Azerbaijan fires at Armenian positions in Sotk

Armenia –

“The units of the Azerbaijani armed forces fired from firearms of different caliber at the Armenian positions located in the direction of Sotk.

 No casualties reported,” the ministry said in a news release.

 It also said that as of 10:00 a.m. on April 17 the situation on the frontline is relatively stable.

https://mediamax.am/en/news/armypolice/50979/

The EU’s Armenia mission needs a holistic rethink

BRUSSELS, TODAY, 16:16

A few days ago, armed clashes led to several Armenian and Azerbaijani servicemen being killed or injured on the Armenia-Azerbaijan undemarcated border.

After the incidents the EU made a declaration urging the intensification of negotiations on the delimitation of the border, saying that it "continues to stand ready to support this process".

But the recent EU monitoring mission to Armenia (EUMA) evidently did not provide full deterrence for a possible flareup, given these recent shootouts.

In February 2023 the EU deployed this EUMA civilian mission to defuse the risk of a new Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict.

According to the EU Council, the mission is going to "contribute to stability in the border areas of Armenia, building confidence on the ground, and ensuring an environment conducive to normalisation efforts between Armenia and Azerbaijan supported by the EU".

The problem is how this mandate of normalisation efforts can be realised when the mission was not accepted by Azerbaijan, who saw it as a biased operation. The mission was considered by Armenia as deterrence against Azerbaijan; nevertheless, it is not mandated to contain potential Armenian attacks or provocations against Azerbaijan. Which is why Azerbaijan didn't accept it.

Furthermore, Azerbaijan actually feared that the EU monitoring mission, which was not attached to the Armenia-Azerbaijan peace process, would simply be used by the Armenian side to procrastinate on negotiations.

These fears came true, unfortunately, as the negotiations are stuck. So, the EU seems to want to play the peace-maker card, without starting from the right step — which is an equal acceptance by both sides. This is a difficult start to work for peace negotiations.

The negotiating process therefore needs to see some proactive and more balanced approach from the EU Council, retaking the leadership that Charles Michel had in May 2022, when he called the president Ilham Aliyev and prime minster in Brussels to restart peace negotiations after the last meetings in August 2022 and in October 2022.

But it all should start first of all with the orderly removal of Armenian illegal military troops in Karabakh region, that have forced Azerbaijan's approach by setting up the Lachin corridor blockade, in order to preserve its security against Russia's illegal help with arms smuggling, including land mines.

In an echo of the situation in Georgia, it is important the guarantors act outside the information war and propaganda used by Russia.

This in order not to alienate Azerbaijan from the EU, and keep on the good path of the EU's 2010 report on the need for a EU strategy for the South Caucasus, on finding lasting solutions to the conflict, as well as supporting the continued economic and political integration of the three South Caucasus countries with the EU.

A more assertive role for the EU would mean a renewed, broad, and more effective political strategy in a region in the clutches of Moscow — which does not seem to point to the purely objective aim of regional stability.

To be sure, it was paramount that the EU would profit from Moscow's loss of credibility globally and regionally to undermine its hold and implement a much needed and hoped-for holistic strategy and vision in the South Caucasus, which is conducive to peace.

Nonetheless, what seems an unbalanced pro-Armenian bias can represent a gift to Moscow's imperialistic designs and holds tight an important peripheral European area in need of international management in order to ensure peace.

Therefore, should the EU start from the guarantee of the territorial integrity of Azerbaijan respecting its internal citizens (including the Armenian citizens of Karabakh) it would represent a great step for the legitimacy of the EU as real mediator.

If the EU steps out of its ideological bubble and works to safeguard the internationally-codified concept of territorial integrity, first of all clarifying that the separatists have no space when we comply with the state authority of Azerbaijan, it would prove that the arbitrary use of "separatism" for revanchist reasons is not acceptable.

Therefore, the legitimacy of secessionists (like the ones currently weaponised by Russia in Donbass, Transnistria, Abkhazia, and South Ossetia — internationally recognised as part of Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia respectively), cannot be accepted as it would create a dangerous precedent for any kind of self-aggrandisement and block any peace effort that is based on international law and national sovereignty.

In a time of tension between two different regional security strategies, represented by the EU and Russia, it is not advisable to carry on with nebulous outdated formulas in favour of the Russian ally, Armenia, with the feeble hope that this would eventually mean the longed-for disentanglement from the Russian clout.

The Azerbaijani concerns and rights should be finally addressed if the EU aims at reaching a comprehensive solution.

Recently it was revealed how the Iran-Armenia-Russia axis is collaborating against Ukraine.

Armenia seems to serve as a hub to supply sanctioned (including military) goods that support Russian aggression in Ukraine and provides the direct connection between Iran and Russia. Can the EU accept Armenia's deepening economic and military ties to Russia and therefore constitute nothing but a Russian outpost in the region, along with the breakaway regions in Georgia?

Only Armenia's real internal push for a change of course, from a de facto pro-Russian to a pro-EU country, will close the road to Russian sphere of influence in the region, and even the risk of another conflict that the West can't afford without paving the way to more Russian meddling.

Not only that, it would risk stopping profiting from Azerbaijan's balancing approach to international relations, and the generous investment opportunities the EU needs in order to proceed with energy diversification and the needed step-by-step supplanting of the Russian alternative.

This calls for a new reappraisal in the face of the new scenarios and challenges. The holistic approach cannot be ambiguous in nature. It has to be practical and in accordance with strategic concerns to be addressed. The EU, true to its vocation, should not give the impression that revanchism has a place in the international world order.

Maurizio Geri is a former Nato defence strategist, currently recipient of EU Marie Curie Fellowship for a three-year research project on EU-Nato tech cooperation against Russian hybrid warfare, in the energy-resources security nexus.

 

Turkish Press: ​Azerbaijan thanks Turkish weightlifters for dedicating medals in European championship in Armenia

Yeni Safak
Turkey –

Azerbaijan thanks Turkish weightlifters for dedicating medals in European championship in Armenia


Cansu Bektas, Gamze Altun dedicate gold, silver medals to Azerbaijan after flag burning at Yerevan championship's opening event

Azerbaijan's president and first lady on Sunday thanked two Turkish weightlifters for dedicating their medals to the country during the 2023 European Weightlifting Championships in the Armenian capital Yerevan.


In an official statement, President Ilham Aliyev and first lady Mehriban Aliyeva congratulated Cansu Bektas and Gamze Altun on winning three gold and one silver medal, respectively.


Aliyev and Aliyeva said the move "showed high skill, determination, and will to wave the flag of Türkiye" on the global stage while also playing the Turkish national anthem made "all the people of Azerbaijan happy."


On the dedication of Bektas and Altun's victories to Azerbaijan, they said this "proved once again that where Azerbaijan is not, Türkiye always represents us and supports our rightful cause. This is another manifestation of the unbreakable Azerbaijan-Türkiye brotherhood."


Azerbaijan on Saturday announced that it withdrew from the European Weightlifting Championship after the country's flag was burned by an officially accredited person at the opening ceremony of the competition on Friday.

Even after Putin’s warning, would Armenia gain by joining the ICC?







Russia’s threat of retaliation should Armenia join the international court, which has just issued an arrest warrant for Vladimir Putin, puts Armenia in a bind. But membership may even lead to unexpected legal jeopardy for the Caucasian nation

Last week Russia warned of serious consequences for Armenia if it becomes a member of the International Criminal Court (ICC). Back in December, Armenia’s cabinet had approved draft laws to ratify the Rome Statute, the treaty that established the ICC. However, since then, the court has issued an arrest warrant for Vladimir Putin for war crimes committed in Ukraine.

Rodney Dixon KC

It puts Yerevan in a difficult position. Armenia, though a member of Russia’s economic and military alliances would, after joining the ICC, be required to arrest the leader of its security patron if he visited their country. Senior Armenian officials now claim they would simply not implement an arrest: but this is hardly an auspicious start or way to endear Armenia to the court.

This matters, because Armenia seeks to join order to pursue specific legal action for international crimes allegedly committed by its neighbour Azerbaijan in a 30-year territorial dispute over Karabakh – an Azerbaijani region held by ethnic Armenian separatists since the collapse of the Soviet Union. Yet even before the ICC issued its warrant for Putin, it was questionable whether the benefits of joining the court outweighed the risks for Armenia.

Certainly, the ICC would open a new front in the legal tussles between Azerbaijan and Armenia. Karabakh had been held by Armenia since the early 90s, but Baku regained significant amounts of the territory during a 44-day conflict in 2020. Since a Moscow-brokered ceasefire put an end to hostilities, a raft of cases has been brought by both nations before various international courts. In February, the International Court of Justice (ICJ) ordered unimpeded movement along a highway connecting Armenia to Karabakh. The month before, Azerbaijan launched a case against Armenia for environmental destruction at an international tribunal – the first inter-State arbitration sought under the Bern Convention on the Conservation of European Wildlife and Natural Habitats.

Such courts and tribunals only adjudicate claims between states. In contrast, the ICC was established to prosecute the individuals behind humanity’s gravest crimes – raising the prospect of sitting politicians and military leaders in the dock. However, the international jurisdiction for this individual criminal liability is a complicated matter.

In disputes between states, the parameters are relatively clear: both are party to an international treaty and a relevant international body of rules on the matter. Bar rare referrals from the Security Council, the ICC has two jurisdictional bases: one covers the crimes committed in a territory of a member state to the court; another the crimes of a member state’s nationals committed anywhere. In signing up to the court, in the hope of holding individuals in Azerbaijan to account under this jurisdiction, the Armenian government has also opened its own forces to international scrutiny and potential prosecution.

Armenia has taken the explicit step of backdating its accession to the court to permit the ICC to apply its statute retrospectively. That date is 12 May, 2021. Tellingly, Armenia did not opt for one that would encompass the 2020 conflict. The government reasoned that the date chosen would enable Armenia to hold Azerbaijan accountable for alleged incursions into Armenia from May 2021. The specific scope of the selected jurisdiction raises three important issues.

First, Armenia seems to accept that the ICC will recognise potential crimes committed in Karabakh as Azerbaijani territory – undermining its claims it is either part of Armenia or an independent country. The 44 day-conflict in 2020 happened exclusively in Karabakh and surrounding regions in Azerbaijan, which is not a party to the ICC. Had Armenia agreed to retrospective application going back to the 2020 conflict, unless Baku voluntarily submitted to its jurisdiction, only crimes committed during this conflict by Armenian personnel would fall under the Court’s purview.

Second, and relatedly, the start date is a tacit admission that Armenia probably did commit crimes during that conflict that the court was established to deal with – which include war crimes and crimes against humanity – and is protecting its personnel from those charges. Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch gathered credible evidence of crimes by both sides during the conflict. If Armenia assumed its personnel are at risk, it also highlights the government has not taken any steps to investigate them. The ICC’s jurisdiction is complementary: it only steps in if states are unwilling or unable genuinely to investigate. Through its selective commencement date, Armenia appears to admit to both. Whilst embracing the ICC, Armenia has simultaneously acted as if it is skirting justice.

Third, whilst striving for such jurisdictional contortion, Armenia may not have achieved its objective. The Armenian Minister of Justice states that the retrospective application is to deal with the alleged military aggression and occupation of territories by Azerbaijan in May 2021 and September 2022, the consequences of which 'are still present'. But Armenia opens itself up to the exact same charge.

Armenia still occupies a significant portion of Azerbaijani territory, guarded by Russian peacekeepers, despite losses in the 2020 war. Skirmishes and outbreaks of violence have occurred in Karabakh since the ceasefire. Any crimes committed by Armenian personnel could potentially be investigated. Moreover, Azerbaijan would even be permitted, despite not being a party to the ICC, to engage the court, requesting that crimes that fall within its jurisdiction are investigated and prosecuted where there is sufficient probative evidence.

The peculiarities of Armenia’s drive to join the ICC may end up backfiring. In aiming to bring charges solely against Azerbaijan it risks looking like it is cherry picking justice and requesting uneven application of the law. If Putin visited and was not arrested as required by the Rome Statute, this would be further substantiated. In reality, Armenia may end up the subject of investigation they wished upon their adversary.

 

Rodney Dixon KC is an international lawyer specialising in international justice. He is co-author of the book ‘International Courts: Practice, Procedure & Evidence’ which is published by Sweet & Maxwell

https://www.lawgazette.co.uk/commentary-and-opinion/even-after-putins-warning-would-armenia-gain-by-joining-the-icc/5115742.article

Armenian Security Council Secretary Discusses Bilateral Ties With Senior US Diplomat

 (@FahadShabbir) 

Armenian Security Council Secretary Armen Grigoryan met with US Deputy Secretary of State for European and Eurasian Affairs Erica Olson on Monday to discuss their countries' bilateral partnership

MOSCOW (UrduPoint News / Sputnik – 17th April, 2023) Armenian Security Council Secretary Armen Grigoryan met with US Deputy Secretary of State for European and Eurasian Affairs Erica Olson on Monday to discuss their countries' bilateral partnership.

"The parties emphasized the further strengthening of US-Armenian cooperation, including with regard to efforts to ensure stability and peace in the region," the state security agency said in a statement.

The US and Armenian officials welcomed the stable development of bilateral relations, and discussed joint programs and potential areas for further cooperation.

The US Embassy in Yerevan said Erica Olson will meet with Armenian government officials during her two-day visit, including with Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan. She will raise US support for diplomatic talks between Armenia and Azerbaijan on a comprehensive peace deal.

The Russians fighting Putin from Armenia and Georgia

 

When Russia launched its full-scale invasion of Ukraine, tens of thousands of Russians fled to Georgia and Armenia. Over a year on, many have stayed, finding new opportunities to put their politics into practice. 

‘I needed to do something’, says Anatoly Sobolev. 

The 36-year-old digital advertising professional moved to Georgia at the beginning of March 2022, not long after being arrested at an anti-war protest in Russia. Like him, many Russian émigrés realised on arriving in their new homes in the South Caucasus that they wanted to continue their activism.

Having begun as a volunteer with Volunteer Tbilisi, an organisation that provides support to Ukrainian refugees in Georgia, Sobolev is now the director of the organisation’s development department.

Many others have found new opportunities to put their time and effort to good use. Whether helping Ukrainians find housing and work, organising protests, or educating their compatriots about colonialism and imperialism, Russian activists are finding ways to push back against Putin’s war from abroad.

The stories of the six activists we spoke to share a common theme: they hadn’t planned to leave for the long term.

‘When I left […] I thought that it would all end quickly’, says Vasilisa Borzova. ‘It seemed so absurd and pointless, that it was hard to imagine that the war could last for a long time.’

Borzova, who was studying for a master’s degree in Political Science and International Relations at the Moscow School of Social and Economic Sciences before she moved to Armenia, adds that she expected that both ‘the political elites’ and the general population would quickly understand the gravity of the situation, and that it had to be stopped. 

Instead, things only got worse. After an initial wave of Russians fled the outbreak of war and concomitant political crackdown, a second wave fled after the announcement of mobilisation in September 2022. 

Darina Mayatskaya similarly says that the move, and the fact that she remains in Armenia a year later, were entirely unexpected.

‘I was making career plans, I had come up with a to-do list for 2022’, says Mayatskaya. In Saint Petersburg, Mayataskaya had worked as a lawyer at a real estate agency, while also helping independent political candidates to run and be elected as lawmakers. 

When she decided to leave, Armenia seemed the easiest option available to her: visa-free entry, direct flights from Russia, and Russians can enter with just an internal passport. She did not intend or expect to be in Yerevan over a year later. 

But some who migrated have found since their arrival that they were unable to leave. Alongside increasing restrictions on where Russian passport holders can travel, a large number of Russian activists and journalists have been denied entry into Georgia, driving unease amongst many émigrés that on leaving Georgia, they might not be able to return. 

Vera Oleynikova, a 22-year-old activist and jazz musician, hadn’t planned to move to Georgia at all. She had frequently taken part in anti-Kremlin demonstrations and been arrested, once even having bones broken at a police station after carrying an anti-Putin poster at a protest. 

After the war broke out on 24 February 2022, she continued to take part in anti-war demonstrations, and was repeatedly arrested, fined, and even followed. In June of that year, a friend told her that a criminal case was about to be opened against her, and Oleynikova decided that it was time to leave.

She bought tickets to Armenia, but was told at the airport that she was not allowed to leave Russia. 

‘They didn’t give me any reason why I was forbidden to leave the country. My mother took me to Minsk [the capital of Belarus] by car, and from there, I managed to fly to Tbilisi with the last money I had,’ Oleynikova recalls.

A month after her arrival, Vera received the news that her mother had died suddenly. She did not return for the funeral, as her mother had told her before she left that until the situation in Russia improved, she should not return under any circumstances. Both Vera and her mother knew that if she returned, it was likely that she would be arrested as soon as she crossed the border. 

On leaving Russia, all the activists we spoke with sought ways to continue their fight against the Kremlin from abroad, and many are trying to give back to their adoptive homes. 

Some, like Oleynikova, have taken action intermittently since their arrival: attending protests, posting on social media, and contributing to fundraisers for Ukraine. Others have taken on larger and longer-running projects.

When Vasilisa Borzova realised that Armenia was not going to be the transit point she’d initially expected it to be, she launched the Ethos project: an organisation which helps refugees from Ukraine and Nagorno-Karabakh, as well as people from Armenia’s border areas who have recently suffered in the conflict with Azerbaijan. 

Ethos provides those affected by war psychological and medical assistance, help finding employment and housing, as well as clothing, medicine, and household goods. 

‘I realised that I could use my skills here for the benefit of others’, says Borzova.

She also notes how supportive Armenians have been, both to other Armenians affected by war and of Ethos’ work. She highlights the response to the September 2022 two-day war; after the initial attack on the country’s borders, Armenians immediately began to collect humanitarian aid. 

‘They are always ready to help. I have never seen anything like it’, says Borzova. ‘Armenians are very hospitable, both to people who have relocated here and to my initiative. All the feedback that we have received was positive, and we are always fed and given water, hosted, and supported.’ 

Darina Mayatskaya says the same is true of her experience. Mayatskaya is the Armenia project coordinator for The Ark, an organisation which helps people facing persecution because of their anti-war positions leave Russia and get settled abroad. 

Neither Mayatskaya nor The Ark have faced any obstruction in Armenia.

Now, the project is gradually shifting its focus to integrating Russians into a new environment and way of thinking, as well as hosting discussions amongst Russian émigrés on the factors that led to the war: colonialism, imperialism, and poor civic education. The organisation also partners with anti-war initiatives and independent projects around the world as much as possible. 

Victoria Krongard, a 25-year-old former medical student and activist, is similarly working to fill in the gaps her country’s education glossed over. 

Reforum Space, an organisation that provides support to foundations that help Ukrainians, as well as activists and journalists from Russia, runs free anti-war events and master classes. 

She says that many Russians are not familiar with the Georgian perspective on the 2008 August War, and that Reforum Space informs them of Russia’s continuing role in the conflicts in Georgia. 

‘In [Russian] media, all this is positioned as [Abkhazia’s and South Ossetia’s] desire’, says Krongard. 

‘[The war in Ukraine] is terrible. It is a crime. Putin’s fomenting of this conflict since 2014 is inhumane and unprincipled’, Krongard concludes. 

Despite reports that both countries had seen a rise in anti-Russian sentiment, in Georgia in response to waves of Russian immigration, and in Armenia following Russia’s failure to provide military assistance to its ally during and following the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War, all our respondents said that they have only had good experiences in their new homes. 

‘The people here are much kinder. They are always ready to help’, says Artur Astafiyev, a freelance reporter with RFE/RL from Ufa, central-southern Russia, who has been living in Yerevan for over a year. 

He adds that because of their recent history, Armenians understand the actuality of war, and have previously dealt with influxes of refugees from the Nagorno-Karabakh wars.

He adds that he admires the country’s desire to cooperate with the European Union, despite its current ties with Russia.  

Mayatskaya admits that having been in Armenia with the project for almost a year, she sees that they are very different countries, despite some similarities between Armenia and Russia in everyday life, in people’s emotions.

‘Armenia is a democracy that observes laws and regulations, where any form of _expression_ of one’s opinion is allowed, both for citizens and visitors. The police not only do not break up rallies, but also help if you turn to them․ There is a huge amount of official, accredited media covering all positions, ambulances arrive on time, and people do not show aggression toward each other’, says Mayatskaya. 

In contrast to fears that Armenians might grow hostile to the increasing numbers of Russians in their country, Mayatskaya has faced negative reactions not from Armenians, but from Russian propagandists, who at some point found The Ark and began to write negative comments about their assistance to Ukrainians. 

Viktoria Krongard also says that she has faced no issues in Georgia related to her nationality, despite having heard stories about conflicts at protests demanding that Georgia’s government ceases to let Russian citizens into the country.

Since the Russian invasion of Ukraine, many Georgians have expressed hostility towards the influx of Russians, and polling shows that a majority of the population supports the introduction of visas for Russian citizens.

But Krongard says she found only a sense of freedom in the county. 

‘Everyone in Russia is used to the fact that when you see the police on the street, you should avoid them, or when someone knocks on the door, you should tense up because they might come to search you. When I arrived [in Georgia], I still had this habit, whenever I saw police officers’, says Krongard. 

‘Here I have no fear of saying out loud that Putin and Lukashenka are bad. Here I have no fear that [for expressing my opinion] someone will report me to the security forces and I will have problems.’

Anatoly Sobolev similarly says that, since his arrival in Georgia, he has faced no hostility related to his nationality. 

‘I have been living in Georgia for two years now. Here, I am given the opportunity to live, no one hits me on the street, I can [talk about] my opinions, to do something that, in my opinion, is very important,’ says Sobolev. ‘That’s why, while I’m here, I’m grateful to [Georgia]. If they kick me out, I’ll still be grateful.’

The activists we spoke to all emphasised their commitment to resuming their activism in Russia given the opportunity. 

‘If there is any chance to change the regime, I will return [to Russia] on the first flight’, says Sobolev, adding that he believes that Russia is not currently safe for anyone. 

‘I miss Russia, it’s my country, which was stolen from me, and now people are being killed on my behalf. [At the moment] Russia is a big cockroach devouring its own [people]’, Sobolev explained.

Sobolev believes Russia should not be a violent invader, as it is now, but a state that observes human rights and freedoms for the well-being of its citizens. 

Victoria Krongard similarly says that, while she does not know when she will return, she wants to return to Russia to help improve the lives of people living there. 

‘Now the situation in Russia is such that even minimal activism can lead to government repression’, says Krongard. ‘My ideal Russia would not wage wars of conquest, and in it you would not become an object of persecution because of your political point of view.’

Vasilisa Borzova, however, says that she wants to continue helping those in need from Armenia, and would like to deepen her organisation’s ties with its host country.

She says she has an idea for a project dedicated to Armenia, teaching Russian-speaking audiences about Armenia’s culture and history. 

‘I want somehow to thank Armenia, which sheltered us, accepted us and showed us how to live by supporting each other. It seems to me that Armenian culture can give us a lot and teach us how to be.’

This article was a joint production between CivilNet and OC Media.

Baku set to promote peace agenda with Yerevan — top Azerbaijani diplomat

 TASS 
Russia –
According to the ministry, the sides discussed current issues of cooperation between Azerbaijan and the United States, the current situation in the region, including the peace agenda between Baku and Yerevan

BAKU, April 17. /TASS/. Azerbaijan is determined to continue its efforts to promote a peace agenda with Armenia, Azerbaijani Foreign Minister Jeyhun Bayramov said on Monday during a telephone call with US Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary in the Bureau of European and Eurasian Affairs Dereck Hogan.

"Despite Armenia’s unconstructive steps, Azerbaijan is set to continue efforts geared toward promoting the peace agenda," the Azerbaijani foreign ministry quoted him as saying.

According to the ministry, the sides discussed current issues of cooperation between Azerbaijan and the United States, the current situation in the region, including the peace agenda between Baku and Yerevan.

Bayramov stressed that "Armenia has not yet withdrawn its armed forces from the Azerbaijani territory, is hampering efforts to ensure the reintegration of Azerbaijan’s Armenian population and is objecting against the establishment of a border checkpoint to prevent the misuse of the Lachin road," the ministry said.

Hogan, in turn, stressed the importance of successful normalization between Azerbaijan and Armenia for lasting peace and security in the region and called for resolving problems through negotiations. "He expressed the United States’ readiness to support the peace process," it added.

Azerbaijani Foreign Minister Jeyhun Bayramov Meets With US Envoy For Caucasus – Baku

 (@ChaudhryMAli88) 

Azerbaijani Foreign Minister Jeyhun Bayramov has met with US State Department Senior Advisor for Caucasus Negotiations Louis Bono and urged Armenia to release detained Azerbaijani soldiers, the Azerbaijani Foreign Ministry said on Monday

BAKU (UrduPoint News / Sputnik – 17th April, 2023) Azerbaijani Foreign Minister Jeyhun Bayramov has met with US State Department Senior Advisor for Caucasus Negotiations Louis Bono and urged Armenia to release detained Azerbaijani soldiers, the Azerbaijani Foreign Ministry said on Monday.

On April 10, Armenia's defense ministry said two Azerbaijani soldiers had been detained overnight after crossing into Armenian territory. Shortly after, a video showing the detention was published online. The footage showed one of the detainees being beaten.

"Azerbaijani Foreign Minister Jeyhun Bayramov met with US State Department Senior Advisor for Caucasus Negotiations Louis Bono.

During the meeting, further prospects for the negotiation process on the Azerbaijani-Armenian peace treaty, as well as other components of the Azerbaijani-Armenian normalization process, were discussed. Bayramov noted that two Azerbaijani servicemen were taken prisoner, physical violence was used against one of them. The minister also noted the importance of their immediate release," the ministry said in a statement.

Last year, Yerevan and Baku started discussion on a future peace treaty with the mediation of Russia, the United States and the European Union.

https://www.urdupoint.com/en/world/azerbaijani-foreign-minister-jeyhun-bayramov-1678050.html


Tatoyan Foundation: 2,700 hectares are under Azerbaijan occupation in Armenia’s Kapan community alone

NEWS.am
Armenia –

The "Tatoyan" Foundation summed up the results of part of its fact-finding work in Syunik Province of Armenia.

Accordingly, 2,400 hectares of specially protected lands, 170 hectares of forest lands, 130 hectares of communal lands, thus a total of 2,700 hectares have come under Azerbaijani occupation Kapan community alone and as a result of Azerbaijani armed attacks and criminal incursions on September 13-14, 2022.

In addition to the aforementioned 2,700 hectares, more than 1,000 hectares of land is in the danger zone where it is either impossible to carry out any agricultural or other type of work, or the latter has become considerably more difficult due to real risk to life. This is the case specifically in Nerkin Hand, Srashen, Shikahogh, Chakaten, and Geghanush villages.

​Second Azerbaijani soldier arrested in Armenia

April 13 2023

Second Azerbaijani soldier arrested in Armenia

Yerevan /Mediamax/. The second Azerbaijani serviceman was found and arrested in the territory of Armenia on April 13, the Ministry of Defense reports.

On April 10, the Ministry reported that another soldier of the Azerbaijani armed forces was arrested.

Speaking at the Armenian parliament on April 12, Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan said that the Azerbaijani soldier arrested in the territory of Armenia “expressed no wish to return.”