Sports: FC Noah unveils football complex that changes Armenian ambitions

NOGOMANIA
May 23 2026

FC Noah unveils football complex that changes Armenian ambitions

FC Noah opened a modern training centre and revealed plans for an ambitious stadium and development project that reaches far beyond football.

Not long ago, FC Noah was mainly known across the region as the club that ended Olimpija’s European journey.

Today, the Armenian champions are sending a different message.

They do not want to be remembered as a surprise result or a temporary football story.

They want to build something permanent.

And if the latest developments are any indication, they are moving quickly.

FC Noah officially opened its new training centre and at the same time presented plans for an even larger project that suggests the club’s ambitions extend far beyond winning domestic trophies.

The opening became much more than a club event.

Representatives of the Armenian government, football officials, business partners, and former football icon Luís Figo attended the ceremony, turning the presentation into a statement about where the club believes it is heading.

Inside Noah, the message was direct.

“A new chapter on the path to excellence and all the goals that FC Noah pursues with unwavering determination.”

The project itself took around a year and a half to complete, and the result is difficult to ignore.

The new complex was designed according to modern European standards and built to function as more than a traditional training ground.

Players now have access to modern changing facilities, dedicated recovery areas, medical and massage departments equipped with advanced technology, a large gym, and accommodation areas designed for training camps.

But the project goes further.

The complex also includes a library, dining facilities, meeting rooms, and relaxation zones where players have access to table tennis and gaming areas.

The infrastructure is designed to support not only the first team, but also technical staff and club operations.

And according to Noah, this is only phase one.

During the presentation, the club also introduced the concept behind Noah Park, an even broader development planned in Vagharshapat.

The idea reaches beyond football.

The vision includes a new stadium together with a football academy, public and sports zones, educational facilities and multifunctional areas intended for everyday community use.

The concept focuses on long-term growth, modern architecture and stronger integration with the surrounding environment.

Club president Vardges Vardanyan made it clear that the project is intended to change more than one club.

“Our goal is to develop youth football and introduce European standards. We have done a lot of work in the last two and a half years, and now we have something to show for it. I believe this step will encourage other clubs to invest in infrastructure and youth development.”

Results already exist on the sporting side.

FC Noah collected three Armenian Cups, a Super Cup and the national championship in recent years.

But infrastructure often says more about a club than trophies.

And Noah’s presentation left little room for doubt about how they see themselves.

Their final message was short.

“Get ready, Europe. FC Noah is coming.”

New Interdisciplinary Study Decodes the Symbolic Artistry of Armenian Catholic

May 23 2026
05-23-2026 07:49 AM CET | Business, Economy, Finances, Banking & Insurance

Press release from: Globe PR Wire

The Iconography of Catholios’s Vestments in the Armenian Medieval Miniature Painting by Dr. Sofi Khachmanyan is a groundbreaking scholarly work examining the ceremonial vestments of the Armenian Apostolic Church’s highest clergy through medieval miniature paintings and historical artifacts. Spanning the 13th to 18th centuries, the book explores the symbolism, sacred geometry, colors, and ritual significance embedded in ecclesiastical garments. Dr. Khachmanyan traces the historical roots of Christian liturgical attire to ancient civilizations while highlighting the emergence of a distinct Armenian spiritual and artistic identity. Combining art history, theology, and cultural preservation, the study offers valuable insight into Armenian medieval iconography, religious traditions, and ceremonial symbolism.

Los Angeles – May 23, 2026: A seminal new work in the fields of art history and theology, The Iconography of Catholios’s Vestments in the Armenian Medieval Miniature Painting by Dr. Sofi Khachmanyan, is soon to be released, offering the first comprehensive analysis of the ceremonial attire of the Armenian Apostolic Church’s supreme leadership.

The publication explores the evolution of the Catholicos’s vestments from the 13th to the 18th centuries, utilizing medieval miniature paintings and rare museum artifacts as primary evidence. The author’s research identifies a unique visual language embedded in the canonical patterns, shapes, and decorative embellishments of vestments. She argues that, through those patterns and decorations, as symbols, they not only identify the wearer’s status, position, and responsibilities but also present the cosmic soul and divine order.

The study provides a rigorous historical framework, tracing the origins of Christian liturgical dress back to ancient ritual clothing from the Urartian Kingdom and the broader Mesopotamian and Greco-Roman worlds. By examining how these influences were synthesized, the book shows the development of a distinct Armenian identity in ecclesiastical vestments. Moreover, the book also talks about the following aspects:

Deciphering Symbolism: The work analyzes the use of sacred geometry and color, explaining how specific shades and shapes, such as the circle and square, represent divine and earthly intersections.

The Ritual of Change: Dr. Khachmanyan documents the dressing ritual, wherein the recitation of specific prayers during the vesting process symbolizes the transition of the individual into a vicar of Christ.

Iconographic Analysis: The text features in-depth evaluations of works by master miniature painters, such as Sargis Pitsak, revealing how they preserved historical protocol through their artistic depictions of the clergy.

Structural Breakdown: The book details the multi-layered hierarchy of the vestments from the tunic to the epigonation, a ritual accessory exclusive to the Catholicos.

The Iconography of Catholios’s Vestments in the Armenian Medieval Miniature Painting will soon be available in print and digital formats for scholars, historians, and the public. It stands as a vital contribution to the preservation of the Armenian spiritual and artistic legacy.

About the Author

Dr. Sofi Khachmanyan is an established researcher and educator specializing in Garment Construction, Embroidery arts and Textiles, and History of Fashion. As an Art Philosopher, she researches Armenian medieval art and iconography. Her interdisciplinary approach combines religious vestments, their history, decorative symbols, and the fine arts to recover lost aspects of Armenian cultural heritage.

This release was published on openPR.


https://www.openpr.com/news/4524017/new-interdisciplinary-study-decodes-the-symbolic-artistry

Armenia Walks A Tightrope Ahead Of High-Stakes Poll – Analysis

Eurasia Review
May 23 2026

By Luke Coffey

Armenians go to the polls on June 7 in the country’s first parliamentary election since 2021. The stakes are unusually high. Voters will not only choose a new parliament and, by extension, a prime minister. They will also help determine Armenia’s future trajectory: whether the country continues this difficult but much needed shift toward normalization with Azerbaijan and Turkiye, closer ties with the Euro-Atlantic community, and greater regional connectivity, or whether it drifts back toward the old days that left it isolated, dependent, and vulnerable.

The election comes at a moment of deep division. Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan and his ruling Civil Contract party are campaigning on stability, normalization with Armenia’s neighbors, and what Pashinyan calls “Real Armenia.” The idea is straightforward but politically sensitive: Armenia should focus on improving the prosperity, sovereignty, and security of the internationally recognized Republic of Armenia rather than pursuing maximalist visions of a “greater Armenia” beyond its borders.

The opposition is fragmented but serious. Among the main challengers is Strong Armenia, associated with Russian-Armenian billionaire Samvel Karapetyan, whose movement has emerged as a major opposition force. Another is the Armenia Alliance, led by former President Robert Kocharyan, which represents a more nationalist, old-guard opposition current with closer ties to Moscow. The result is a contest not merely between parties, but between competing visions of Armenia’s place in the region.

This election also comes after a historic breakthrough in Armenian-Azerbaijani relations brokered by the Trump administration last year. After decades of conflict over the Nagorno-Karabakh region, which is internationally recognized as part of Azerbaijan, Yerevan and Baku have taken steps toward ending the conflict and focusing on stability in the South Caucasus. This process remains incomplete and politically fragile. But it is the most serious opening for peace in a generation.

Pashinyan’s willingness to pursue peace with Azerbaijan has not been universally popular in Armenia. Yet he has been the only Armenian leader in years willing to engage in sustained negotiations with Baku. Although polls suggest Civil Contract is likely to remain the largest party, it may still fall short of the majority needed to govern easily or the support required for constitutional changes.

Three geopolitical issues make the June 7 election especially important.

The first is whether Armenia continues on the path toward peaceful coexistence with its neighbors. As part of the US-brokered process, Azerbaijan has insisted that Armenia amend its constitution to remove what Baku considers implied territorial claims against Azerbaijan. Pashinyan has said the matter should be addressed through a referendum after the parliamentary election. Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev has made clear that without constitutional changes a final peace agreement cannot move forward. If Pashinyan loses power, the peace process could stall or even collapse.

The second issue is Armenia’s Euro-Atlantic orientation. Since regaining independence in 1991, Armenia has been closely aligned with Moscow. Russia still has a major military presence in Armenia, and Moscow has long shaped the country’s security, energy, and economic choices.

But many Armenians have lost faith in Russia, especially after the 2020 war in with Azerbaijan in Karabakh, when Moscow failed to help in the way many Armenians had expected. In response, Pashinyan has cautiously and slowly moved Armenia closer to the EU and US. Armenia has launched a process aimed at deepening ties with the EU, while its participation in the Russian-led Collective Security Treaty Organization remains frozen. The recent visit of Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky also raised eyebrows in Moscow. The election will help determine whether this Euro-Atlantic shift continues.

The third issue is regional connectivity. Armenia is landlocked, poor, and has been cut off from major regional transport and infrastructure projects for much of its modern history. Pashinyan’s “Crossroads of Peace” initiative, unveiled in 2023, envisions Armenia as a hub for trade routes linking the Caspian, Black Sea, Turkiye, and the wider Eurasian landmass. This vision is tied to the Trump Route for International Peace and Prosperity, a US-backed proposal to improve connectivity between Azerbaijan and its Nakhchivan exclave through Armenian territory. If implemented, it could bring Armenia new transit revenue, investment, and relevance. It would also reduce the region’s dependence on routes through Russia and Iran, and complement the growing importance of the Middle Corridor.

This explains why outside powers are watching closely. It is not in Russia’s interest to see Armenia move closer to the West, weaken its dependence on Moscow, or normalize relations with Azerbaijan and Turkiye. Nor is it in Iran’s interest to see new east-west transit routes emerge across the South Caucasus that could bypass Iranian territory. Both Moscow and Tehran have reasons to prefer an Armenia that remains isolated, anxious, and strategically constrained.

Even a Pashinyan victory would not end the uncertainty. A referendum on constitutional changes would still have to follow, and a free and fair vote without outside meddling could prove even more difficult than the parliamentary election itself. The opposition will likely frame the issue as a matter of national identity and sovereignty. Pashinyan will have to persuade voters that peace, normalization, and regional integration are not concessions, but the foundation of a more secure and prosperous Armenia.

For decades, the South Caucasus, in part, has been defined by the closed borders, frozen conflicts, and great-power competition that took place through the Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict. The June 7 election could help determine whether that era begins to end. Rarely does a single election in the region carry such far-reaching geopolitical consequences. Policymakers across Eurasia and the broader region should be paying close attention.

  • Luke Coffey is a senior fellow at the Hudson Institute.
https://www.eurasiareview.com/23052026-armenia-walks-a-tightrope-ahead-of-high-stakes-poll-analysis/

Armenia: Conscientious Objector’s Repeat Trial Delayed And Delayed – Analysis

Eurasia Review
May 23 2026

By F18News

By Felix Corley

A Molokan Christian from Dilijan in north-eastern Armenia, Ivan Mikhailov, is on trial again for refusing military service on grounds of conscience. Now 27, he was refused alternative civilian service in 2018. He was then sentenced to two years’ imprisonment, but this was overturned on appeal. In 2025, Tavush Garrison Military Prosecutor’s Office brought a new case against him and placed him under travel restrictions. Prosecutors handed the case to Tavush Region First Instance Court in July 2025, but the court has repeatedly postponed hearings for various reasons.

Public prosecutor Vahagn Vardanyan is leading the prosecution case. Forum 18 was unable to reach him as officials did not answer the phone at Tavush Garrison Military Prosecutor’s Office each time Forum 18 called (see below).

Molokans are a traditionally pacifist Christian religious community which emerged in the 18th century.

Council of Churches Baptist Davit Nazaretyan, now 22, is serving a 2-year jail term after the Alternative Service Commission rejected his application in January 2023. He is due to complete his sentence in August 2026. Officials refused to grant him amnesty in August 2025 when he had completed half his jail term. A case has been lodged on his behalf to the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg (see below).

“We don’t know if Davit will be called up again after the end of his sentence on 20 August,” Pastor Mikhail Shubin told Forum 18. “We asked, but have had no answer” (see below).

The government’s Alternative Service Commission refuses to grant alternative civilian service to conscientious objectors who are not Jehovah’s Witnesses, such as Molokans and Baptists. Vardan Astsatryan of the government’s Department for Ethnic Minorities and Religious Affairs refused to explain to Forum 18 why this discrimination exists (see below).

In January 2026, the Alternative Service Commission rejected the application from a young man (who is also not a Jehovah’s Witness) who is unable to perform military service on grounds of conscience. The young man reluctantly accepted service in the military without weapons and without swearing the military oath. His service is to last 30 months rather than the 18 months of military service. “He wanted not to be in the army at all,” a person close to him told Forum 18. “Others also want alternative civilian service, but in practice officials don’t offer it” (see below).

The office of the Human Rights Defender Anahit Manasyan did not respond to Forum 18’s questions about what she and her office might have done to protect the rights of those who cannot serve in the military on grounds of conscience (see below).

Jailing conscientious objectors to military service and not respecting their right to a genuinely civilian alternative service violates Armenia’s legally-binding international human rights obligations (see below).

Human rights defender Isabella Sargsyan of the Eurasia Partnership Foundation calls for reforms to the Alternative Service Commission. “I would like to see a different type of Commission to discuss these issues, not an inter-governmental body, but a more professional body,” she told Form 18. “The Commission should be more transparent over how decisions are taken, because we couldn’t find much information about who was granted this alternative civilian service and who not” (see below).

In 2026 the length of military service was reduced from 24 months to 18 months. The length of alternative military service (30 months) and alternative civilian service (36 months) have not been reduced, despite Armenia’s international human rights obligation to ensure that such service is not punitive in length (see below).

“We are aware that that individual lawyers have directed inquiries to the relevant authorities, including the Defence Ministry, the Justice Ministry, and Parliament’s Standing Committee on Protection of Human Rights and Public Affairs,” Jehovah’s Witnesses told Forum 18 from Yerevan. “However, no official response or indication of any adjustment to the duration of alternative civilian service has been received to date” (see below).

Mikhailov: First conviction for conscientious objection overturned

Conscientious objector Ivan Nikolai Mikhailov (born 28 July 1998), a Molokan from the north-eastern town of Dilijan, was refused alternative civilian service. The rejection order, signed by the Justice Minister on 15 August 2018, notes that “the applicant failed to justify that his duty to perform mandatory military service is in serious and weighty conflict with his conscience or with his deep and genuine religious faith or other beliefs”.

Prosecutors then brought a criminal case against Mikhailov for evasion of military service. Tavush Regional Court handed him a two-year jail term on 11 November 2019. On 11 February 2021, the Criminal Court of Appeal rejected Mikhailov’s first appeal.

However, on 5 April 2023, the Cassation Court overturned the conviction (meaning that Mikhailov was never sent to prison as the sentence never came into force). It sent his case back to Tavush Regional Court for a new trial. On 6 October 2023, a Judge closed the criminal case because of the statute of limitations. The Judge finally removed the restrictions on Mikhailov’s movements.

Mikhailov: Second case for conscientious objection to military service

In 2025, Tavush Garrison Military Prosecutor’s Office brought a new case against Mikhailov under Criminal Code Article 461, Part 1 (“Avoidance of mandatory military or alternative service or conscription”). It accused him of failing to appear for the 2024 winter call-up. Mikhailov was once again placed under a travel ban.

On 25 July 2025, Tavush Garrison Military Prosecutor’s Office sent the new criminal case against Mikhailov to Tavush Region First Instance Court, according to court records. The case was assigned to Judge Narek Badalyan. Public prosecutor Vahagn Vardanyan led the prosecution case, while lawyer Rafik Melkonyan defended Mikhailov.

Officials did not answer the phone at Tavush Garrison Military Prosecutor’s Office each time Forum 18 called on 21 and 22 May 2026.

The Court held a preliminary hearing in Mikhailov’s case on 11 August 2025. However, the hearing was postponed as the parties to the case failed to appear. The hearing was rescheduled for 8 September 2025 but did not take place as the Judge was taking part in a training course. The Judge was also not available for the next scheduled hearing on 11 November 2025.

The 8 December 2025 hearing did not take place at the request of the Prosecutor. The 19 January 2026 hearing was postponed at the request both of the Prosecutor and the defence lawyer. Judge Badalyan was unable to attend the 6 March 2026 hearing and it did not take place. The 13 May hearing was postponed as defence lawyer M. Manukyan was unable to attend.

The next hearing has now been set for 17 July, nearly a year after the case first reached the court. Mikhailov has remained under a travel ban since the case against him was launched.

Nazaretyan: “Jesus Christ teaches us not to kill”

Davit Tigrani Nazaretyan (born 23 July 2003) lives in the capital Yerevan and is a member of a Council of Churches Baptist congregation in Arinj, a town next to Yerevan. The congregation – which chooses not to seek state registration – is led by Pastor Mikhail Shubin.

“I am a Christian and I read the Bible,” Nazaretyan told Forum 18 from Yerevan in November 2023. “Jesus Christ teaches us not to kill and he followed this also. We have to love one another, even our enemies, and not kill people.” He added that Jesus Christ also instructed his followers not to swear oaths. “If I was given alternative civilian service now, I would do it.”

The Alternative Service Commission rejected Nazaretyan’s application in January 2023. Vardan Astsatryan of the government’s Department for Ethnic Minorities and Religious Affairs, who is part of the Alternative Service Commission, claimed to Forum 18 in February 2024 that the Commission rejected Nazaretyan’s application as it had not been convinced by his case. “Why couldn’t he present his views convincingly?”

Forum 18 told Astsatryan that in November 2023, Nazaretyan had clearly and logically explained his conscientious reasons why he could not serve in the military and his readiness to perform alternative civilian service. Yet Astsatryan claimed again that Nazaretyan had not been able to explain this to the Commission.

On 25 October 2023, Yerevan’s Kentron District Court handed the then 20-year-old a two-year jail term under Criminal Code Article 461, Part 1 (“Avoidance of mandatory military or alternative service or conscription”).

On 7 February 2024, a panel of three judges at Yerevan’s Criminal Court of Appeal rejected Nazaretyan’s first appeal.

On 10 July 2024, without a hearing, the Cassation Court rejected Nazaretyan’s final appeal against his two-year jail term. He received the Cassation Court’s rejection of his appeal on 16 July 2024, one week before his 21st birthday. “I am very disappointed by this decision,” human rights defender Isabella Sargsyan of the Eurasia Partnership Foundation told Forum 18 after his final appeal was rejected.

Nazaretyan: Two-year jail term to end in August 2026

Police arrived on the morning of 20 August 2024 at the home in Yerevan of Baptist conscientious objector Davit Nazaretyan. They arrested him and took him initially to Nubarashen prison in southern Yerevan to begin his two-year jail term, a month after the Cassation Court rejected his final appeal. He was able to take his Bible with him, Pastor Shubin said.

“Unfortunately we knew this would happen,” Vardan Astsatryan of the government’s Department for Ethnic Minorities and Religious Affairs told Forum 18 in August 2024. “The law gives two possibilities – go to the army or, unfortunately, jail.” (The law also gives the possibility of alternative civilian service, which Nazaretyan applied for unsuccessfully.)

Astsatryan is a member of the government’s Alternative Service Commission which rejected Nazaretyan’s alternative service application.

“We offered him alternative service within the army without weapons,” Astsatryan insisted. “Had I found that his conscience was hurt through this [serving in the military], I would have helped him. But I didn’t see it. The six members of the Commission didn’t see it. We asked him many questions and gave him the chance to answer.”

In early September 2024, prison authorities transferred Nazaretyan to Sevan open prison, where conditions are better than in Nubarashen prison. On arrival at Sevan prison, he was placed in quarantine for two weeks.

Nazaretyan’s prison address:

Armenia
Kotayk marz
2302, Hrazdan
Sevan Road
Prison

Officials refused Nazaretyan amnesty in August 2025 after he had served half his sentence.

“We don’t know if Davit will be called up again after the end of his sentence on 20 August,” Pastor Shubin told Forum 18 on 19 May 2026. “We asked, but have had no answer.”

Nazaretyan: Appeal to European Court of Human Rights

Anna Maralyan of Rights Centre, an Armenian non-governmental organisation, brought a case on Davit Nazaretyan’s behalf to the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) in Strasbourg. The Court registered the case (Application No. 36510/24) on 7 November 2024.

“It will not make much change to Davit’s case because the Strasbourg court’s decisions are released quite late, but it might be a precedent,” the Eurasia Partnership Foundation told Forum 18 in August 2024, as the application to the ECtHR was bring prepared.

The Court has issued many rulings in favour of individuals – including from Armenia – who were denied the right not to serve in the armed forces on grounds of conscience (see below).

“The case has been registered, but not communicated yet,” Maralyan told Forum 18 from Strasbourg on 21 May 2026.

Other conscientious objectors

Davit Nazaretyan and Ivan Mikhailov are the only conscientious objectors known to be currently jailed or facing jail under Criminal Code Article 461, Part 1 (“Avoidance of mandatory military or alternative service or conscription”).

At least two Molokans (including Mikhailov) have faced criminal prosecution in recent years for refusing to serve in the armed forces on grounds of conscience.

The last known previously-convicted conscientious objector, Maksim Mikhaili Telegin (born 15 November 1998), a Molokan from Yerevan who had been refused alternative civilian service in 2016, was jailed for one year at Yerevan City Court on 23 March 2021. He was taken into custody to begin his prison term on 10 May 2021, but was freed early from his jail term in August 2021 after an amnesty reduced his prison term by nine months.

Does Human Rights Defender defend human rights?

Officials at the office of the Human Rights Defender Anahit Manasyan told Forum 18 in July 2024 that it could not speak to her directly, citing “procedural rules”.

On 21 May 2026, Forum 18 wrote to the office of Human Rights Defender Manasyan, pointing to the cases of conscientious objectors Davit Nazaretyan and Ivan Mikhailov and the conscientious objector refused alternative civilian service in January 2026. Forum 18 asked:
– What she and her office have done to defend the right not to serve in the armed forces on grounds of conscience in accordance with the law;
– What she has done and is doing now to protect conscientious objectors from punishment for trying to exercise this right.

Forum 18 also asked Manasyan’s office what are the “daily activities” to protect the right not to serve in the armed forces on grounds of conscience it wrote to Forum 18 about in February 2024.

Forum 18 had received no response from the Human Rights Defender’s office by the end of the working day in Yerevan of 22 May 2026.

The Human Rights Defender’s office had claimed to Forum 18 in February 2024 that it conducts “daily activities” to find solutions to “issues related to alternative service”.

In its reply, the Human Rights Defender’s office did not specify what the claimed “daily activities” were. “The Human Rights Defender conducts discussions and cooperates with the competent state authorities related to the issues of alternative military service,” her office told Forum 18. “Regarding written or oral applications addressed to the Defender, appropriate actions are carried out within the scope of the Defender’s powers, which are summarised in the Annual Report or other reports of the Human Rights Defender.”

Asked what action (if any) Human Rights Defender Manasyan would take to defend the rights of conscientious objector Davit Nazaretyan after the Cassation Court rejected his final appeal against his two-year jail term, her office noted that no one had appealed to her over Nazaretyan’s case. Her office claimed it had conducted research into his case, and found that he had been sentenced to a jail term and banned from leaving the country while appeals were pending. Her office did not appear to know that the Cassation Court had already rejected his final appeal.

The Human Rights Defender’s office also did not explain what, if any, action it is taking to end Armenia’s repeated violations of its legally-binding international human rights obligations by jailing conscientious objectors to military service and not respecting their right to a genuinely civilian alternative service.

The Human Rights Defender’s office also insisted that Manasyan “refers to the above-mentioned issues from systemic perspective, outlines the importance of the proper realisation of the right to freedom of thought, conscience, and religion”. It claimed that she is “also conducting analysis of the mentioned issues”.

International standards

The United Nations (UN) Human Rights Committee has stated in its General Comment 22 that conscientious objection to military service comes under International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) Article 18 (“Freedom of thought, conscience and religion”). General Comment 22 notes that if a religion or belief is official or followed by a majority of the population this “shall not result in any impairment of the enjoyment of any of the rights under the Covenant .. nor in any discrimination against adherents to other religions or non-believers.”

In relation to conscientious objection to military service, General Comment 22 also states among other things: “there shall be no differentiation among conscientious objectors on the basis of the nature of their particular beliefs; likewise, there shall be no discrimination against conscientious objectors because they have failed to perform military service.”

This has been reinforced by the UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) recognising “the right of everyone to have conscientious objection to military service as a legitimate exercise of the right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion”. The OHCHR has also noted in its Conscientious Objection to Military Service guidethat ICCPR Article 18 is “a non-derogable right .. even during times of a public emergency threatening the life of the nation”.

In 2022 the UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention stated (WGAD-HRC50) that “the right to conscientious objection to military service is part of the absolutely protected right to hold a belief under article 18 (1) of the Covenant, which cannot be restricted by States”. The Working Group also stated: “States should refrain from imprisoning individuals solely on the basis of their conscientious objection to military service, and should release those that have been so imprisoned.”

Various judgments (including against Armenia) of the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) in Strasbourg have also defined states’ obligations to respect and implement the right to conscientious objection to military service, as part of the right to freedom of religion or belief.

Military service, alternative civilian service

All Armenian men between the ages of 18 and 27 are subject to military conscription. Call-ups take place twice a year, and deferments of service are available in strictly limited circumstances. Military service was generally of 24 months. Parliament approved an amendment to the Military Service Law on 16 December 2025, reducing the service term for future conscripts from 1 January 2026 to 18 months. President Vahagn Khachaturyan signed this into law on 19 December 2025.

Those subject to conscription who object to military service with weapons can legally apply for either:
– alternative military service in the armed forces without weapons, having sworn the military oath. This lasts for 30 months;
– or for alternative civilian service, which is not within or controlled by the armed forces and does not involve swearing the military oath. This lasts for 36 months.

Conscientious objectors who are refused alternative civilian service and who refuse to do alternative military service can be prosecuted under Criminal Code Article 461, Part 1 (“Avoidance of mandatory military or alternative service or conscription”). This carries a jail term of two to five years.

For many years, Armenia jailed everyone unable to perform military service on grounds of conscience, despite a commitment to the Council of Europe to introduce a civilian alternative to military service by January 2004. In May 2013, amendments to the 2003 Alternative Service Law and to the 2003 Law on Implementing the Criminal Code were passed, and a fully civilian alternative service was created. By November 2013, the authorities had freed all the then-jailed conscientious objectors. All were Jehovah’s Witnesses.

Alternative Service Commission

Young men’s applications to be allowed to do alternative civilian service are considered by the Alternative Service Commission. This is a state body chaired by a Deputy Minister of Territorial Administration and Infrastructure (currently Avetik Darbinyan), and made up of deputy ministers from five other ministries, as well as Vardan Astsatryan of the government’s Department for Ethnic Minorities and Religious Affairs.

The Alternative Service Commission meets twice a year, typically considering the cases of about 20 applicants at each six-monthly session. Applicants can be accompanied by a lawyer. The Commission appears to seek information on applicants before the sessions, including by looking at their social media accounts.

After each session, the Commission issues decisions, listing which applicants have been accepted and which rejected. The Justice Ministry published such decisions on its website in 2018 and 2019. Later decisions do not appear to be public.

Jehovah’s Witnesses told Forum 18 in February 2024 that their young men do not have problems opting for alternative civilian service. Since 2013, hundreds of their young men have undertaken alternative civilian service.

However, applications for alternative civilian service from conscientious objectors who are followers of other beliefs are only rarely accepted. Molokans, for example, are a traditionally pacifist Christian religious community which emerged in the 18th century. Like Jehovah’s Witness young men before 2013, Molokan young men were also jailed before Alternative Civilian Service was introduced.

As noted above, Molokan and Baptist conscientious objectors to military service still – against Armenia’s legally-binding international human rights obligations – risk being jailed for their beliefs.

A typical rejection order signed by the Justice Minister (for example in the case of Molokan conscientious objector Ivan Mikhailov in August 2018 – see above) notes that “the applicant failed to justify that his duty to perform mandatory military service is in serious and weighty conflict with his conscience or with his deep and genuine religious faith or other beliefs”.

“The Commission does not give alternative service to Molokans,” a member of the Molokan community told Forum 18 from Yerevan in July 2024. “The last Molokan to be granted alternative service was in about 2015.”

“All are equal before the law”?

The Alternative Service Commission held sessions in January 2026 to consider applications from young men for alternative civilian service. Vardan Astsatryan of the government’s Department for Ethnic Minorities and Religious Affairs insists that “all can be assigned alternative service if they can confirm what their beliefs are – they just need to present their views”.

Astsatryan refused to say why no applicants other than Jehovah’s Witnesses appear to be able to undertake alternative civilian service. “All are equal before the law,” he claimed to Forum 18 on 21 May.

From January to May 2026, 11 young Jehovah’s Witnesses applied to the Alternative Service Commission. “They are currently successfully serving in alternative civilian service,” Jehovah’s Witnesses told Forum 18 from Yerevan on 22 May.

However, Astsatryan refused to say how many applicants the Commission considered in January 2026. “One person was refused, if I remember rightly,” he told Forum 18. He refused to give any further details.

Forum 18 asked the Territorial Administration and Infrastructure Ministry in writing on 21 May:
– How many young men applied to the Commission to its hearings held in 2026;
– Of these applications, how many young men were approved to undertake alternative civilian service and how many were rejected.
Forum 18 had received no response by the end of the working day in Yerevan of 22 May 2026.

January 2026: Commission rejects alternative service application

Young men whose alternative civilian service application is rejected by the Alternative Service Commission are forced to choose between either being prosecuted and possibly jailed (like Davit Nazaretyan and Ivan Mikhailov), or doing a form of military service. Such young men are normally forced to serve in the military.

The Commission rejected the application of a young man (who is not a Jehovah’s Witness) at its sessions in January 2026. Instead of offering him alternative civilian service in line with his conscientious objections, they offered him a non-military role within the army, as a cook or a driver. They said he could serve without weapons but service would last 30 months rather than the 18 months of military service. The young man reluctantly agreed.

The army then took the young man into its ranks. He is currently serving without weapons. Instead of the military oath, to which the young man objected on grounds of conscience, the army devised a special promise for him, someone close to him told Forum 18.

“He wanted not to be in the army at all,” the person close to him told Forum 18. “Others also want alternative civilian service, but in practice officials don’t offer it.”

“A compromise not in accordance with the law”

Such service within the military without weapons and without swearing the military oath is not, under Armenia’s legally-binding international human rights obligations, an adequate way of allowing conscientious objectors to military service to exercise their right to a genuinely civilian alternative service.

“Most of our young men therefore have to serve in the military, though without weapons and without swearing the oath,” the Molokan told Forum 18 in 2024. “They don’t complain, but many would undertake alternative civilian service if they could.” The Molokan noted that allowing those who object to serving with weapons and swearing the oath to serve without either is “a compromise not in accordance with the [Armenian] law”.

The Molokan added that on some occasions, those who had applied for alternative civilian service would be found not to be medically fit for military service. “In those cases they would be given a deferment for five years. We had once such case a month ago.” Human rights defender Isabella Sargsyan described such instances to Forum 18 in 2024 as “a quick fix”.

Some applicants given second chance, others not

The Alternative Service Commission approves applications from Jehovah’s Witness young men who can explain clearly their objection to serving in the military. Some Jehovah’s Witness young men, however, are not able to make their case clearly, an individual close to the process told Forum 18 in 2024.

These Jehovah’s Witness young men then come back to the Alternative Service Commission six months later. Almost all are then able to present their case to be exempted from military service on conscientious grounds clearly and the Commission grants them alternative service.

Molokans and Baptists whose applications are rejected are not allowed to present their case to the Alternative Service Commission a second time. “The Commission issues the decision once and for all,” a Molokan told Forum 18 in 2024. “Further applications are rejected without being considered.”

“Unfortunately, nothing has really changed”

“Unfortunately, nothing has really changed” since the jailing of Davit Nazaretyan in August 2024, says human rights defender Isabella Sargsyan of the Eurasia Partnership Foundation. She has long worked on freedom of religion or belief issues, including the right not to perform military service on grounds of conscience.

Sargsyan calls for reforms to the Alternative Service Commission. “I would like to see a different type of Commission to discuss these issues, not an inter-governmental body, but a more professional body,” she told Form 18 from Yerevan on 21 May 2026.

“The Commission should be more transparent over how decisions are taken, because we couldn’t find much information about who was granted this alternative civilian service and who not,” Sargsyan added. “There should be a better discussion around the decision-making procedures, how the Commission is composed, and how those decisions are made.”

No reduction in alternative civilian service length

Following the reduction from 1 January 2026 of the length of military service from 24 months to 18 months (see above), no moves appear to have yet been enacted to reduce the length either of military service without weapons (30 months) or alternative civilian service (36 months).

International human rights commitments require alternative service not to be “punitive” in length compared to military service. “Its duration shall, in comparison to that of military service, remain within reasonable limits,” the Council of Europe’s Committee of Ministers declared in April 1987.

“We are aware that individual lawyers have directed inquiries to the relevant authorities, including the Defence Ministry, the Justice Ministry, and Parliament’s Standing Committee on Protection of Human Rights and Public Affairs,” Jehovah’s Witnesses told Forum 18 from Yerevan on 22 May. “However, no official response or indication of any adjustment to the duration of alternative civilian service has been received to date.”

On the afternoon of 22 May, Forum 18 asked Rustam Bakoyan, Acting Chair of Parliament’s Standing Committee on Protection of Human Rights and Public Affairs, whether there are plans to reduce the length of alternative military service and alternative civilian service following the reduction in the length of military service. Forum 18 had received no response by the end of the working day in Yerevan. 

Samvel Karapetyan pledges one-year military service, free education in Armenia

Panorama, Armenia
May 23 2026

Armenian businessman and philanthropist Samvel Karapetyan pledged sweeping reforms to the country’s military and education system if elected prime minister in the June 7 parliamentary elections.

Karapetyan, the leader of the Strong Armenia party, said his government would reduce compulsory military service to one year and provide salaries to conscripts. He also promised to modernize the armed forces with new equipment and make higher education free of charge.

“We will build a new Armenia — the safest country — and strengthen the army with modern weapons. Military service will be one year and conscripts will be paid,” Karapetyan declared on Saturday.

He criticized Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan’s record, claiming poverty had doubled in Pashinyan’s native Tavush Province. “At least for his own province, he could have had the brains to do something,” Karapetyan said.

Strong Armenia candidate rejects ‘zero-point’ foreign policy reset, criticizes

Panorama, Armenia
May 23 2026

Gohar Meloyan, a lawyer and parliamentary candidate of the Strong Armenia party, said her team would reject any attempt to restart Armenia’s foreign policy from a “zero point,” arguing that similar approaches had already led to devastating consequences for Armenia and Artsakh (Nagorno-Karabakh).

“We are not going to start from a zero point,” Meloyan said in an interview with CivilNet on Friday. “We have already witnessed the tragic consequences such an approach brought upon our state, nation, the Republic of Artsakh and Armenian statehood as a whole.”

Meloyan sharply criticized the current Armenian leadership, accusing it of failing to uphold the overwhelming majority of its political commitments while abandoning the very principles that brought it to power in 2018.

“We saw a government that returned to the electorate warning that if it was not re-elected, Artsakh would cease to exist,” she said. “The public entrusted them with its mandate, and today Artsakh no longer exists.”

She further accused Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan’s administration of political hypocrisy over the issue of extended tenure in office.

“The same political team that once denounced the prospect of a third term in power and built an entire revolution around opposing it is now aspiring to a third term itself,” Meloyan said. “This government has failed to fulfill roughly 80 to 90 percent of the promises outlined in its program.”

Addressing questions about TRIPP (the Trump Route for International Peace and Prosperity), Meloyan said the initiative could present opportunities for Armenia, but stressed that any engagement must remain firmly grounded in national interests.

“TRIPP may offer certain opportunities,” she said. “But any opportunity that emerges must be carefully balanced and evaluated through the prism of Armenia’s national interests.”

Tatoyan vows to reveal findings of 2020 war inquiry

Panorama, Armenia
May 23 2026

Arman Tatoyan, the prime ministerial candidate of the Unity Wings party, pledged to disclose the findings of a parliamentary commission investigating the circumstances of the 2020 Artsakh war.

Addressing families of missing soldiers on Saturday, Tatoyan said he had witnessed their suffering firsthand and promised transparency. “You, your heroes, feel betrayed. I promise to reveal everything, to ensure you have all the information,” he said, referring to the commission’s report that has not been made public.

Tatoyan emphasized that parents of missing servicemen should be among the most respected citizens in the country and that fallen soldiers must truly be honored as heroes.

Armenia is set to hold parliamentary elections on June 7.

Russia Tightens Inspections on Armenian Products

Uzbekistan – May 23 2026

Russia has tightened controls on fruit and vegetable products imported from Armenia. According to Sergey Dankvert, head of Rosselkhoznadzor, Armenian products entering the country are now being inspected based on phytosanitary safety requirements.

At the same time, the Russian side has temporarily suspended the import of flower products from Armenia to ‘ensure phytosanitary safety.’ This decision could significantly impact trade relations between the two countries, as the Russian market is a key destination for Armenian fruit, vegetable, and flower exports.

Dankvert emphasized that Russia demands full compliance with product safety guarantees. A future decision regarding flower imports will be made following the visit of Russian inspectors to Armenia. Whether the restrictions will be long-term or eased depends on the results of these inspections.

According to data, between May and November 2025, Armenia exported over 40 million euros worth of fruit and over 50 million euros worth of vegetables to Russia. These figures indicate a significant volume of agricultural trade between the two nations, making the tightened controls a serious economic risk for Armenian exporters.

Furthermore, Russia’s Rospotrebnadzor agency has banned the import and sale of ‘Jermuk’ mineral water produced in Armenia. The agency stated that the levels of hydrocarbonate, chloride, and sulfate in the water were found to exceed established standards.

This is not the first time such a restriction has been applied to ‘Jermuk’ water. In April, imports of certain batches were banned for the same reason. Now, the restriction has returned to the agenda, placing additional pressure on Armenian producers.

Media outlets note that in recent years, Russia has frequently used import restrictions on food, beverages, and other products against countries with which its political relations have cooled. In this case, there is speculation that political tensions between Moscow and Yerevan are casting a shadow over economic decisions.

Currently, disagreements between Russia and Armenia have intensified following Yerevan’s policy of rapprochement with the West. As the Armenian government seeks new directions in foreign policy, relations with Moscow have entered a complex phase.

In short, Russia is increasing controls and restrictions on Armenian fruits, vegetables, flowers, and ‘Jermuk’ water. The official explanation is phytosanitary and sanitary safety. However, given the political backdrop, these decisions seem to carry more weight than mere technical inspections. Trade routes sometimes cool faster than diplomacy, and this situation proves it once again.

Russia Is Turning the Screws on Armenia Over Its Tilt to Europe

Financial Post
May 23 2026

Armenia’s pivot toward the West is coming under increasing pressure from Vladimir Putin’s Russia as the South Caucasus nation prepares for parliamentary elections next month.

(Bloomberg) — Armenia’s pivot toward the West is coming under increasing pressure from Vladimir Putin’s Russia as the South Caucasus nation prepares for parliamentary elections next month. 

Article content

For decades, Armenia was seen as Russia’s closest ally in the region — hosting Russian troops at a military base, relying heavily on the Kremlin for weapons, and integrating deeply into Moscow-led political and economic structures. But Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan’s aspirations to join the European Union and engineer Armenia’s most significant realignment since the collapse of the Soviet Union have exacerbated already strained ties.

Yerevan’s hosting of a European summit this month that was attended by Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy drew Moscow’s particular ire. Armenian flower imports were subsequently banned, as Russian officials branded Armenia’s actions “unfriendly.” 

The Kremlin’s now threatening to raise Armenia’s continued membership in the Eurasian Economic Union, a customs bloc of former Soviet states, at a May 29 summit in Kazakhstan.

Article content

Putin addressed the deterioration in ties on May 9, telling reporters that Armenia should put the issue to a referendum and that Russia was ready to conduct an “intelligent and mutually beneficial divorce” if voters chose a European path. 

Article content

But he also drew parallels with Russia’s military invasion of Ukraine stretching back to 2014. “How did it start? It started with Ukraine’s joining or attempting to join the EU,” Putin said.

Article content

Pashinyan pushed back Friday, saying only Armenia can discuss its membership status in the EEU. He plans to skip the summit in Kazakhstan to campaign for his ruling Civil Contract party in the June 7 parliamentary elections in Armenia.

Several opposition groups in the election want closer ties with Russia, including the Strong Armenia alliance led by Russian-Armenian billionaire Samvel Karapetyan, the Prosperous Armenia Party of tycoon Gagik Tsarukyan and the Armenia alliance led by ex-President Robert Kocharyan, who ruled the country for a decade until 2008. 

Article content

Karapetyan is campaigning while facing prosecution in Armenia on charges including money laundering, tax evasion and attempts to usurp power. He has rejected the allegations as politically motivated. 

Article content

The Foreign Ministry in Moscow late Wednesday denounced as “fake news” a report alleging that the Kremlin was coordinating an information campaign against Pashinyan, and that several Armenian opposition figures had links to Russian intelligence. 

Article content

“We view the latest ‘sensation’ about ‘Russian agents in Yerevan’ as yet another episode in the campaign to oust Russia from the South Caucasus,” the ministry said in a Telegram post that blamed “Brussels-based propagandists.” 

Article content

The standoff carries echoes of 2013, when then-President Serzh Sargsyan abruptly abandoned plans to sign an association agreement with the EU and instead joined the EEU under Kremlin pressure.

Tensions began to spiral after Azerbaijan’s military victories in 2020 and 2023 over the territory of Nagorno-Karabakh exposed the limits of Russian security guarantees to Armenia. Officials in Yerevan increasingly questioned the value of the Collective Security Treaty Organization, a Moscow-led military alliance that Armenia once viewed as the cornerstone of its security doctrine.

Article content

The Pashinyan government effectively froze participation in the CSTO and repeatedly skipped high-level meetings, triggering hostile responses from Russian officials and state media. It also began to strengthen cooperation with the US and NATO.

Article content

A preliminary peace accord signed by Pashinyan and Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev at White House talks with President Donald Trump in August opened the door for deeper US engagement in Armenia, too. 

Article content

The Trump Route for International Peace and Prosperity, a transport and energy corridor linking Azerbaijan to its exclave of Nakhchivan through Armenia, will give the US a stake in the Caucasus region potentially for a century through a joint venture with Yerevan.

Yet Armenia’s attempt to distance itself from Moscow remains constrained by deep economic and structural dependence.

Article content

Russia continues to dominate key sectors of Armenia’s energy system, including its nuclear power plant, as well as transport infrastructure and trade flows. Remittances from Armenians working in Russia remain a critical source of income for thousands of households.

Article content

Still, the nation of about 3 million people is accelerating cooperation with Brussels, which held its first-ever summit with Armenia this month. That’s after Armenian lawmakers voted last year to commit the government to begin preparations for seeking eventual EU accession.

Article content

Armenian Foreign Minister Ararat Mirzoyan told reporters Tuesday that Yerevan isn’t contemplating divorce from Russia and wants good relations with Moscow even as it builds ties with the EU. 

Article content

“We understand perfectly well — and we don’t need Russia to tell us — that membership in the EEU and membership in the EU are incompatible,” Mirzoyan said. When the moment comes to choose “we will make that decision,” he said. 

Article content

Russian Deputy Foreign Minister Mikhail Galuzin said Armenia’s approach of remaining in the EEU until it switches to the EU was “absolutely unacceptable” to Moscow, the Interfax news service reported Wednesday. 

Article content

“Armenia won’t be able to dance at two weddings at the same time,” Galuzin said.

Article content

—With assistance from Chris Miller.

Armenian Cognac Banned in Russia

May 23 2026

Russia has temporarily halted the sale of a number of alcoholic beverages produced in Armenia. This decision was made by Rospotrebnadzor after checking products circulating in the country, writes The Moscow Times.


According to the Russian agency, Armenian products that do not comply with mandatory requirements were found on sale. In this regard, a restriction was introduced by decree: the sale of these goods is halted, and importers and trade organizations are ordered to remove them from sale.

The restrictions affected products from three major Armenian producers — VEDI-ALCO, Abovyan Cognac Factory, and Shahnazaryan Wine and Cognac House. Specific items mentioned include both wines and cognacs. For example, these include the red semi-sweet wine ‘Getap Vernashen’, the white dry wine ‘Vedi Alco’ from the ‘Legends of ARNI’ line, ‘Armenian 5-star cognac’, and the seven-year-old ‘Shahnazaryan XO’ cognac.

However, Rospotrebnadzor did not specify which particular requirements were violated — it only stated that the products do not comply with the standards. Therefore, the exact reasons — for example, problems with composition, labeling, or safety — have not yet been disclosed.

This is not the first such decision concerning Armenian goods in recent days. Previously, it was completely forbidden to import and sell ‘Jermuk’ mineral water in Russia. In that case, the reason was specifically stated: the water allegedly showed an excess of permissible levels of chemical substances, including bicarbonates, chlorides, and sulfates. It was also noted that inaccurate information about the product’s medicinal properties could mislead consumers and even harm health. Armenian flowers also fell under restrictions, in which some infection was also suddenly found unexpectedly.

Against this backdrop, experts and media outlets point out that the restrictions may be linked not so much to quality control as to the general deterioration of relations between Russia and Armenia. Recently, tensions have been observed between the two countries. The Russian side has criticized Armenian authorities for a number of political steps, including rapprochement with the European Union and other decisions that Moscow considers unfriendly.