate to use the terms, 'London's British community,' 'Baku's Azeri community,' or 'Moscow's Russian community'?" Both the Davis and Atkinson reports, Kazimirov writes, refer to the four UN resolutions on the Karabagh conflict, accenting only demands for the withdrawal of Armenian Armed forces. Kazimirov stresses, however, that even having lost control over their territories, Azerbaijan's leadership persisted in their attempts to solve the conflict by force. Already having all the four resolutions of the UN Security Council, Baku directly ignored the chances of putting an end to hostilities three times. "Azerbaijan agreed on ceasefire under the threat of all-out defeat and loss of power--not to implement the UN Security Council's resolutions. The Armenians also had many problems, but they turned to be more flexible and constructive," Kazimirov reminds. The Russian diplomat concedes that the Armenians did not withdraw forces from the occupied territories, as stipulated by the UN formula, "But, in fact, Azerbaijan has not implemented any of the demands put forth by the UN either, and continue to this day to do nothing. Moreover, they demand that Turkey maintains its blockade of Armenia, threatens--time after time--to resume the war, and encourages anti-Armenian hysteria in Azerbaijan--but there is no word about this [in Atkinson's report]." Toward the end of his letter, Kazimirov reminds Atkinson that Armenia has full control over five regions and partial over two--not eight as Atkinson contends. He also notes that Azerbaijan also occupies Armenian territories such as Artsvashen. Kazimirov ends the letter with hope that a distinguished organization, such as PACE, will be able to demonstrate a balanced approach in the Karabagh conflict. 2) Minsk Group to Inspect Mountainous Karabagh Territories BAKU (Armenpress)--A Minsk Group fact-finding mission to Mountainous Karabagh in late January will seek to find out whether Armenians inhabit the "occupied territories," according to the Minsk Group's Russian co-chairman Yuri Merzlyakov. Azerbaijan's "525" daily reported that all three Minsk Group co-chairmen will participate, along with representatives from Germany, Italy, Switzerland, and Finland--all OSCE Minsk Group participating countries. The Russian co-chairman revealed that the co-chairmen will most likely visit Yerevan and Baku at the beginning of January to clarify the details of their visit to Karabagh. The Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) Minsk Group is headed by the Co-chairmanship consisting of France, the Russian Federation, and the United States, and includes participating countries Belarus, Germany, Italy, Portugal, the Netherlands, Sweden, Finland, Turkey, as well as Armenia and Azerbaijan. 3) Sheikh Sultan Inaugurates Armenian Cultural Show SHARJAH (Sharjah-Welcome.Com)--Supreme Council Member and Ruler of Sharjah His Highness Dr. Sheikh Sultan Bin Mohammed Al Qassimi, inaugurated on Sunday the Armenian cultural exhibition at the art district. The art exhibition, which showcases more than 60 paintings and various other Armenian artworks, is in celebration of Sharjah's Armenian Cultural Week. Armenian Minister of Culture and Youth Affairs Hovik Hoveyan is visiting the United Arab Emirates (UAE) on the occasion. During his visit, a memorandum of understanding between Sharjah and Armenia was signed to consolidate cultural relations between the two countries and exchange expertise among Armenian and UAE artists. The formal inauguration was attended by various officials, among them Chairman of Sharjah Department of Culture and Information Sheikh Essam bin Saqr Al Qasimi, Armenia's Ambassador to the UAE Dr. Arshak Poladyan, and Director-General of the Department of Culture and Information Abullah bin Mohammed bin Owais. Dr. Poladyan told Khaleej Times that through the initiative of Armenian Cultural Week, Sharjah residents will be able to gain more knowledge about Armenian culture, art, and folklore. Commending Dr. Sheikh Sultan's proposal, Poladyan said, "Dr. Sheikh Sultan showed great dedication in organizing and highlighting the Armenian cultural days in Sharjah--a very well known cultural hub. Armenian Cultural Week will strengthen the cultural ties between the UAE and Armenia and exchange various creative ideas between the artists." Dr. Sheikh Sultan expressed his appreciation of Armenian art while viewing the exhibition area, where a number of Armenian paintings and carpets are displayed.       According to the signed memorandum, the upcoming Sharjah Cultural Days 2005 will be held in Armenia. All subscription inquiries and changes must be made through the proper carrier and not Asbarez Online. ASBAREZ ONLINE does not transmit address changes and subscription requests. (c) 2004 ASBAREZ ONLINE. All Rights Reserved. ASBAREZ provides this news service to ARMENIAN NEWS NETWORK members for academic research or personal use only and may not be reproduced in or through mass media outlets. --Boundary_(ID_xxvSxyZpzrFg5xB9AM/S/g)--

Saakashvili’s campaign against corruption
By Molly Corso for PINR (22/12/04)
ISN, Switzerland
Dec 22 2004
Once the Georgian government starts interfering with the status quo
of people’s daily lives, President Saakashvili’s popularity might
drop and the public could quickly lose taste for strong reforms.
Corruption has plagued Georgia – as well as its neighbors Armenia and
Azerbaijan – for generations. While it was a problem even during the
Soviet regime, ever since the former republics gained their
independence in the early 1990s, the degree of corruption has
crippled economic development and stifled attempts at reform. The new
government in Georgia, which won power on a reformist platform, is
widely viewed in the country as Georgia’s last chance to defeat the
spread of corruption and create a stable economy and law-abiding
society. Before the peaceful revolution of November 2003, Georgian
President Eduard Shevardnadze had been unsuccessful in curbing the
rapid growth of corruption throughout Georgian society and the
political process. Corruption in Georgia under the leadership of
Shevardnadze was so widespread it affected life on nearly every
level. Despite very strong laws against corruption, little was done
to enforce them. Blatant vote rigging and fraud led to his
government’s demise last fall, shortly replaced by younger
politicians on a reform platform. Even as Georgians rejoiced Mikhail
Saakashvili’s victory, activists stated that the new government would
have to prove it was better at fighting corruption than the former
president, otherwise Saakashvili would share his fate. Corruption
among the Georgian authorities is so widespread that it consistently
affects foreign investments. Investors originally saw Georgia as a
land of opportunity as the country is strategically located between
Europe and Asia. Plans for new oil and gas pipelines created an
economic boom for Azerbaijan in the early 1990s and observers fully
expected Georgia to receive part of that wealth. But corrupt
officials, coupled with unclear laws and tax policies, continue to
frustrate investors. The foreign investment community was further
antagonized by high-level kidnappings and threats for ransom and
bribes. The American electricity provider, AES, which took over
electricity distribution in Georgia in the late 1990s, was repeatedly
taken to court and threatened. In August of 2002, the company’s CFO,
Nika Lominadze, was murdered. Other high profile cases include the
kidnapping of the Welsh banker Peter Shaw in July 2002. Although no
ransom was reportedly paid, Shaw escaped his captors after four
months of imprisonment. While the Georgian government ascertained
Shaw escaped due to a special military operation, speculation
continued after Shaw’s release that members of the government were
involved in the kidnapping business.
A turn of the tide
While the 2003 parliament election might have started like business
as usual, protestors and politicians quickly assembled in front of
the parliament to protest the voting results. After weeks of
protests, Shevardnadze resigned on 23 November. Mikhail Saakashvili,
a former justice minister in Shevardnadze’s government from
2000-2001, was voted into office 4 January 2004 with 96 per cent of
the vote. Originally seen as Shevardnadze’s groomed pupil,
Saakashvili left his position as the justice minister, citing that he
believed it was “immoral” to remain a part of the corrupt government.
He became one of the loudest voices of the opposition in the years
leading up to his election, and one of the country’s most popular
politicians. He was a visible face during the protests and led the
charge into parliament the day before Shevardnadze resigned.
Saakashvili started out his presidency with strong words. “We need to
introduce in the parliament very drastic anti-corruption legislation
that would give vast powers to a new elite, small, honest
investigative unit that would really tackle high-level corruption,”
he said in January 2004. During his inauguration speech, he pressed,
“We must root out corruption. As far as I am concerned, every corrupt
official is a traitor who betrays the national interest.” Many hoped
the difference would be Saakashvili’s young age, 36, and the Western
influence brought through his education in the US. With a high
popularity rating – and no real opposition – Saakashvili was free to
implement any reforms or laws he felt fit. Many supporters were
alarmed when one of his first acts, in addition to the high profile
arrests of infamous businessmen like Gia Jokhtaberidze,
Shevardnadze’s son-in-law, included constitutional amendments to
consolidate his power. While the overall response to reforms from the
business sector has been positive, Badri Patarkatsishvili, who is the
president of the Georgian Federation of Businessmen, has repeatedly
stated that businessmen in Georgia should feel secure and know that
their rights will be honored. In an interview with the BBC in January
2003, Saakashvili stated that one of his top priorities for Georgia
was creating a stable and safe climate for investors. As early as
February, the new government was warned by the Visiting Council of
Europe Secretary-General Walter Schwimmer that the country’s fight
against corruption should not abuse the law. Critics of the new
government also began citing media intimidation and accusing the
government of arresting political enemies without adhering to the due
process required by law. Although criticism of the new government
continued, culminating in an open letter to the president by
prominent civil leaders in Georgia, the new president has not backed
down from his system of arrests and has not made any open efforts to
compromise with the growing opposition. The open letter, published
widely in Georgia, spoke of a growing concern that Saakashvili was
actively squashing public debate with nationalist rhetoric, as well
as failing to come to terms with his power in a “post-revolution”
society. Nevertheless, during his first year in office, Saakashvili
has made progress encouraging foreign investment in his country.
Georgia was included in the EU’s New Neighborhood Initiative and
received one billion dollars in pledges to help finance reforms.
Neighboring states concerned over the Georgian example
Neighboring countries throughout the Caucasus and Central Asia are
threatened by Saakashvili’s November rise to power and his rhetoric
against corruption. A 25 November 2003 emergency meeting of foreign
ministers from the Commonwealth of Independent States in Kiev
highlighted the fear of neighboring governments that Georgia’s new
crusader against corruption would also adversely affect the status
quo in their countries. In both Armenia and Azerbaijan, opposition
parties celebrated the resignation of Shevardnadze. Although both
Azeri President Ilham Aliev and Armenian President Robert Kocharian
were not openly supportive of Saakashvili in November, the overriding
element in their relationship revolves around commerce and trade.
Both presidents have conducted high profile trips to Georgia in the
past year, and Saakashvili has warmly welcomed them both as
“brothers”. Georgian election observers, however, were not welcome in
Ukraine. Despite the chilly official reception, Georgians traveled to
Kiev and participated in the protests following the November run-off
election. The Georgian Foreign Ministry issued statements on November
28 supporting the call for a Ukrainian revote. Georgian Prime
Minister Zurab Zhvania also supported the protestors, wishing Ukraine
a “victory of justice and democracy”. Georgia’s relationship with
Russia was strained during Shevardnadze’s presidency. Despite a
positive beginning, that relationship has rapidly deteriorated under
Saakashvili. During the protests calling for Shevardnadze’s
resignation, it was widely feared in the country that Russia would
strongly back Shevardnadze. However, after some initial support, then
Russian Foreign Minister Ivan Ivanov flew to Tbilisi on 22 November
to help ease tensions, and he has been given credit for helping the
country avoid violence. Warm relations between the countries
continued through the summer, highlighted when a large group of
potential Russian investors came to Tbilisi in May to discuss joint
business projects between the countries. During the convention,
Russian businessmen repeatedly emphasized the need for a stable, safe
investment climate and tax reforms. Talk of business investment was
overshadowed by the growing violence in South Ossetia, however, and
Russian involvement in Abkhazia. Currently, the administration in
Georgia is dealing with Moscow’s accusations of anti-Russian
militants hiding in the country, near the border between Chechnya and
Georgia, and the likelihood that Organization for Security and
Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) border patrols will not continue after
the mandate expires later this month. Furthermore, an ongoing point
of contention between the two governments is the existence of two
Russian army bases that still exist within Georgian territory. The
Russians use the bases to potentially influence Georgian affairs,
explaining why Tbilisi wants them removed. No real progress has been
made on this issue. Georgia’s relationship with the US has improved
under Saakashvili. Although accusations of heavy-handed policies have
grown against the current administration, the US has been a steadfast
supporter of Saakashvili and his reforms. In light of the current
reforms taking place in the military, the US government has pledged
over US$15 million to help modernize the Georgian army and
Saakashvili has already sent over 150 soldiers to Iraq. Georgian
soldiers are involved in peacekeeping missions in Afghanistan as
well, and Saakashvili has promised that over Georgian 800 soldiers
will eventually be dispatched. While Western powers initially faced a
quandary supporting the overthrow of an elected president, once the
degree of civil outrage toward the election became obvious, the US
issued a strong rebuke against Shevardnadze and his handling of the
election.
Rhetoric and reason
President Saakashvili has had some success fighting corruption
through tax reform and large scale arrests that include politicians
from the former regime and powerful businessmen. His peaceful
acquisition of the semi-autonomous Adjarian republic has given the
central government a great opportunity to reform invasive corruption
throughout the republic, especially in tax collection. The new tax
code, scheduled to begin February 2005, should help the government
receive lost revenue as well as prove to potential investors that the
new regime is serious about reform. Criticism of Saakashvili’s
policies is not unfounded. By refusing to follow due process, his
program of arrests could backfire by turning the accused into victims
in the eyes of the public. To date, the arrests have largely been
centered on high profile politicians and business leaders. In order
to fully eradicate corruption, citizens and low-level civil servants
involved in bribery and the black market will also need to be
arrested. Once the government starts interfering with the status quo
of people’s daily lives, Saakashvili’s popularity might drop and the
public could quickly lose taste for strong reforms. While he has
hired supporters of democracy into his government, he has distanced
himself from civil leaders outside of his government. Prominent civil
leaders in Georgia are giving Saakashvili some leeway as he gains
experience in office. However, his success will depend on his ability
to compromise heady rhetoric with reasonable public policy to lead
his country through difficult and painful reforms.
This article originally appeared in Power and Interest News
Report, PINR, at (). All comments should be directed
to [email protected].

EU, NATO TREAT FORMER SOVIET REPUBLICS AS NEXT PHASE IN EXPANDING THEIR INFLUENCE
RIA Novosti, Russia
Dec 22 2004
MOSCOW, December 22 (RIA Novosti) – The European Union and NATO
are treating the former Soviet republics as the next phase in the
efforts to expand their influence, Konstantin Kosachev, the head of
the international committee of the State Duma, the lower house of
parliament, told reporters on Wednesday.
Mr. Kosachev said the EU and NATO “are beginning to divide the CIS
states into more preferable and closer partners in the integration
process and less preferable ones.”
Mr. Kosachev said Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia were among the former.
Belarus and five Central Asian states are not prepared to take part in
the integration processes, according to the MP. Mr. Kosachev believes
Azerbaijan and Armenia are somewhere in between the two groups.
Mr. Kosachev believes the situation is unfavorable for Russia. “The
West used to stake on democratic changes in Russia as the means of
implementing joint projects, whereas today its motto is: ‘if we did
not succeed in democratizing Russia, let us demonize it.'”
Mr. Kosachev said the European Parliament and the OSCE had subjected
Russia to constructive criticism recently, as well as accused it of
the “sins” other countries could afford.
While working to turn Russia into some rogue state, the EU and NATO
are getting Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia more energetically involved
in the integration processes.
“This shows that the EU and Russia have failed to implement their
major project of creating a common European space with no dividing
lines,” said Mr. Kosachev.

French Prime Minister Raffarin uses ‘Genocide’ Term
Zaman, Turkey
Dec 22 2004
French Prime Minister Jean Pierre Raffarin has followed the lead of
his Foreign Minister, Michel Barnier, in using the expression
“Armenian Genocide” publicly.
At a session organized at the French Parliament to discuss the
opening of membership negotiations between the European Union (EU)
and Turkey, Raffarin disclosed that they have prepared a law on
“Armenian Genocide” at the parliament and that the Armenian and
Kurdish issues will be raised with Turkey. Raffarin pointed out that
Turkey’s EU perspective was assigned in 1963 and that no French
administrations have considered Turkey’s EU membership as a subject
worth discussing since then. He emphasized that nothing can keep
Turkey out of Europe once Turkey fulfills all the requirements and it
will become an EU member.
12.22.2004
Ali Ihsan Aydin

APARTMENTS FOR REFUGEES
Azat Artsakh – Nagorno Karabakh Republic (NKR)
21 Dec 04
The head of the Agency for Migration, Refugees and Re-settlement under
the NKR government Serge Amirkhanian informed that the 2005 budget
of this sphere was doubled against 2004. This increase is determined
by the fact that the social and housing problems of the refugees
are expected to be solved soon. Next year it is planed to build 40
apartments for refugees of which 30 in Stepanakert. Besides building of
houses the budget also provides for repairs of houses in the villages
resettled since 1994, which need repair and modern conveniences.
According to Serge Amirkhanian, in the coming year 40 houses will be
repaired in four settlements in the republic, and by repairing 30-40
houses a year the problem will be settled in 3-4 years. HOMES FOR
PARENTLESS CHILDREN. According to the NKR minister of social security
Lenston Ghulian, the budget of the social sector for the year of 2005
increased by 316 million drams, which will enable carrying on with the
programs and launching new ones. The new program will involve building
of apartments for parentless children. Next year 7 apartments will
be built for parentless children who are already 18 years old. The
apartments will be built in the places of their residence.
AA.
21-12-2004
From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

WILL PENSIONS AND BENEFITS RISE?
Azat Artsakh – Nagorno Karabakh Republic (NKR)
21 Dec 04
Pensions will grow since January 1. The basic pension will grow
from 3000 to 4000 and the value of each year of service from 140 to
160. Simultaneously the funeral benefit will be increased as well. The
funeral benefit is the basic pension multiplied by 25 and connected
with the raise of the basic pension in the coming year the funeral
benefit will total 100 thousand drams. The unemployment benefit will
be increased, too. Against the 3900 drams in 2005 the unemployment
benefit will total 9 thousand drams in 2005. The benefit of disabled
workers will be increased as well. The minimum benefit will total
20 percent of the minimum salary (15 thousand drams). The percentage
will increase according to the degree of disability. On the occasion
of the 60th anniversary of victory in the Great Patriotic War on
May 9 of the coming year the sums paid to the veterans of war will
increase. According to the NKR minister of social security Lenston
Ghulian, the disabled of the World War II and the Artsakh war will
receive 20 thousand drams, the participants 17 thousand, and persons
equalized to them 15 thousand.
SVETLANA KHACHATRIAN.
21-12-2004

Iranian gas pipeline to ensure diverse energy sources for Armenia – minister
Mediamax news agency
22 Dec 04
Yerevan, 22 December: The possible transit of gas by the Iran-Armenia
gas pipeline is “an issue of the future”, Armenian Foreign Minister
Vardan Oskanyan said in Yerevan today.
Oskanyan told a press conference at the National Press Club that the
main goal in the construction of the gas pipeline is to have diverse
energy sources for Armenia.
Asked if Russia could interfere in this issue, Oskanyan said “Armenia
is always taking into account the interests of the neighbouring
countries, but is acting, first of all, in line with its own
interests”.
Commenting on a project to construct a railway between Iran and
Armenia, Oskanyan said the project requires large funds. However,
he said as the trade between Armenia and Iran is growing day by day,
there is a need for a railway between the two countries.
“This issue needs to be discussed and analysed seriously,” Oskanyan
said.
From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

EurasiaNet Organization
Dec 22 2004
PIPELINE PERKS FOR RUSSIA IN ARMENIA-IRAN ENERGY DEAL
Samvel Martirosyan 12/21/04
Iran has moved closer to gaining a strategic foothold in Caucasian
energy markets with the start of work on a gas pipeline to Armenia
that has been heralded by Yerevan as bringing “definite changes in
the region.” The project has the potential to undercut Russia’s
control of Armenia’s energy supply, yet two new gas projects could
act as potential deal sweeteners for this longtime Armenian ally.
Plans were recently announced for an increase in Armenian orders for
Russian gas and a possible role in the Iranian pipeline project for
Russian energy giant Gazprom.
Construction on Armenia’s section of the 142-kilometer gas pipeline
began on November 30, with $30 million in costs for the 42-kilometer
strip from the Armenian border town of Agarak to Kajaran, south of
Yerevan, picked up by the Iranian Export and Development Bank. Upon
completion in late 2006, the pipeline will supply the tiny South
Caucasus state with 36 billion cubic meters of Iranian gas over the
next 20 years. Gas from Turkmenistan is also scheduled to be
delivered to Armenia via the pipeline.
At an official ceremony to mark the project’s debut, Armenian Deputy
Prime Minister Andranik Margarian stated that the pipeline, in the
works since 1992, would bring economic benefits to Armenia as well as
foster regional stability. “This project has been implemented
throughout Armenia’s political and economic sufferings,” Armenian
media reported Margarian as saying. “In Armenia’s years of hardship,
Iran has stretched out its hand to help us.”
Expanding Armenia’s energy sources is a critical goal for the
administration of President Robert Kocharian – for both economic and
political reasons. Chronic energy shortages contributed to much of
the country’s economic decline after the collapse of the Soviet
Union, and Armenia’s economic woes continue to attract the criticism
of the country’s opposition. Speaking to reporters about Armenia’s
energy deal with Iran, Kocharian commented during a December 2 visit
by Iranian Energy Minister Habibollah Bitaraf that “[w]e are ready to
do everything possible to support the current level of cooperation,”
according to the Russian news agency Interfax.
In exchange for the gas, Armenia will eventually deliver up to 1,000
megawatts of electricity to Iran with the construction of two
high-voltage power lines between the countries. Additional
electricity projects are also in the works. In 2005 or 2006 Armenia
hopes to start construction on two hydropower plants on the banks of
the Arax River between Armenia and Iran, according to Margarian.
Oil could reinforce Tehran’s ties with Yerevan still further. At a
December 4 meeting between Armenian Defense Minister Serzh Sarkisian
and Iran’s Armenian Ambassador Alirza Hagigian, plans were discussed
for construction of a 60-kilometer oil pipeline from the Iranian town
of Julfa to the Armenian border town of Meghri.
Geopolitics, though, rather than the attractions of the Armenian
energy market, appears to drive much of Iran’s push for partnership.
With American troops stationed in neighboring Afghanistan and Iraq
and Iran’s nuclear energy program under intense international
scrutiny, the country’s ruling clerics have taken steps to assure the
outside world that the Islamic Republic is a force for stability in
the region. Iranian President Mohammad Khatami’s September 2004 visit
to Armenia, a close US ally, reinforced that campaign with a “good
neighbor” message that “Iran is interested in peace and stability in
the South Caucasus.”
But in drawing closer to Iran, Yerevan has risked alienating another
longtime ally – Russia. Though Russian Deputy Prime Minister Boris
Alyoshin assured reporters in Yerevan earlier this year that the
pipeline deal with Iran would only provide additional business for
Russian-operated electricity stations in Armenia, the deal has been
scrutinized with some trepidation. The Russian company United Energy
Systems controls 40 percent of Armenia’s electricity generation
facilities, while heavy hitters Gazprom and Itera control 55 percent
of ArmRogazprom, currently Armenia’s sole natural gas supplier.
When the Iranian pipeline is complete, however, Armenia will no
longer need to depend solely on Russia for its natural gas needs. In
Yerevan, Kremlin concerns about the prospect of Armenia providing a
conduit for Iranian gas to Europe, a key Russian market, are widely
believed to have resulted in a reduction of the pipeline’s size to a
width too narrow for exports.
Yet Russian energy companies have not been idle in defending their
interests. The Russian news agency Interfax reported an unidentified
Armenian government source as saying on December 8 that Gazprom may
be invited to build and repair one part of the Armenian-Iranian gas
pipeline, between Kadjaran and Ararat, at a cost of $90 million. As
payment for its work, Gazprom would receive the No. 5 generating unit
at the Razdan power plant, Armenia’s largest heating and power plant,
which supplies 20 percent of the country’s electricity needs.
Armenian President Robert Kocharian had earlier dismissed reports of
such a deal.
Still other sweeteners are in the works. On December 11, ArmRogazprom
CEO and General Director Karen Karapetyan announced plans to increase
gas supplies to Armenia by roughly 31 percent during 2005 to some
1.6-1.7 billion cubic meters. A $27 million expansion of Armenia’s
gas pipeline from Russia is planned to handle the increased flow. “I
am convinced that the problem of Armenia’s energy security will be
solved soon,” the Russian news agency Novosti reported Karapetyan as
saying, “given the forthcoming opening of the alternative
Iran-Armenia gas pipeline.”
For now, the government line out of Yerevan is that what benefits
Iran benefits Russia. At a May 13-15 summit in Moscow with Russian
President Vladimir Putin, Kocharian took pains to stress that the
pipeline deal with Iran would not damage Russia’s own energy
interests in Armenia or result in a fall-off in Armenian orders for
Russian gas. Gazprom, Itera and United Energy Systems will all
collect “major dividends from the deal,” Kocharian said, Novosti
reported. “They will benefit, too.”
Editor’s Note: Samvel Martirosyan is a Yerevan-based journalist and
political analyst.
–Boundary_(ID_cQP908hUWPxwrGDaNtBp2g)–
From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress