‘Armenian Genocide Looted Art and Restitution’ Conference to be Held at UCLA

"Armenian Genocide Looted Art and Restitution" conference graphic


The Armenian Genocide Research Program within The Promise Armenian Institute at UCLA presents a conference titled, “Armenian Genocide Looted Art and Restitution.” The event will be held in the UCLA Fowler Museum’s Harry and Yvonne Lenart Auditorium on Saturday, February 10 from 10 a.m. to 5 p.m. (Pacific Time).

This event is a follow-up to a March 2023 conference at UCLA titled, “What’s Next?: Armenian Genocide Restitution in the Post-Recognition Era,” which explored the possibilities of creating an Armenian Genocide reparations movement post-recognition by President Biden and Congress in 2021.

In response to directives stemming from the March conference, during Summer 2023, the AGRP spearheaded the Armenian Genocide Looted Art Research Project (AGLARP), a multidisciplinary, collaborative research project aimed at (1) fostering research on Armenian art, cultural heritage, and other cultural objects that were looted, destroyed, or transferred in conjunction with the Armenian Genocide; and (2) engaging in critical thinking and action on the many dimensions of justice, dialogue, restitution, and repair regarding the losses of Armenian culture arising from the Armenian Genocide. The project was conducted under the academic leadership of Art History Professor Heghnar Watenpaugh of University of California, Davis, and Law Professor Michael Bazyler of Chapman University Fowler School of Law.

The program will consist of a documentary screening (in-person audience only), discussions of the AGLARP’s summer research findings, and a roundtable to consider what the pursuit of restitution looks like for both past and present threats to cultural heritage objects and sites, as well as what lies next for the AGLARP.

The conference will feature Ambassador Stuart Eizenstat as the Keynote Speaker, as well as special remarks by Law Professor Lauren Fielder, investigative researcher Simon Maghakyan, and world-renowned lawyer and genealogist E. Randol Schoenberg.

The conference will be held in the UCLA Fowler Museum’s Harry and Yvonne Lenart Auditorium on Saturday, February 10, 2023. Pre-registration is required for this hybrid event, which will also offer remote online participation via Zoom. Registration begins at 9:30 AM and the program starts at 10:00 AM (Pacific Time). Lunch and refreshments will be provided for in-person participants.

For event details and to register for in-person attendance or remote participation, visit the event website.

This conference is co-sponsored by the Fowler Museum at UCLA, the National Association for Armenian Studies and Research, the Mgrublian Center for Human Rights at Claremont McKenna College, the Promise Institute for Human Rights at UCLA, and the Institute for Transnational Law at The University of Texas at Austin School of Law.

The Armenian Genocide Research Program was established within The Promise Armenian Institute at UCLA in early 2022. Led by Dr. Taner Akçam, the AGRP engages in research and scholarly activities pertaining to the study of the Armenian Genocide in the Ottoman Empire during the early 20th century.

Baku Insists Concerns About Armenia’s Constitution Were Raised at Onset of Talks

Reforms are being proposed to Armenia's Constitution


Official Azerbaijan is insisting that it has raised concerns about Armenia’s Constitution at the onset of talks, as official Baku said that Armenia must end its disregard toward Azerbaijan’s territorial integrity through its laws and Constitution.

Azerbaijan made the statement when it rejected a proposal from Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, who during a speech on Armenian Armed Forces Day on Sunday, called for a “nonaggression pact” between the two countries.

Azerbaijan’s Foreign Ministry spokesperson Aykhan Hajizadeh accused Pashinyan of diverting the focus from the peace treaty and normalization of relations between the two governments.

“Despite the fact that from the very beginning of the discussion on the draft agreement, Azerbaijan has called on Armenia to put an end to the encroachments on the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Azerbaijan, which are reflected in the [Armenia’s] Constitution, various laws and decisions, in the applications addressed to various international courts after the 44-day war, in official international organizations, Armenia has not yet taken any practical steps in this direction,” Hajizadeh said in a statement issued Monday in response to Pashinyan’s remarks.

“It is known that over the past 30 years, Armenia has grossly violated the international treaties recognizing our territorial integrity and sovereignty, carried out aggression against Azerbaijan, during the occupation of our territories, it hid most of its military equipment from international control mechanisms, illegally deploying them on the territory of our country,” Hajizadeh added.

The Azerbaijani diplomat described the assurances that Yerevan is serious about the peace process as political speculation. Hajizade pointed to a statement made by Pashinyan on Sunday regarding the purchase of weapons and the expansion of the military industrial complex.

“Such biased statements hinder the further development and progress of the region based on the principles of international law,” said the statement, asserting that Azerbaijan will continue its steadfast efforts for peace and expects Armenia to take adequate steps not by word, but by deed.

Armenia’s Deputy Foreign Minister Vahan Kostanyan attempted to counter Hajiyev’s statements on Tuesday, saying that the Constitution is an internal and domestic issue for Armenia and other countries should not encroach on that right.

“Constitutional changes are our internal problem, and it is the sovereign right of each state, and I think it is pointless to try to find parallels here,” Kostanyan told Armenia’s Public Television, but did not address whether Azerbaijan had insisted on a change to Armenia’s Constitution at the onset of the peace negotiations, which have been ongoing for several years.

The issue of amending — or reforming — Armenia’s Constitution has gained more momentum ever since Pashinyan called for a new Constitution earlier this month, saying that the new document must reflect the current geopolitical realities.

The preamble of the current Constitution includes references to Armenia’s Declaration of Independence, which calls for the unification of Artsakh with Armenia. In August, Pashinyan chose the anniversary of the declaration to voice his discontent with the document.

All this has raised more accusations from opposition forces, which have accused Pashinyan of kowtowing to Baku when calling for a new Constitution.

IALA Announces New Armenian Literary Publications

New Armenian literary publications


The International Armenian Literary Alliance announced five new literary publications by Armenian authors, including Armen Davoudian’s “The Palace of Forty Pillars,” Leila Boukarim’s “Lost Words,” illustrated by Sona Avedikian, Tenny Minassian’s “Lucy Goes to The Gentle Barn,” illustrated by Agavny Vardanyan, stories about immigrant life in Little Armenia by Naira Kuzmich, and Manoug Hagopian’s “Life in the Armenian Community of Aleppo.”

Davoudian’s “The Palace of Forty Pillars” is a Publishers Weekly and The Rumpus’ most anticipated poetry book of 2024. According to poet Richie Hofmann, the book is “brilliant and deft and heartfelt.”

“In this formally radical debut, Armen Davoudian shows how rhyme enacts longing for a homeland left behind; how meter sings to a lost beloved; and how a combination of the two can map a self—or idea of the self—relinquished so that a new life, and all the happiness it deserves, can take shape,” said poet Paul Tran.

“Palace of Forty Pillars” book cover Author Armen Davoudian. Photo credit: Matthew Lansburgh

Wry, tender, and formally innovative, Davoudian’s debut poetry collection, “The Palace of Forty Pillars,” tells the story of a self estranged from the world around him as a gay adolescent, an Armenian in Iran, and an immigrant in America. It is a story darkened by the long shadow of global tragedies—the Armenian genocide, war in the Middle East, the specter of homophobia. With masterful attention to rhyme and meter, these poems also carefully witness the most intimate encounters: the awkward distance between mother and son getting ready in the morning, the delicate balance of power between lovers, a tense exchange with the morality police in Iran.

In Isfahan, Iran, the eponymous palace has only twenty pillars—but, reflected in its courtyard pool, they become forty. This is the gamble of Davoudian’s magical, ruminative poems: to recreate, in art’s reflection, a home for the speaker, who is unable to return to it in life.

Davoudian has an MFA from Johns Hopkins University and is a PhD candidate in English at Stanford University. His poems and translations from Persian appear in Poetry magazine, the Hopkins Review, the Yale Review, and elsewhere. His chapbook, “Swan Song,” won the Frost Place Competition. Armen grew up in Isfahan, Iran, and lives in Berkeley, California.

You can now pre-order “The Palace of Forty Pillars” (to be published on March 19, 2024) from the IALA Bookstore powered by Bookshop. Keep an eye on IALA’s website and socials for their second annual Literary Lights reading featuring Davoudian in 2024.

Leila Boukarim new picture book “Lost Words,” illustrated by Sona Avedikian, tells an Armenian story of survival and hope.

“Lost Words” book cover

“It is difficult to find the words to describe the type of loss a Genocide can cause to a young child. I’ve been looking for something similar for my own son. This picture book is a good start to help explain loss and raise the many questions necessary to start the conversation,” said Serj Tankian, activist, artist, and lead vocalist for System of a Down.

Based on a true family story, this inspiring picture book about the Armenian Genocide shares an often-overlooked history and honors the resilience of the Armenian people.

What is it like to walk away from your home? To leave behind everything and everyone you’ve ever known? Poetic, sensitive, and based on a true family history, “Lost Words: An Armenian Story of Survival and Hope” follows a young Armenian boy from the day he sets out to find refuge to the day he finally finds the courage to share his story.

Boukarim writes stories for children that inspire empathy and encourage meaningful discussions. She enjoys reading (multiple books at a time), embroidering, nature walking, and spending time with people, listening to their stories and sharing her own. Boukarim lives in Berlin, Germany.

Author Leila Boukarim Illustrator Sona Avedikian

Avedikian is an Armenian illustrator born in Beirut, Lebanon, and currently based in Detroit, Michigan. She loves creating vibrant work and often takes inspiration from Armenian art and architecture.

You can now pre-order “Lost Words” (to be published on March 26, 2024) from the IALA Bookstore powered by Bookshop. Keep an eye on IALA’s website and socials for their second annual Literary Lights reading featuring Leila Boukarim in conversation with Astrid Kamalyan in 2024.

Illustrated by Agavny Vardanyan, Tenny Minassian’s “Lucy Goes to The Gentle Barn,” based on a true story, follows Lucy, a rescue poodle-mix, as she goes on another adventure with her mom. This time they visit an animal sanctuary called The Gentle Barn.

“The Gentle Barn is a special place that not only rescues animals, but allows humans to heal by bonding with them. There is nothing more healing than hugging a cow,” said Tenny Minassian. “I wanted to share the story of our visit to The Gentle Barn because Lucy also rescued me. She saved my life when I was battling depression. I want children to know that even if we are different from each other, whether we are talking about humans or non-human animals, we can still be good friends.”

“Lucy Goes to The Gentle Barn” book cover

In 2015, a small poodle named Spring, was rescued from a shelter when she was pregnant with four puppies. Lucy was one of those puppies. Shortly after, she became an Emotional Support Animal (ESA) when her mom was struggling with her mental health. They saved each other!

Minassian is a vegan lifestyle coach, business consultant, and independent author living in Los Angeles, California with her Emotional Support Animal Lucy. She focuses on compassionate coaching and donates a portion of proceeds to nonprofit organizations helping animals, people, and the planet. She is an Armenian-American immigrant and came to the U.S. from Iran as a refugee with her family. Visit the website and follow on social media @VeganCoachTenny for more information on upcoming projects and events. Follow Lucy’s fun adventures on her Instagram account.

Vardanyan is an Armenian American character designer and prop artist based in Los Angeles, California. She’s a 2021 Summa Cum Laude graduate from Cal State Northridge with a BA in arts and concentration in animation. In addition to having recently worked as a full-time prop artist for HBO Max’s Fired on Mars, she’s also worked as a children’s book illustrator for GarTam Books and as print designer for New York Times and Indie Bestseller Allison Saft. She is currently working on her first graphic novel, “The Pomegranate Princess.” Learn more about Vardanyan here.

Author Tenny Minassian Illustrator Agavny Vardanyan

You can now purchase “Lucy Goes to The Gentle Barn” from the IALA Bookstore powered by Bookshop or Abril Bookstore. Part of the proceeds of this book will benefit The Gentle Barn, a national nonprofit with locations in Santa Clarita, CA, St. Louis, Missouri and Nashville, Tennessee.

Naira Kuzmich’s “In Everything I See Your Hand” will capture your heart with 10 brilliant stories about immigrant life in Little Armenia.

“Her writing was rich with Armenian culture, with old blood and the glittering black eyes of strong and deeply feminine women. . . . Since her passing in the fall of 2017, Naira’s talent has inspired me to tell her story to others. She’s caught the fears of many a stalled writer. ‘Here’s the issue,’ she wrote to me. ‘My window is closing.’ In every writer I’ve encouraged to finish their novel, their memoir, their history, I see her hand,” said Roz Foster, Naira’s former literary agent.

What’s the difference between leaving the motherland and leaving the literal mother? When does the journey toward self-possession become something closer to self-exile? Living daily in the tension between assimilation, disillusionment, and desire, the Armenian-American protagonists of “In Everything I See Your Hand” struggle with the belief that their futures are already decided, futures that can only be escaped through death or departure—if they can be escaped at all.

“In Everything I See Your Hand” book cover Naira Kuzmich

In these ten brilliant stories, Kuzmich spins variations of immigrant life in the Little Armenia neighborhood of Los Angeles. Kuzmich finished this collection before her death at age twenty-nine. Melding empathy, savvy, and candor through ardently wrought language, these stories are gifts that seduce, devastate, and shine.

Kuzmich was born in Armenia and raised in the Los Angeles en-clave of Little Armenia. Her fiction and nonfiction have appeared in West Branch, Blackbird, Ecotone, The O. Henry Prize Stories 2015, The Threepenny Review, The Massachusetts Review, The Cincinnati Review, and elsewhere. She passed away in 2017 from lung cancer.

“Life in the Armenian Community of Aleppo” book cover

You can now purchase “In Everything I See Your Hand” from the IALA Bookstore powered by Bookshop.

Manoug Hagopian’s memoir in stories, “Life in the Armenian Community of Aleppo,” describes Armenians’ joys, griefs, and daily efforts to survive after they fled the 1915 massacres in a land that accepted them with open arms.

The writer shows that Armenians who arrived in Aleppo at the turn of the twentieth century did not stay idle as refugees, but continued their lives as they did in the Armenian-populated cities, towns, and villages they were born in. Their offspring then carried the torch of their parents and built their lives in Aleppo and other countries that they migrated to. Today, hardly any country in the world does not bear the mark of Armenians.

Hagopian was born in Aleppo, Syria, in 1954. At sixteen, he moved to Beirut, Lebanon, and then to the United Arab Emirates, where he worked at the offices of various international companies. Hagopian and his late Cypriot wife, Rita, had two sons. Today, he lives with his sons in Nicosia, Cyprus.

The writer worked as a translator for about twenty-five years at various companies in the UAE and Cyprus. He originally wrote his book in the Armenian language and used his skills as a translator to translate his work into English. Both versions are available now.

Manoug Hagopian

Hagopian’s next book, “Life Within the Armenian Community of Cyprus,” in Armenian, will be published soon, to be followed by the English version. He will publish “Life Within the Armenian Community of the UAE,” both in Armenian and English.

You can now purchase “Life in the Armenian Community of Aleppo” on Amazon, and its original publication on Barnes & Noble.

Asbarez: Speaker’s Call to Change National Anthem Sparks Opposition Accusations of Concessions to Turkey and Azerbaijan

Another irresponsible remark from Parliament Speaker Alen Simonyan, this time about an imperative to change Armenia’s National Anthem and Coat of Arms, has led opposition leaders to accuse Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan and his party of making concessions to Turkey and Azerbaijan.

In a rant on his Telegram social media channel, Simonyan said “Mer Hairenik,” Armenia’s National Anthem, is “foreign” and has no connection “with our state and Armenian music,” calling for a national song that is “Armenian.”

The words to “Mer Hairenik” were written by Mikael Nalbandian and the score was arranged by the famous Armenian composer, Barsegh Ganachian. The song was adopted as Armenia’s National Anthem during the 1918 republic, with an iteration being approved in 1991 as the anthem for the present-day Armenian Republic.

Simonyan then went on to mock Armenia’s Coat of Arms, calling the lion depicted on a shied “a Facebook smiley face.” He apparently also took issue with Mount Ararat depicted in the center of the emblem, saying that Armenia was “under water.” He added that the sword, “should not be chained,” whereas the sword depicted in the emblem is surrounded by wheat stalks that symbolize abundance.

Naturally, a spokesperson for Simonyan later said that the Parliament Speaker was expressing his own views on the matter — a now common situation that has landed Yerevan in diplomatic and social hot waters in the past.

Reacting to Simonian’s comments, opposition lawmakers claimed that Pashinyan’s government is planning to change the state symbols in order to placate Ankara and Baku.

“This is another demand of the Turkish-Azerbaijani duo,” said Gegham Manukyan a member of the opposition Hayastan alliance. He explained that Turkey and Azerbaijan are attempting to force Yerevan to erase all references of Armenia’s millennia-old history.

“They [Ankara and Baku] need a small state which is detached from its roots and with which they could do anything they want,” added Manukyan.

Simonyan’s rant comes at a time when Baku is challenging Armenia’s Constitution, vocally claiming that it had raised objections to the document at the onset of peace talks with Yerevan. Foreign Minister Ararat Mirzoyan last week acknowledged last week that Baku has voiced reservations about the Constitution’s preamble, which references Armenia’s Declaration of Independence that calls for the unification of Armenia and Artsakh.

Pashinyan himself criticized the Declaration of Independence, saying it sows conflict, and earlier this month called for a new constitution that better reflects the current geopolitical realities in the region.

Pashinyan has also criticized the Armenia’s Coat of Arms, saying last year that it emphasizes a “dichotomy between historical Armenia and real Armenia.”

AW: Making art in wartime Lebanon

This article is the second in a four-part series, exclusively for the Armenian Weekly, on the making of Encounters and Convergences: A Book of Ideas and Art by Seta B. Dadoyan. 

PART TWO. Chapter III. Wartime art and aesthetic

In the spring of 1981, in addition to the ongoing fighting between militant factions, a large Israeli offensive on the southern, central and other parts of Lebanon, the Palestinian camps and the southern suburbs of the capital crippled life. In 1982, there was a massive invasion by land, air and sea. For months, artillery, warplanes and battleships bombarded the land. After the withdrawal of Israel, battles involving the local warring factions and the Syrian army, which had entered Lebanon in 1976, intensified. 

By the end of 1983, in the eighth year of the war, after the withdrawal of Israel and the departure of Yasser Arafat from Tripoli with the al-Fatah organization, street and factional fighting and shelling continued with greater violence. Most of Beirut, especially the western part where we lived, was partly destroyed. But life went on everywhere despite barricades, rubbish-mountains, sandbag-hills, destroyed buildings, shattered glass, burned cars, all sorts of partisan and militia and party flags, logos, posters of warlords, political graffiti and religious and iconic figures. When shelling intensified, we sought shelters and sometimes spent days in dark corners and under stairs. With forced intermissions, schools, universities, banks and shops remained open, lectures and conferences were organized, friends visited, and we even had dinner parties, birthdays, weddings and surely many funerals. 

Very recently, when I decided to organize my artwork, I noticed that in the eight years from the early 1980s to late 1987, I made over 40 drawings, seven of which are portraits, while the rest are simply “wartime-drawings.” 

Rabindranath Tagore in remembrance of VV, 1985. Charcoal, 15×22 cm

Just as life was wartime-life, art in turn could only be wartime-art. It traced a trajectory that took its beginning in the immediate realities of the war, and by the force of its convergence in the present moment, gave the work its truth-content and aesthetic legitimacy. Under the circumstances, I could not understand salon, studio and decorative artworks, nor the assumed “freedom” of art. I often wrote in the papers but was not lauded for my critique. The human condition in wartime and massive suffering were central to my thinking, and inevitably, the human figure became dominant in my work. For right or wrong reasons, wars were fought by people and affected all people in every possible respect. While somehow life went on, many suffered, many died, many survived, yet everywhere all waited for deliverance, and the vigil continued.  

The shelter, Beirut, 1980. Ink, 46.5×34.5 cm

Next to one’s home, the “shelter”, al-malja (refuge, a more expressive word in Arabic) was symbolic of an absurd yet heroic wait [“The wait”]. The shelters, mostly makeshift places, were dark microcosms where people came together in terror, often with genuine sympathy and hope. Some died even in shelters. The existential weight of the term would only allow sharp black lines in ink [“The shelter”]. Death was a central fact of wartime life. Of all those who fought and died, some were true idealists and heroes with dreams of a just society. They were the comrades of the sufferers [“The comrade”]. 

The comrade, Beirut,1980. Pencil, 47×40.5 cm

At times of “relative calm”, or hudū’ nisbī, as they were sarcastically referred to, life would return with force. We even took the children to places like Italy and Greece. As I look back, I am surprised at the number and frequency of social activities. The windows of the living room were covered with metal shields for security. We had frequent visitors who climbed a hundred stairs to the fifth floor with a dripping candle or a flickering flashlight. We sat for hours discussing everything, joking about the most serious issues, eating and drinking. When the shelling intensified or a gun battle raged on the street, our friends would simply stay longer. Six sketches sum up these times: “Worlds of silence,” “The cleaning lady,” “Portrait of S.,” “Gothic,” “The friend” and “The visit”. Frequent and often sudden shelling (qaṣf) was another wartime reality. It could happen anytime and cause massive panic. Amid loud car horns and ambulance sirens, people ran in all directions looking for shelter. I made a sketch about these terrifying episodes of “blind shelling” or qașf ‘ashwā’ī, as they were called. 

Qasf (bombardment), Beirut, 1981. Pencil, 48.5×30 cm

Following the first and partial Israeli invasion in 1981, thousands of Palestinians moved from the camps in south Lebanon and the southern suburbs into the central-western parts of Beirut. They occupied schools, vacant or partly completed houses, apartments and entire buildings. At the time, the construction of our building on al-Farābī street, al-Zarif, was barely completed, and most of the apartments were vacant. About 300 Palestinians moved in, with their weapons and ammunition, even small-size artillery. For the next few years, we lived in surreal conditions with no electricity and running water in an extremely crowded and noisy building with 10 flights and no working elevator. During bombardments, dozens of terrified people would run into the lower floors, or to a partially completed building on the opposite side of the street, or simply crowd the stairs. They would stay for long periods, occasionally coming out for fresh air. Two of the sketches from these times are featured in the book.   

By 1983, events took unexpected turns. After a wave of assassinations of prominent activists and the disappearance of the intellectual elite, it was clear that ideology was at an impasse and that regional regimes were involved in a power game, which continues, getting even more complicated and corrupt. There were few bright spots in the arts and literature, but there was no margin for ideology. Three sketches reflect these times: “Departure,” “Dialectics” and “Ideology in crisis.”  

Dialectics, Beirut, 1981. Pencil, 29.5×21 cm

In wartime Beirut, the room, the house and the place where one felt safe took on a special significance and a role of sorts. During prolonged periods of shelling and life in a confined space, I did not even think of doing any figure drawing. While sitting with the family, doing housework, reading or writing at my desk with a manual typewriter, the “view” was the row of yellow buildings typical of old Beirut on the other side of the block. Except for one apartment, they were deserted and looked haunted with some laundry still hanging on the balconies. I drew the building, where an elderly lady, who seemed to be forgotten in the apartment, constantly moved between the balcony and the rooms [“Window 1”]. I made three more “views” of the other old buildings, all demolished. One building, now gone too, on the right corner in “Window 2,” was over two centuries old. It had been one of the most luxurious residences of Beirut in the early 19th century under the Ottomans. When the view from the window was exhausted, I turned to the houseplants, but not to the human figure, yet. There had been too many losses, catastrophes and deaths within a short period. During the three years, from 1983 to 1985, I made only seven sketches, four “windows” and three “rooms.”  These were my “landscapes.”

Window 2, Beirut, 1982. 41.5×25 cm

PART TWO. Chapter III. Thoughts and exits in chaos 

In 1985, even though there was no improvement in the circumstances and the prospects for any solution were bleak, I seemed to have come to terms with my situatedness and made an enigmatic sketch [“Situatedness”]. The central figure on the foreground looks like a medieval monk. He stands too close to the viewer, and his head and feet are outside the frame. In his right hand he holds large old keys on a metal ring. The room is a messy art studio, a backstage room with drapes hanging from a higher level. There are empty boards and canvases against the wall, some ropes and a ladder with uneven sides leaning against the higher level from where the drapes hang. The door with a stain-ring around an old-fashioned nob is part open. With his back to the door, the monk-figure may have just walked in or expects others in the room. Soon, I made another enigmatic yet simpler sketch, “The stride.”

Situatedness, Beirut, 1985. Pencil, 36.5×25.5 cm

Meditation was a healing exercise in wartime, and I made a self-portrait of sorts [“The pause”]. In 2015, 30 years later, I made a variation on this drawing in color, for the cover of my book, The Armenian Condition in Hindsight and Foresight. During the war, the street where one lived was a microcosm where things happened and concerned the people who lived there. I made three sketches of al-Farābī, where we moved in 1981. It was previously known as the “Armenian quarter,” ḥayy al-arman, but almost everyone had migrated. After all night shelling, the streets were eerie scenes of debris and broken glass. We walked or drove through the rubble to school with the children, went to work, did the shopping, met with neighbors on the street and hoped the night would be calmer than the previous one. Four sketches are about this strange routine.  

The human condition in wartime and massive suffering were central to my thinking, and inevitably, the human figure became dominant in my work. For right or wrong reasons, wars were fought by people and affected all people in every possible respect. While somehow life went on, many suffered, many died, many survived, yet everywhere all waited for deliverance, and the vigil continued.  

Between 1981 and 1986, I was doing research at the Armenian library of Haigazian College/University while teaching part-time philosophy of religion and some Armenian studies courses. Despite, and perhaps because of, extremely difficult conditions on every level of daily life, and like many, I found my salvation in hard work. In 1986 I was invited to teach at the Civilization Sequence Program of the American University of Beirut (AUB). Wartime AUB was a peculiar place. There were normally unacceptable but now “legitimate” practices and norms in the way the students, faculty, administration, staff and people from warring parties carried out their duties and interacted. The walls, the classroom boards, the halls, the corridors and the entire beautiful campus on the Mediterranean became billboards for political slogans, comments, threats and caricatures. Professors and staff could be supported or threatened at gunpoint by students, colleagues or other staff, depending on who heard them or was watching. But again, somehow, life on campus too went on, and exams and quizzes were generally held on time, despite threats from students for high marks. Top administrators were assassinated on premises, the historic Assembly Hall was shelled, and the famous clock tower of AUB was bombed and collapsed in 1991. As far as I was concerned, teaching was a salvation, and I absolutely loved teaching cultural studies and art and had very high student evaluations. But I also suffered inner intrigues and a culture of rivalry and slander. 

My two decades of teaching at AUB yielded two drawings, a group portrait of six of my colleagues “Colleagues” and “The banyan tree of AUB – A portrait.” The whole experience, from 1986 to 2005, teaching at the Civilization Sequence Program and the Faculty of Engineering and Architecture (philosophy of technology and art history) was unique and rewarding, despite the mentality of some faculty and AUB wartime diplomacy. 

From 1987 to 1991, I worked for the complicated and exclusive degree of Doctor of Sciences in Philosophy, a degree higher than the Ph.D., granted in the German and Russian systems. I traveled to Yerevan for sources; these were otherwise “exits.” For four years, the courses, yearly exams, papers, sources and manuscripts from the Matenadaran and the final work kept me occupied. At the time, Beirut International Airport was closed, and all air travel was via the sea or other capitals. I flew to Yerevan from Damascus and Aleppo airports, sometimes traveling under bullets and shelling on the roads. I made four sketches at the start of my four-year work toward my degree: “Armenia rock island,” “The exit,” “The flight” and “The moment.” The defense of my dissertation was on September 20, 1991, a day before the declaration of the independence of the Third Republic. This was also the year the war ended in Lebanon. The degree, the promotion and total dedication to teaching and scholarship put my life on a different path for the next decades. Except for the 10 portraits made between 1985 and 2005, for the next 35 years from the fall of 1987, all art was put aside.

The banyan tree of AUB, Beirut, 1991. Pencil, 31.5×21.5 cm

The extraordinary case of Armenian Cilicia was always a challenge for me. My father’s family, and over half the refugees in the Arab world, are originally Cilicians. From its rise in 1080 to the demise of the Kingdom in 1375, through the next five centuries to its complete devastation and evacuation by Turkey by the early 1920s, Armenian Cilicia between the Christian and Muslim worlds has been a poorly understood phenomenon. A deeper knowledge of the Armenian experience in the Islamic world is a prerequisite. Other cases too, such as the Fāțimid Armenians in 11th and 12th centuries, the Armenians in Bilād al-Shām (Greater Syria) and many others await thorough research. On the 1700th anniversary of the adoption of Christianity by the Armenian state, I was asked by Catholicos Aram I to prepare two studies about the history and the intellectual culture of Cilicia. This was an opportunity and opened new horizons. I dedicated several studies to various aspects of the history and intellectual culture of Cilicia, its artistic legacy and the institution of the Catholicosate. Later, I also edited and co-authored two volumes and several studies on Cilicia and related subjects. 

My dissertation on the Islamic sources of Erznkats‘i, published in 1991, for the Doctor of Sciences in Philosophy opened a novel discipline of Islamic-Armenian interactive history in regional context. Identifying the patterns of interaction and defining the historicity of 14 centuries of the Armenian historical experience in worlds of Islam became career defining interests. I found myself on the path of hard-core scholarship. Hopefully, my six books in this discipline are a beginning. A truly contemporary and critical discipline of Islamic-Armenian studies is yet to break its way through the Herculean pillars between the Mediterranean and the Atlantic, of mainstream Armenian studies, into the open ocean of Near Eastern and interfaith studies. My work so far is a statement by the force of the material it makes available and the theses it expounds.

Dr. Seta B. Dadoyan (née Satenik Barsoumian) is a prominent Armenian scholar and painter and a Doctor of Philosophical Sciences in Philosophy. In addition to her research and publications on Western Armenian culture, her novel and extensive research focuses on the medieval and modern Armenian political, cultural and intellectual experiences in their interactive aspects within the Near Eastern world. She is considered a trailblazer and leading specialist in a novel discipline of Islamic-Armenian interactive history, initiated by her and to which she has dedicated six of her 12 volumes and many groundbreaking studies. She was professor of cultural studies, philosophy and art history at the American University of Beirut. After moving to the United States in 2005, she was visiting professor of Armenian and Near Eastern Studies at Columbia University, St. Nersess Seminary, the University of Chicago and the State University of Yerevan. For her exceptional scholarly contributions to Armenian studies and intellectual culture, in September 2021 the Society of Armenian Studies honored her with the “Lifetime Achievement Award.” In September 2015, she was granted the “St. Mesrop Mashtots‘” Medal, and in January 1999, the highest “Medal and Diploma of David Invictus/Anhaght” of the Philosophical Academy of the National Academy of Sciences of Armenia. She has authored 11 and co-authored and edited two volumes, as well as published over 60 scholarly papers in academic journals.


RFE/RL Armenian Service – 01/30/2024

                                        Tuesday, 


Pashinian Accused Of Planning Another Concession To Turkey, Azerbaijan

        • Astghik Bedevian
        • Ruzanna Stepanian

Armenia - A picture of the Armenian coat of arms against the background of 
Yerevan and Mount Ararat, 5Jul2011.


Opposition leaders accused Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian on Tuesday of being 
ready to make another concession to Azerbaijan and Turkey after one of his top 
political allies called for a change of Armenia’s national anthem and coat of 
arms.

Both state symbols as well as Armenia’s national flag were inherited from a 
short-lived Armenian republic that existed from 1918-1920. They were slightly 
edited before being adopted by the country’s first post-Communist parliament in 
1991.

In a Telegram post, parliament speaker Alen Simonian described the “Mer 
Hayrenik” (Our Fatherland) anthem as “alien” and said it must be replaced by 
genuinely “Armenian” song corresponding to “our state and Armenian music.”

Simonian went on to mock the coat of arms that consists of a lion and an eagle 
holding a shield depicting Mount Ararat and the emblems of four royal dynasties 
that ruled ancient and medieval Armenian kingdoms.

The emblematic mountain located in modern-day Turkey is shown rising above a sea 
that presumably symbolizes the biblical Deluge. Simonian scoffed at this scene 
as well as the emblem of the Armenian kingdom of Cilicia that existed in the 
12-14th centuries in what is now southeastern Turkey.

Turkey - Armenian parliament speaker Alen Simonian meets his Turkish counterpart 
in Ankara, May 4, 2023.

Pashinian likewise criticized the Armenian coat of arms last year, saying that 
it underlines a “dichotomy between historical Armenia and real Armenia.”

Reacting to Simonian’s comments, Armenian opposition lawmakers claimed that 
Pashinian’s government is planning to scrap the state symbols in order to 
placate Ankara.

“This is another demand of the Turkish-Azerbaijani duo,” said Gegham Manukian of 
the main opposition Hayastan alliance. He said that the two Turkic allies are 
trying to force Yerevan to erase any reference to millennia-old Armenian 
presence in their current territory.

“They need a small state which is detached from its roots and with which they 
could do anything they want,” added Manukian.

Hrach Hakobian, a parliament deputy from the ruling Civil Contract party and 
Pashinian’s brother-in-law, ruled out any “coercion” from Baku or Ankara. He 
said the questions raised by Simonian need to be openly debated.

A spokeswoman for Simonian insisted, meanwhile, that the speaker expressed his 
personal view and that there is no bill in circulation calling for the kind of 
changes that were advocated by him. Such changes would have to be put on a 
referendum.

Russia - Azeri President Ilham Aliyev and Armenian Prime Minister Nikol 
Pashinyan are seen during a visit to the Catherine Palace in Saint Petersburg, 
December 26, 2023.

Simonian’s statement came on the heels of Pashinian’s calls for the adoption of 
a new Armenian constitution reflecting the “new geopolitical environment” in the 
region. Critics believe that the premier wants to get rid of a preamble to 
Armenia’s current constitution enacted in 1995. The preamble makes an indirect 
reference to a 1989 declaration on Armenia’s unification with Nagorno-Karabakh 
and calls for international recognition of the 1915 Armenian genocide in Ottoman 
Turkey.

Foreign Minister Ararat Mirzoyan acknowledged last week Azerbaijan has objected 
to this constitutional introduction during talks on a peace treaty with Armenia. 
But both he and Pashinian allies said that the Armenian leadership is not 
seeking to change the constitution under Azerbaijani pressure.

The Azerbaijani Foreign Ministry claimed on Monday that the Armenian 
constitution contains “encroachments on the territorial integrity and 
sovereignty of Azerbaijan.” It said Yerevan should take concrete steps to 
eliminate them.

Arusyak Julhakian, another lawmaker representing Pashinian’s party, accused Baku 
of trying to whip up political tensions in Armenia with such statements.




Fitch Sees Armenia’s Continued Dependence On Russia

        • Robert Zargarian

U.S. -- Fitch Ratings logo in Lower Manhattan, New York, June 24, 2016.


The Armenian economy will remain heavily dependent on Russia in the foreseeable 
future, according to credit rating agency Fitch.

“Armenia's economy is highly dependent on Russia for trade and energy, and Fitch 
does not expect meaningful diversification away from Russia in the near term,” 
it said in a weekend statement that reaffirmed its “BB-“ rating for the country.

Fitch noted that Russian-Armenian trade has increased dramatically since the 
start of Russia’s war against Ukraine.

“Armenia continues to implement Western sanctions targeted at Russian entities 
within its banking sector,” it said. “Nevertheless, goods exports to Russia 
increased by nearly 300 percent since 2021, and Russia accounted for 51 percent 
of exports and 30 percent of imports in [the first nine months of 2023.]”

Russia accounted for more than one-third of Armenia’s foreign trade in 
January-November 2023, with bilateral commercial exchange rising by over 40 
percent to $6.3 billion, according to Armenian government data.

Armenian re-exports of used cars, consumer electronics and other 
Western-manufactured goods remained the main driving force behind this growth. 
They are included in overall Armenian exports to Russia that totaled about $3.2 
billion in that period, up by 50 percent year on year. These and other cash 
inflows from Russia are a key reason why the Armenian economy was on course to 
expand by over 8 percent last year.

Economy Minister Vahan Kerobian said recently that his government is trying to 
“diversify” Armenia’s foreign trade by helping local manufacturers find new 
export markets. He said they should export “products of high standards and 
quality” that can find buyers “in many countries of the world and not just a 
small circle of countries.” It is not clear just how the government will go 
about achieving this declared objective.

Russian-Armenian commercial ties have been deepening despite Yerevan’s strained 
relationship with Moscow noted by Fitch. Citing food safety concerns, a Russian 
government agency blocked the import of many food products from Armenia for more 
than a week in November. Observers believe that Moscow thus underlined its 
strong economic leverage against Armenia to warn Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian 
against further reorienting the country towards the West.




Annual Corruption Survey Finds Little Change In Armenia

        • Nane Sahakian

Germany -- Microphone cables dangle over a logo of Transparency International 
(TI) during a press conference in Berlin, 23Sep2008


Transparency International has barely upgraded Armenia’s position in its annual 
survey of corruption perceptions around the world, again noting a lack of 
significant improvement in the country.

Armenia ranks 62nd out of 180 countries and territories evaluated in the 
Berlin-based watchdog’s 2022 Corruption Perception Index (CPI) released on 
Tuesday. It shared 63rd place with Romania in the previous CPI released a year 
ago.

The South Caucasus state’s CPI “score,” measured on a 100-point scale, rose from 
46 to 47 over the past year. The Armenian government had pledged to have it 
gradually raised to 55 in its three-year anti-corruption strategy approved in 
2019.

Varuzhan Hoktanian, the head of Transparency International’s Armenian partner 
organization, downplayed the slight improvement, saying that it is within the 
CPI survey’s 2.5-point margin of error and only shows continuing “stagnation” in 
the government’s declared fight against corruption.

“The global [CPI] average is 43 … So I say this every year: if a country’s CPI 
is below 50 it means corruption is a serious problem there,” Hoktanian told 
reporters.

“In the two years following the 2018 Velvet Revolution, Armenia experienced 
significant democratic and anti-corruption reforms,” Transparency International 
said in a report attached to the latest CPI rankings. “However, progress against 
corruption has stalled, primarily due to the limited implementation of these new 
measures.”

Armenia - Prime Minsiter Nikol Pashinian inspects a newly renovated school gym 
in Lori province, January 3, 2024.

Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian has repeatedly claimed to have eliminated 
“systemic corruption” in Armenia. However, members of his entourage are 
increasingly accused by Armenian media of enriching themselves or their cronies 
and breaking their anti-corruption promises given in 2018. There are also 
growing questions about integrity in public procurement administered by the 
current government.

About a year ago, Pashinian urged senior Armenian officials to sue media outlets 
“falsely” accusing them of illicit enrichment. Shortly afterwards, hackers 
hijacked the YouTube channel of the Yerevan newspaper Aravot just as it was 
about to publish a video report detailing expensive property acquisitions by 
several senior government officials and pro-government parliamentarians.

In December, the Armenian parliament controlled by Pashinian’s Civil Contract 
party effectively fired the head of a state anti-corruption watchdog who 
investigated many pro-government lawmakers suspected of illicit enrichment, 
conflict of interest or other corrupt practices. The National Assembly ignored a 
joint statement in support of the official, Haykuhi Harutiunian, issued by 
several Armenian civic organizations.



Reposted on ANN/Armenian News with permission from RFE/RL
Copyright (c) 2024 Radio Free Europe / Radio Liberty, Inc.
1201 Connecticut Ave., N.W. Washington DC 20036.

 

Armenpress: Principles agreed upon between Armenia and Azerbaijan until present should not be changed, says Javier Colomina

 09:20,

YEREVAN, JANUARY 31, ARMENPRESS. NATO supports the process of normalization of relations between Armenia and Azerbaijan and insists that, at this stage, the principles agreed upon between the parties till the present moment should not be changed, Javier Colomina, the special representative of NATO in the South Caucasus, stated in an interview with "Armenpress" in Brussels.

Colomina noted that respect for the fundamental principle of territorial integrity and sovereignty of countries, which is the basis of the process of normalization of relations between Armenia and Azerbaijan, is very important. The representative of NATO in the South Caucasus also referred to the role of Turkey in the process of normalizing Armenia-Azerbaijan relations, prospects of Armenia-NATO cooperation  and other topics.

-  Mr. Colomina you were recently in Armenia, you had various meetings. What were the main issues discussed? What conclusions have you drawn and what are your expectations for the near future? 

– Yes, I was last week in Armenia. I met with the Prime Minister Mr. Pashinyan, with the Secretary of the Security Council Mr. Grigoryan, with the Deputy Foreign Minister Vahan Kostanyan, with Defence Minister Papikyan. Moreover, I also had the possibility to meet students and junior diplomats and  I gave a lecture there. It was very substantial visit. We are very satisfied with the bilateral relationship that we have today with Armenia. We are also very encouraged by the decisions that Armenia has decided to take in their foreign policy and defense policy, the shift they have decided to implement. I know it is a decision that is difficult to implement and will probably take a long time, but, of course, we encourage our partners to get closer to us, and that is what Armenia is doing. 

We also talked quite a lot, extensively I would say, about the situation in the regional context and particularly about the peace talks with Azerbaijan. As you know, our policy is very clear. We support the normalization of relations between Armenia and Azerbaijan. We do not take sides between our partners, unless there is a violation of the principles and the main elements of the UN Charter that we are very attached to. Therefore, the message was very clear. We would like the peace talks to reconvene as soon as possible. We know there are different tracks, the bilateral track, the US track, the EU track. For us, the most important thing is the outcome at the end, is there lasting peace? Because that would be very important for the stability of the Caucasus.

–    Of course, when talking about a lasting and sustainable peace, one should know  that it is also one of the main goals of Armenia itself. But what developments can be expected from the Armenia-Azerbaijan settlement process? Especially having in mind the background of aggressive and destructive statements from Azerbaijan, which contain territorial aspirations/demands towards Armenia? 

Well, I have heard many concerns from your authorities about the statements from President Aliyev in particular. For us, as I mentioned , the normalization of relations that lead to a lasting peace is a fundamental element today and we will be pushing for that, support whatever tracks brings the two nations to sign something like that. We are supporting the US; we are supporting the European Union. Actually, I was there at the same time that Tovio Klaar, the Special representative of the European Union.

Therefore, I had the opportunity to speak with him at length and we are supporting the bilateral track. At the end it is for the two nations to decide how they move on, so we will be supportive of everything that at the end of the day brings as an outcome a lasting peace. We believe that the principles that were set at the beginning of the process —of course respect of sovereignty and territorial integrity— are fundamental. I actually tweeted at the end of my visit on that. It is one of the principles that we are very attached to, sovereignty and territorial integrity. Of course, we believe that together with that principles, delimitation of borders, the connectivity, the principles that were set at the beginning of the process should be part of that process. Unless, of course, the two sides decide to change those principles and have different principles or other principles or more.

However, the agreed principles should not change at this stage. Therefore, as I said, I heard a lot of concern. I do not think that statements help the process move forward, that we will continue to send the same message to the partners; they need to reconvene the talks as soon as possible. Actually, I would like to add that my trip was supposed to be a regional trip. In addition, we had already worked with both capitals to make it regional, but at the beginning of January, Azerbaijan decided to postpone the visit because of the presidential elections, so I couldn't actually convey the messages that I was going to convey. One of those messages was a very clear message that we expect you guys to reconvene the peace talks as soon as possible. 

– And what about Turkey? As you know, Armenia is trying to normalize the relations with Turkey as well. In your opinion, what is Turkey's real position regarding the settlement of relations with Armenia, will it go for a real settlement of relations, or will the negotiations again be of a formal nature? 

-   Well, for us Turkey is a very important ally, as you know, it is the only ally that has borders in the region and therefore is a key actor in the region. We have a very frank conversation with Turkey on every topic and of course, we talk about the concourses as well. Turkey knows that we are supportive of the normalization of relations between Armenia and Turkey. I think Turkey is willing to make progress in this direction. I do not know if they are actually waiting for some progress in the Azerbaijan-Armenian track first. That could be probably one of the considerations, but I think they are genuinely interested in advancing on that. As you know, I cannot really go into the foreign policy, the domestic politics of our allies, but I think, and we have talked about this, it would be a very positive development whenever that happens. 

-   You have mentioned the territorial integrity and sovereignty as important principles. However NATO member Turkey openly supported the large-scale war in the South Caucasus, unleashed by Azerbaijan. The reaction of the organization was not so strict and binding. Considering that Turkey clearly supports Azerbaijan, do you think it is possible for Turkey to directly intervene in the event of a new aggression by Azerbaijan against Armenia? And what will NATO's reaction be in that case? Considering that this time "disputed territory" cannot be used as an excuse, because we are talking about an internationally recognized country and its borders. 

Well, it is very difficult to preempt conversations and as I said I can't really go into foreign policy decisions of my own allies. What I can tell you is that we are very attached to those two principles: sovereignty and territorial integrity. We have been very clear always that for us those are very important. The situation three years ago was different. As you said, there was a controversy in terms of how you looked at the particular enclave. In addition, even though there was recognition of the territorial integrity and the sovereignty of Azerbaijan, there was a controversy, as I said. I think we are now facing a different situation and, in my opinion, and without preempting anything, the reaction I would assume would be different. 

– What steps is NATO ready to take to support international efforts aimed at establishing peace and stability in the South Caucasus?

– Our policy is very clear and that policy honestly limits very much what we can do. However, the policy is based on ‘we don't take sides between partners in general’, not just between Armenia and Azerbaijan, and we have decided to implement that policy. Unless there are violations of principles of the UN Charter and the principles that are also enshrined in the Washington Treaty, so at this stage what we are doing and what we are planning to do, and I have the full support of the Secretary General in that work, is to support, to have a larger presence. I have visited the region seven times since I took office on September 21, probably more than in the previous 10 Years. Therefore, I think we have leverage, politically more presence of NATO in the context of the Caucuses in general. So, the three countries, Georgia, Armenia and Azerbaijan, but particularly in the context of Armenia and Azerbaijan. In addition, we have been always very clear about what we expect from our partners. We expect normalization of relations, based on agreed principles and some of those principles are principles that are enshrined in the Washington Treaty and the UN Charter, such as sovereignty and territorial integrity, and we will continue to support that same line and to continue to push for the normalization of relations. 

– Coming back to what you said in the beginning, that you are very satisfied by your relations with Armenia. Are there plans to expand them? If so, in what directions? 

– Yes, we are very satisfied. In the last couple of years, Armenia has decided to step up politically and practically the cooperation with NATO in general terms, we are always willing to move at the pace that our partners want to move. So, we've been encouraging whatever was coming from Yerevan. Yerevan has decided, for instance, to increase to more than 50 soldiers, their contribution to KFOR , they have decided to make that visible, which is clearly a sign of political engagement and commitment. We are now working on the new ITPP  with quite ambitious goals. We are working on training opportunities. We are working on all kinds of partnership work, different tools that we have. I'm not going to bother you with those, but we are using all of them. While two years ago basically the cooperation after the war was sort of frozen and the moves, the shift has been very substantive. So now what we have ahead is the approval of the ITPP. I have high expectations and hopes that that will be done in the next weeks and from there we'll take it. But after the conversations I had in Yerevan, my impression is that the Armenians are willing to continue that path and to increase the cooperation, and we will be helping Armenia doing that. 

-   And last but not least, since the Cold War, NATO has been conducting its largest military exercises. We can probably guess for whom exactly this message is intended. However, I would like to ask, what kind of message is this?

– Well, NATO has been very clear since the war started in February 2022. We have been increasing our ability to defend and deter. The message has been very clear. We will be supporting Ukraine as much as we can. And at the same time, we won't allow any violation of our territory. To do that, we have taken many decisions from the summit in Madrid to the summit in Vilnius. Now to this very large exercise: most of those decisions are regarding our ability to deter and the message is clear. We want to deter, particularly Russia, a threat considered as such in our joint threat assessment. They already made a strategic mistake invading Ukraine. And they need to understand that NATO will be ready to defend every inch of our territory.

–    What is the role of Turkey in particularly in this message? Because Turkey also tries to be in somehow intermediary or facilitator between Russia and Turkey, as the only NATO Member state that can talk to the two parties.

– Turkey has a very specific regional and geographical situation and that is why their foreign policy, that I am not really allowed to talk about, is probably more complex than the one of other allies, but they are absolutely committed with our efforts on defense and deterrence. They are committed with our assessment on which are the two threats that we have, Russia and terrorism. They are contributing as much as any other ally in the efforts we are implementing and they will be part of that very large exercise as they have been part of all the big exercises that we have done in the past. 

Lilit Gasparyan




First two business projects now featured in ARFI crowdfunding platform

 09:33,

YEREVAN, JANUARY 31, ARMENPRESS. Two Armenian companies are now looking to attract investors for their projects through ARFI, the first Armenian crowdfunding platform.

The two companies are Barekam Logistic Services, the first Armenian organization of its kind that provides international door-to-door postal and courier services, and Planet Fiber, an IT infrastructure provider.

ARFI is gradually expanding the list of business projects.

ARFI CEO Edgar Evoyan told Armenpress that investors from all over the world can participate in the Armenian projects.

Furthermore, the company has received numerous new submissions and is simultaneously working to expand the circle of investors.

“We are now working to select the right targets,” Evoyan said.

Planet Fiber CEO Armen Hayrapetyan lauded ARFI, noting that the platform has a good opportunity to expand and develop. It will also enable to acquire bigger audiences, according to Hayrapetyan.

Meanwhile, Barekam Logistic Services, which was founded in 2017, decided to apply to ARFI due to an increase in the demand of its services. “As a result of growing demand for our services around the world, we decided to apply to ARFI in order to be able to expand and render more high-quality services,” Barekam Logistic Services Founder and Director Narek Mkrtchyan said.

Pro-Artsakh demonstrations held in 50 European cities

 10:58,

BRUSSELS, JANUARY 31, ARMENPRESS. The Europeans for Artsakh movement gathered thousands of supporters across Europe on January 28-29 to condemn Azerbaijan’s policy of ethnic cleansing in Nagorno-Karabakh.

The movement advocates for EU sanctions against Azerbaijan, condemns the ethnic cleansing and genocidal policies of Azerbaijan, demands the immediate release of Armenian POWs and hostages, calls for the defense of Armenia, particularly Syunik, and expresses solidarity with Armenians of Nagorno-Karabakh and seeks international guarantees for them to live freely and independently in their homeland, safeguarding their fundamental rights.

The ‘Pan-European Mobilization’ demonstrations and events took place in 50 cities across Europe, such as Paris, Vienna, London, Hamburg, Athens, Stockholm and more.

Turkish author Pınar Selek attended the demonstration in Nice, France. She expressed support to the Armenians of Nagorno-Karabakh and said she’s ready to fight for Armenia because the world ‘has a debt to pay to Armenia.’

“By protecting Armenia, we will protect justice, dignity and peace,” she said.

Demonstrations took place in Georgia as well, where participants gathered outside the EU representation in Tbilisi.

Debt estimated at 48,4% of GDP

 12:46,

YEREVAN, JANUARY 31, ARMENPRESS. Armenia’s state debt as of 2023 is estimated to comprise around 48,4% of the GDP, according to preliminary data, finance minister Vahe Hovhannisyan has said.

“In 2023, Armenia’s economic potential increased,” he said at a press conference. “And the state debt, according to preliminary data, will be around 48,4%, increasing a bit compared to the 2022 level. Tax revenues grew progressively. And as a result of 2023 we have a 24,1% tax revenue-GDP indicator,” Hovhannisyan said.

GDP estimates are still preliminary.

Citing the growing share of investments by non-residents, the minister said that Armenia is becoming attractive for international institutional investors.