Tensions in Karabakh: No significant withdrawal of Azerbaijani troops, Armenia says


March 30 2022


  • JAMnews
  • Yerevan

Armenia reports tensions in Nagorno-Karabakh

The Security Council of Armenia issued a statement noting that the situation in Nagorno-Karabakh is extremely tense. This information is confirmed by the journalists of the Armenian media, who are currently working in NK. Meanwhile, the Telegram channel of the Russian peacekeeping forces stationed there after the second Karabakh war reports that the mission command decided to put forward reserve forces in the area of the village of Parukh “to block the further advance of the Azerbaijani troops”.

The situation in NK has escalated on March 24. Azerbaijani troops advanced precisely in the zone of responsibility of Russian peacekeepers, occupying the village of Parukh (the Azerbaijanis call it Farrukh) and the strategic height of Karaglukh (Dashbashi). Women and children of nearby villages were evacuated for safety reasons. As a result of hostilities, three Armenian servicemen were killed, 16 were injured.

In this regard, Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, in a telephone conversation with Russian President Vladimir Putin, stressed that the Armenian side expects an investigation into the actions of Russian peacekeepers and the return of the Azerbaijani armed forces to their original positions.

Baku explains its offensive actions by Armenia’s failure to comply with 4 points of the tripartite statement of November 10, 2020, which put an end to the 2020 war. This refers to the clause which specifies that Armenian armed forces must leave Karabakh. The Armenian side emphasizes that there is no Armenian Armed Forces in Nagorno-Karabakh, and the document does not say that the unrecognized republic cannot have armed forces.


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  • Op-ed: How to save Armenians in Nagorno-Karabakh?
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“Analysis of the situation shows that Azerbaijan is preparing a ground for new provocations and an attack on Nagorno-Karabakh, trying to find imaginary justifications, specifically by accusing Armenia of destructive actions on the issue of a peace agreement”, the Armenian Security Council said in a statement.

In this regard, members of the Security Council considered it necessary to once again confirm the previously voiced position of Armenia and suggested that the Azerbaijani authorities immediately start negotiations on a peace agreement.

At the same time, the Security Council drew the attention of the international community to the possibility of military clashes in Nagorno-Karabakh and on the Armenian-Azerbaijani border. The statement emphasizes that “the launch of international deterrence mechanisms is necessary to prevent a new military escalation and ethnic cleansing in the region”.

“By its actions and statements, Azerbaijan proves that it is reponsible for blowing up pipeline in Karabakh” – Pashinyan’s statement about the alleged gas pipeline explosion

Armenian society reacted with doubt to the message of the Telegram channel of the Russian peacekeeping forces in Nagorno-Karabakh, which announced the decision of the mission command to “push forward reserve forces to block the further advance of the Azerbaijani troops” – even though there were photographs attached to it.

Photo from the Telegram channel of the Russian peacekeeping forces in Nagorno-Karabakh

The day before, a message was received by the Russian Defense Ministry that the peacekeepers managed to withdraw the Azerbaijani armed forces from the village of Parukh through negotiations. After that, a refutation was made by the Ministry of Defense of Azerbaijan, which stated that the Azerbaijani troops did not retreat anywhere from the positions occupied on March 24. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Armenia also officially stated that “the penetration of Azerbaijani units into Nagorno-Karabakh in the zone of responsibility of the Russian peacekeeping contingent continues”.

The latest report from the Russian side again states that the village of Parukh “is under the control of the Russian peacekeeping contingent”.

Radio “Azatutyun” (Freedom) reports that the day before their film crew was in the village of Khramort (Azerbaijanis call it Pirlyar), which is located near Parukh. The local police forbade Azatutyun employees from filming. But journalists report that the situation here was tense, and the villagers told them that the Azerbaijani armed forces were on a nearby hill.

When it comes to the Armenian-Azerbaijani peace agenda, the likelihood of a direct dialogue or another military escalation is very low, political scientist Edgar Vardanyan believes

JAMnews tried to clarify the situation with political scientist from NK Tigran Grigoryan. He confirmed the information about the advancement of a reserve of Russian peacekeepers in the area of the village of Parukh. At the same time, commenting on the contradictory statements of the Russian and Azerbaijani Defense Ministries, the political scientist said that there was no significant withdrawal of troops at the Karaglukh height:

“Karaglukh is a complex area consisting of a series of hills. Where the village of Karaglukh used to be, there are Azerbaijani armed forces. Azerbaijanis are now on one of the hills. On another hill, which can be said to be higher, are the positions of the NK Defense Army”.

Tigran Grigoryan does not rule out that Azerbaijan will resort to new provocations in order to take control of the positions where the defense army forces are located.

According to the political scientist, the Security Council of Armenia, by its statement, is trying to soften the policy of Azerbaijan, which “is trying to present military operations as an alternative to the non-existent peace process”.

Baku does not hide the fact that one of its strategic goals is to impose the desired diplomatic solutions on Armenia through military pressure, the political scientist emphasizes. In his opinion, in order to resolve the issue, “Azerbaijan’s aggressive behavior must be curbed” by both the Russian side and the international community, and negotiations should take place “within the framework of accepted and approved standards”:

“I don’t think the Azerbaijanis have a constructive approach to the so-called peace agreement. The purpose of publishing their demands [a 5-point proposal] was precisely to show that they allegedly wanted to make peace, but Armenia did not want to, so they had no alternative and had to resolve the issue by military means”.


In conversation with: Armenia Deputy Prime Minister Hambardzum Matevosyan

March 30 2022

Armenia’s Deputy Prime Minister, Hambardzum Matevosyan, tells Lara Williams about the country’s tech prowess and tourism ambitions.

By Lara Williams

The role the technology sector plays in diversifying and, more importantly, upgrading Armenia’s economy is significant. The ICT sector currently comprises about 4% of Armenia’s GDP and has been playing a decisive role in forming the nation’s middle class. Its rapid growth – about 20% annually – galvanises other industries as well and creates a multiplier effect on the overall economy. Importantly, Armenia’s IT prowess has enabled the upgrading of the ICT industry into new sub-sectors, such as data science, artificial intelligence and engineering, among others, which is key in the process of determining our niche in the global tech market.

Often referred to as the ‘Silicon Valley of the Caucasus‘, we hope to live up to this reputation. However, instead of playing catch-up in the global race, we are focusing on building a solid technological ecosystem, where new ventures can emerge and grow in a sustainable manner. To this end, we have adopted a comprehensive approach towards the development of our ICT sector – from preparing future talents to sustain Armenia’s labour effectiveness in the long term to offering incentives and targeted support to tech companies. For instance, IT companies with fewer than 30 employees are exempt from profit tax, we have designated free economic zones with solid infrastructure, tax benefits and the freedom to hire foreign labour without restrictions, and we support strengthening the intellectual property system. Our view is that only concerted efforts can promote an ecosystem conducive to the commercialisation of technologies.

That said, it has been truly pleasing to witness Armenia transforming into a tech hub with strong R&D capabilities. Thanks to specialised university programmes, government assistance and competitive labour costs, Yerevan has been able to attract multiple renowned IT companies that currently operate in Armenia. To name a few, Adobe, EPAM, Oracle, SADA, Siemens, Synopsis, Teamviewer and VMware have hired hundreds of local specialists for their global operations. Similarly, home-grown companies are also fuelling Armenia’s economic growth. Two Armenian-founded companies – Picsart and Service Titan – have already become unicorns and at least ten companies are in the process of achieving unicorn status in the next year or two, and this is something we are proud of.

Armenia possesses the necessary tools to succeed internationally and remain competitive in terms of attracting foreign investment.

As much as anything, we always count on our human capital and the skills it brings to the market. Armenia is ranked 33rd among 137 countries in the quality of its mathematics and science education. There are free educational programmes throughout Armenia that teach youngsters programming, graphic design, 3D modelling and much more. Microsoft’s Innovation Center Armenia, TUMO Center for Creative Technologies and Armath Engineering Laboratories are among the 200 R&D hubs in Armenia. Tech education has seeped into our culture, which is a key indicator for multinationals looking for expansion.

The well-established talent pool of professionals makes the future of Armenia’s tech ecosystem promising. At the same time, the strategic importance of talent attraction cannot be overstated, and foreign specialists are welcome to contribute to the sector’s growth.

As noted, Yerevan has transformed into a new tech cluster, where a number of leading multinationals have established their presence. Importantly, some of the multinational companies have upgraded their activities by doing more R&D. This is a significant accomplishment, and yet another signal to foreign investors about Armenia’s supportive ecosystem and its sophisticated and experienced pool of talent.

So, in a nutshell, the answer to this question is ‘yes’. Universities and other educational institutions are supplying highly skilled professionals, the government is providing adequate and targeted support to promote technological entrepreneurship, and the clustering of leading companies in the country produces a number of positive externalities and spillovers, which make Armenia highly competitive against other tech ecosystems.

The tech and tourism sectors are about to become Armenia’s $1bn industries. Even during the peak of the Covid-19 pandemic, the tech industry grew exponentially. As for the tourism industry, it comprises approximately 14% of Armenia’s GDP. 

Armenia utilises the available business platforms to ramp up investments into these sectors. We have a delegation of investment professionals participating in Expo 2020 Dubai to showcase Armenia’s myriad investment possibilities through sector-specific presentations, while at the beginning of March, the Armenian delegation returned from the Mobile World Congress 2022.

Not only do we use these platforms to position Armenia on the world investment map, but we also use them to publicise sector-specific initiatives, such as complementary investments in public infrastructure by the government to stimulate private investments in the tourism sector, or the IT infrastructure, such as the Engineering City, which provides advanced equipment, labs and production facilities to tech companies.

We believe that engaging foreign stakeholders directly, nurturing the existing partnerships and publicising the benefits of doing business in Armenia will produce favourable results. With government support, investment specialists will be conducting extensive campaigns, including meeting with corporate leaders, political figures and industry professionals in multiple countries to explore avenues for future cooperation.

Like most countries, Armenia [suffered badly from] the worldwide lockdown that unquestionably affected the tourism industry. The silver lining, however, was the revival of domestic tourism. Locals began visiting the places they had never been before. It was this dynamic that kept the industry afloat.

Armenia also maintained a balanced approach regarding the travel restrictions and stayed relatively open to the world. So, while the overall tourist inflow decreased, individual groups still visited. We made sure that all precautionary measures were observed.

According to official statistics, the number of tourists who visited Armenia in 2021 increased by more than 130% year on year, when compared with 2020. Although it will take time for international arrivals to return to pre-pandemic levels, most tourism professionals see better prospects for 2022. We expect large waves of tourists in the upcoming months as global restrictions become more lax. Additionally, works are ongoing to improve Armenia’s broader connectivity to make travel for tourists more seamless.

We have noticed that travellers are looking for new and niche destinations these days. For many visitors, Armenia is a hidden gem with a wide range of activities. Wine, culinary, luxury and extreme tourism have all picked up steam in recent years. Medical tourism is also gaining momentum due to the quality and affordability of Armenia’s healthcare sector.

What visitors really appreciate about Armenia is the combination of rich cultural sites, diverse nature, hospitality, and safety. For the record, there are 25,000 monuments from different eras and three Unesco World Heritage Sites.

The primary goal of Armenia’s economic policy is to build a knowledge-based, export-oriented and inclusive economy with an equally enabling environment for local and foreign companies. To this end, our everyday efforts are concentrated on making business regulations and the provision of public services more efficient, as well as providing foreign investors with necessary investment protection guarantees. Offering foreign investors a predictable and competitive business environment is key to meeting our rather ambitious target of increasing the country’s foreign direct investment (FDI) to GDP proportion to 6%.

On the other hand, we have committed ourselves to being more proactive when it comes to telling Armenia’s investment story. In 2020, the government established Armenia’s national investment promotion agency, Enterprise Armenia, to promote and attract FDI as well as raise awareness about the country’s business opportunities. Supported by the government, the agency conducts global outreach campaigns to find potential investors and seeks to expand its international network by cooperating with similar organisations abroad. The agency has appointed representatives in target countries to generate sector-specific investment leads. The ultimate goal is making Armenia a recognised and cost-effective destination for investors in search of exciting opportunities.

Armenian criminal gang dismantled in France over counterfeit cigarettes

EUROPOL
March 30 2022

A total of 11 individuals suspected of being part of an Armenian organised crime group involved in the large-scale import and distribution of counterfeit cigarettes have been arrested by French Customs (judicial investigation unit of the Ministry of Finance) with the support of Europol’s European Financial and Economic Crime Centre (EFECC).

Open in modal

On 15 March, over 40 judicial customs investigators, with the support of special intervention teams of the French National Police (RAID) and two Europol experts deployed on the ground, simultaneously searched 13 sites, including industrial premises as well as private residences, in and around the city of Lyon.

In addition to the arrests, over 2.5 tonnes of counterfeit cigarettes were seized, worth about EUR 1 250 000 in France, alongside EUR 100 000 in cash and EUR 150 000 in winning lottery tickets bought by the criminals to launder the profits. Four guns and many types of ammunition were seized.

The French investigators have since then been able to uncover that the counterfeit cigarettes were imported from different European countries, before being stored in warehouses located in industrial areas and then sold on the black market in several French cities.

Coordination by Europol

Europol’s EFECC supported the investigation by providing its secure communication platform and facilitating international cooperation between France and a number of other European countries, running cross-checks and providing analytical support and operational expertise. Two of its experts were deployed to Lyon to support the French Customs on the action day.

Excise fraud is currently an EU law enforcement priority. Strategic and operational plans have been developed under the European Multidisciplinary Platform Against Crime Threats (EMPACT) Excise Fraud Project. Under this umbrella, a total of 24 countries led by Belgium are working together on countering the illicit production of cigarettes in the European Union.  
 

Armenia seeks Russian action over Azerbaijani ‘incursion’

March 30 2022


 30 Mar, 2022

YEREVAN: Armenia on Monday called on Russian peacekeepers in Nagorno-Karabakh to take “concrete steps” after Azerbaijani forces seized control of a strategic village in the breakaway region.

In a new flare-up of tensions in the region amid Russia’s military offensive in Ukraine, Azerbaijani troops on Thursday captured the village of Farukh in Nagorno-Karabakh.

The area is under the responsibility of Russian peacekeepers, who deployed in Karabakh under a Moscow-brokered ceasefire that ended weeks of fighting over the region by Armenia and Azerbaijan in late 2020.

Russia’s defence ministry said Sunday that Azerbaijan had pulled back its forces from the village, but Baku said its forces remained in control of the area.

Armenia’s foreign ministry in a statement on Monday demanded an “investigation into the Russian peacekeeping contingent’s actions during the Azerbaijani incursion,” confirming that Azerbaijani troops remained in the area.

“We expect Russia’s peacekeeping contingent in Nagorno-Karabakh to take concrete steps to put an end to Azerbaijani units’ incursion into the zone of responsibility of peacekeepers,” the statement said.

Later on Monday, the country’s security council accused Azerbaijan of “preparing the ground for fresh provocations and an offensive on Nagorno-Karabakh.”

It called on Baku to “immediately start talks on a comprehensive peace treaty.”

“International mechanisms of deterrence must be activated to avoid a fresh military escalation in the region and ethnic cleansing,” it said in a statement.

A major flare-up in Karabakh could pose a challenge for Russia with its forces deeply engaged in Ukraine.

Moscow deployed some 2,000 peacekeepers in the region after the 2020 war over the long-contested enclave which claimed more than 6,500 lives.

Ethnic Armenian separatists in Nagorno-Karabakh broke away from Azerbaijan as the Soviet Union collapsed in 1991, and the ensuing conflict claimed around 30,000 lives.

https://www.brecorder.com/news/40163882





President of Armenia supports reforms in Kazakhstan

Kazakhstan – March 30 2022

 
YEREVAN. KAZINFORM – Ambassador of Kazakhstan Bolat Imanbayev held a meeting with President of Armenia Vahagn Khachaturyan, during which he informed about the main terms of the State of the Nation Address of President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev «New Kazakhstan: Path of Renewal and Modernization», Kazinform has learnt from the press service of the Kazakh Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

Khachaturian highly appreciated the initiatives of the President of Kazakhstan to build the New Kazakhstan. According to his words, the implementation of the proposed reforms to transform will bring the country to a new level of development in the face of modern global challenges. Expressing support for the policy of the leadership of Kazakhstan, he stated that Armenia is interested in Kazakh experience on the path of building a social state with a strong economy. The parties discussed the development of Kazakh-Armenian cooperation in the political, trade, economic, cultural and humanitarian spheres, as well as the schedule of international events and bilateral meetings at the highest and high levels during 2022. The interlocutors noted the positive dynamics of bilateral trade, which grew by 30 percent in 2021, and also stressed the importance of continuing joint efforts to develop business ties and implement joint economic projects. The President of Armenia expressed readiness to further strengthen mutually beneficial relations between our countries.

Baku claims Russian peacekeepers relocated from Karabakh to Ukraine, Moscow denies reports

March 30 2022


  • JAMnews
  • Baku

Russian peacekeepers left Karabakh

Since the beginning of the Russian military invasion of Ukraine, large number of equipment and personnel of the Russian peacekeeping contingent in Karabakh left this territory along the Lachin corridor twice. According to data from Baku, confirmed by the Ukrainian side, Russian servicemen have been transferred to Ukraine. The Russian Ambassador to Azerbaijan denied this information, but Azerbaijani sources prove that it is, indeed, true, and provide video materials as evidence.


  • “Anti-Russian front in Caucasus?” – Moscow and Baku exchange accusations amid escalation in Karabakh
  • ‘Triarchy’ in Karabakh? Conflicting reports from Armenian, Russian, Azerbaijani state agencies
  • Russian MP threatened Azerbaijan with a nuclear strike, the Kremlin had to intervene

On March 9, 2022, the Azerbaijani caliber.az portal, known for its closeness to the authorities of the country, released a video about the withdrawal of “almost half” of the military equipment and personnel of the Russian peacekeeping contingent stationed in Karabakh since the signing of a tripartite statement dated November 10, 2020.

The source indicated that the footage was captured by the surveillance cameras installed by the Azerbaijani side in the area of the Lachin corridor.

Some time later, sources in Ukraine spread the news about the arrival of parts of Russian troops withdrawn from the territory of Armenia.

On March 26, another group of military equipment and personnel of Russian peacekeepers left Karabakh.

“Russians have withdrawn 4 pieces of UAZ patriot, 1 pc. of Tiger, 3 pcs. of KamAZ (kung, repair vehicle and fuel truck), one Ural and one GAZ-66”, the source notes.

Interestingly, this happened almost immediately after the Azerbaijani army occupied the village of Farrukh and the height of Dashbashi in the east of Karabakh, where the Russian peacekeeping contingent was temporarily stationed.

Escalation in Nagorno-Karabakh, as the Armenian Foreign Ministry reports that “Azerbaijani invasion in the zone of reponsibility of Russian peacekeepers continues”. Baku refutes Armenia’s reports

During a press conference on March 30, a journalist from the Azerbaijani agency ARA addressed the Russian Ambassador to Baku, Mikhail Bocharnikov, with a question:

“The Intelligence Service of the Ministry of Defense of Ukraine published information about the transfer of troops from Karabakh to Ukraine. Some time ago, images of the redeployment of Russian peacekeepers circulated on social media. What can you say about this, have the peacekeepers moved from Karabakh to Ukraine?”

Bocharnikov denied the information and answered the question very briefly:

“No, this is not true. Peacekeepers from Karabakh did not go to Ukraine”.

Russian peacekeepers in Karabakh. Photo: Russian Ministry of Defense

In his commentary on the issue of the transfer of Russian military personnel from Karabakh to Ukraine, Azerbaijani political scientist Zardusht Alizade partly confirmed the words of the ambassador. According to him, the peacekeepers left Karabakh, however, not for Ukraine, but for Armenia. In turn, Russian servicemen stationed in Armenia went to Ukraine.

“Peacekeepers from Karabakh were sent to the 102nd part of the Russian army, located in the city of Gyumri in Armenia. In turn, Russian servicemen of this unit went to Ukraine. Let me explain what is the reason for such castling.

About 5,000 servicemen serve in the military unit in Gyumri. Of these, about 3,500 military personnel are citizens of Armenia. They are there on the basis of a military contract and receive a salary from the Russian Ministry of Defense.


If Russia sent Russian troops from Gyumri to Ukraine, there would be practically no Russians left there. Therefore, the peacekeepers had to be redeployed from Karabakh to Armenia.


The Russian peacekeeping contingent in Karabakh, according to the terms of the tripartite statement of November 10, 2020, should consist of 1960 military personnel. In fact, they say there are more of them. Be that as it may, at present there are an order of magnitude fewer peacekeepers in Karabakh”, Alizade said.

Armenia’s Attempts of Maneuvering Amidst the Russian-Ukrainian War

The Jamestown Foundation
March 24 2022


In turn, the spokesman of the Republican Party of Armenia, Eduard Sharmazanov, has also been disseminating Russia’s propaganda narrative that the war is not between Russia and Ukraine, but between Russia and the West, and engaging in speculations about the imperative of making a choice, that is, to form a union with Russia (
Facebook.com, March 18). Seemingly, such propaganda is one of the methods of pressure used ahead of Pashinian’s visit to Moscow, planned for April. The opposition will further intensify its activities to advance Russia’s policy goals.For a long time, given Armenia’s security predicament, attempts to avoid antagonizing Russia have been one of the key features of the country’s policy. Obligations deriving from Armenia’s membership in the Eurasian Economic Union (EEU), or the Russia-led Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) have never been questioned. Thus, due to Armenia’s turn to preside over the CSTO in 2022, Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian was the one who formally declared the “peacekeeping” operation in Kazakhstan in early January. Armenia also routinely voted against resolutions condemning Russia, particularly regarding Russia’s occupation of parts of Georgia and Ukraine at the United Nations General Assembly, the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE), and other international fora. At the same time, it also kept following a policy of non-recognition of Georgia’s and Ukraine’s breakaway regions.

After Russian President Vladimir Putin’s belligerent speech on February 21, in which he denied Ukraine’s right to be a sovereign state and implied that the breakup of the Soviet Union in 1991 had been illegitimate, and the grotesque televised meeting of Russia’s Security Council, for a brief period there could still be some, if negligible, hope that he might be satisfied by recognizing the so-called “Donetsk People’s Republic” and “Luhansk People’s Republic” on Ukrainian territories occupied by Russia in 2014. On February 23, the Armenian ministry of foreign affairs spokesman stated that recognition of the so-called republics was not considered (Armenpress.am, February 23), and positive feedback from the chargé d’affaires of Ukraine, Denys Avtonomov, followed (Factor TV, February 23). However, Russia’s large-scale military invasion the next morning required some additional balancing.

So far, Armenia’s immediate policy priorities can perhaps be summarized as follows: avoiding recognition of the so-called “people’s republics”; avoiding military support for Russia, possibly disguised as “peacekeeping,” which would likely result in total international isolation and, consequently, unavoidable membership in the Russia-Belarus Union. At the same time, evading direct involvement in the sanctions imposed on Russia, and not provoking Moscow into some hostile action or withdrawal of its military units from Karabakh; moving forward with delimitation and demarcation of the border with Azerbaijan, preferably with mediation by the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe’s (OSCE) Minsk Group co-chairs. Other imperatives include securing the continuous supply of grain and other staple foods from Russia and minimizing the socio-economic consequences of declining remittances, which is inevitable due to the sanctions and economic decline in Russia.

The government in Yerevan took some cautious steps to maintain a neutral stance. Armenia abstained from voting at the UN Human Rights Council when the Ukrainian delegation requested an urgent debate for an international probe into human rights violations caused by Russian aggression (Un.org, February 28). It also abstained from voting as the UN General Assembly adopted a resolution demanding that Russia immediately end its military operations in Ukraine. Besides Russia, only Belarus, Eritrea, North Korea and Syria voted against that resolution (Un.org, March 2). In both cases, the chargé d’affaires of Ukraine noted those were positive signs (Azatutyun.am, March 1; 1in.am, March 17). Then, Armenian representatives did not participate in the vote at the PACE, which adopted a document on the consequences of Russia’s aggression against Ukraine (Coe.int, March 15).

Even such a cautious approach triggered Moscow’s angry reaction. While Russian propaganda outlets rebuked Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan for their attempted neutrality, the absence of endorsement of Russia’s actions in Ukraine by Armenia has been accompanied by threats. Moscow was particularly irritated by “treachery” embodied by Pashinian’s visit to Paris and meetings with the French President Emmanuel Macron and President of the European Council Charles Michel on March 9, “instead of expressing support to Vladimir Putin in such a critical geopolitical situation.” The timing of the planned visit of Armenia’s Minister of Foreign Affairs Ararat Mirzoyan to the NATO headquarters also caused consternation in the Russian media (Vestnik Kavkaza, March 10).

Meanwhile, shortly before the beginning of the large-scale Russian military invasion of Ukraine, the leaders of the parliamentary opposition (see EDM, July 1, 2021), including ex-president Robert Kocharian, started openly advocating for joining the Russia-Belarus Union (Civilnet.am, February 17). Such suggestions were accompanied by demands to leave the EU’s Eastern Partnership, as Belarus did a few months before. Furthermore, opposition activists who staged protests on February 21-22, when Eastern Partnership’s Euronest parliamentary assembly session was taking place in Yerevan, anticipated that Russia’s pressure would soon help them overthrow the incumbent government (Aravot.am, February 21).

Attempts to normalize the idea of giving up sovereignty and joining the Russia-Belarus Union have been intensifying. Ruben Vardanian, who made a fortune in Russia while possibly being involved in money laundering (RFE/RL, March 4, 2019), and is the principal financier of the Country to Live party formed in 2021, argued in an interview with Kentron TV that while pressure from both Russia and the US is mounting, union membership might soon become unavoidable, so the goal, in that case, should be “becoming like one of Russia’s most advanced regions—Tatarstan” (Tert.am, March 15).

Tensions Escalate in Karabakh as Azerbaijan Demands Withdrawal of Armenian Armed Groups

The Jamestown Foundation
March 29 2022

On March 26, the Ministry of Defense of Azerbaijan called on the Russian side to complete the withdrawal of “the remnants of the Armenian army and illegal Armenian armed detachments” from the Azerbaijani territories temporarily under the control of Moscow’s peacekeeping mission (Mod.gov.az, March 26). As Azerbaijan has always contended, the fourth article of the trilateral (Armenia, Azerbaijan, Russia) agreement that ended the Second Karabakh War (September 27–November 10, 2020) unequivocally mandates the withdrawal of Armenian military forces from the region in parallel with the deployment of peacekeeping units (President.az, November 10, 2020). This was at least the second instance since the war’s end that the Azerbaijani defense ministry had publicly appealed to Moscow to ensure the full implementation of this article (see EDM September 22, 2021). This time, however, the appeal occurred against a background of intense political and geopolitical significance.

The security situation between Armenia and Azerbaijan along their shared state border, as well as in Azerbaijan’s Karabakh region, has been strained since the beginning of March, amidst the ongoing full-scale Russian-Ukrainian war (see EDM, March 16, 2022). Baku reported increasing numbers of provocations by the Armenian armed detachments while Russia has been distracted by the fierce conflict in Ukraine. Azerbaijani media published video evidence of the pullout of part of Russia’s military equipment from the Azerbaijani territories, where Russian peacekeepers are deployed (Caliber.az, March 27). The withdrawn equipment was allegedly transferred to Ukraine.

Against this backdrop, the clashes between Armenia and Azerbaijan—which in early March were mostly confined to areas along the interstate border—have now slowly been shifting to the region under the control of the Russian peacekeeping mission. The situation escalated further in mid-March, when Armenia blamed Azerbaijan for an explosion (March 7–8) involving the natural gas pipeline from Armenia proper to the Armenian-populated areas in Karabakh, which passes through the vicinity of Azerbaijani-controlled Shusha. Heavy snowfall in the region during this period aggravated the consequences of the explosion for local residents. According to Yerevan, Azerbaijan was “responsible” for the explosion that occurred in the Azerbaijani-controlled area (Armenpress.am, March 24). The Azerbaijani Ministry of Foreign Affairs denied the charge and accused Armenia of exploiting “technical problems in gas pipelines due to severe weather in the region as a tool for political manipulation” (Twitter.com/LAbdullayevaMFA, March 25).

Meanwhile, clashes between Azerbaijan’s Armed Forces and the Armenian armed units in the Karabakh region have continued to multiply. On March 24, the local separatist regime accused the Azerbaijani side of violating the ceasefire regime and entering the village of Farrux (Khojaly district), which is inside the zone temporarily under the control of Russia’s peacekeepers (Armenpress.am, March 24). The next day, Yerevan claimed that three of its soldiers were killed in an Azerbaijani military operation involving Bayraktar TB-2 combat drones (Armenpress.am, March 25). In turn, the local separatist forces in Karabakh, which had previously declared support for Russia’s war against Ukraine, appealed to Russian President Vladimir Putin to deploy more peacekeepers and special equipment to their region (Arka.am, March 26).

On the evening of March 26, the Russian Ministry of Defense announced violations of the terms of the trilateral November 9, 2020, accord and, for the second time since the last such incident in August 2021, accused the Azerbaijani side of an incursion into the zone of responsibility of the Russian peacekeeping contingent (Mil.ru, March 26). The Russian Ministry called upon Azerbaijan to withdraw its troops to their initial positions—a call that was echoed by the other co-chairing countries of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe’s (OSCE) Minsk Group, France and the United States, in a rare show of unity with Russia (Diplomatie.gouv.fr, State.gov, March 25).

Baku holds to the fact that the area in question is part of the internationally recognized territory of Azerbaijan and the Armenian armed detachments in the region remain there in violation of the aforementioned trilateral agreement. Therefore, the Azerbaijani government harshly rebuked the calls by Moscow and the other Minsk Group co-chairs for the withdrawal of Azerbaijani troops from the village of Farrux (Mfa.gov.az, March 26).

Azerbaijan’s defense ministry, on March 26, expressed regrets “regarding the one-sided statement of the Ministry of Defense of the Russian Federation” and countered the charges, saying that “members of [the] illegal Armenian armed detachments attempted to sabotage the Azerbaijan Army Units” but were forced to retreat thanks to immediate actions by the Azerbaijani side. Baku reiterated its earlier calls to Moscow to stop referring to the region by the name “Nagorno-Karabakh.” “There is no administrative and territorial unit called “Nagorno-Karabakh” in the territory of Azerbaijan,” the defense ministry protested (Mod.gov.az, March 26).

This controversy between the ministries of defense of Azerbaijan and Russia further increased on March 27, after the Russian side announced that the Azerbaijani troops withdrew from Farrux “as a result of negotiations” (Mil.ru, March 27). Countering this statement, the Azerbaijani defense ministry immediately reacted and declared that its positions in Farrux and surrounding heights have not changed. The Azerbaijani Ministry again accused Russia of disrespecting the territorial integrity of Azerbaijan by continuing to call the region “Nagorno-Karabakh” (Mod.gov.az, March 27). In fact, Yerevan also disputed the Russian defense ministry statement: the Armenian Ministry of Foreign Affairs noted that Moscow’s assertion does not reflect the situation on the ground and that Farrux remains under Azerbaijani control (Armenpress.am, March 28).

In response to the Farrux village controversy—and quite contrary to the spirit of the recently signed Azerbaijani-Russian declaration on allied cooperation (see EDM, February 25)—Russian State Duma (lower chamber of parliament) deputy Mikhail Delyagin appeared on television and threatened Azerbaijan with “harsh and unequivocal punishment” if the country disobeys Moscow’s demands and sides more closely “with Turkey, an ally of the United States” (YouTube, March 29). On Telegram, Delyagin asked his followers whether they thought Russia should attack Baku’s oil industry infrastructure with nuclear weapons in response to Azerbaijani “aggression” in Karabakh (Twitter.com/visegrad24, March 29).

While Russian peacekeepers reported that the situation in Karabakh had stabilized by March 28 (Mil.ru, March 28), the Armenian government continued to warn that conditions were “extremely tense” (Armenpress.am, March 28). Azerbaijan remains on alert for more Armenian provocations. According to Dr. Farid Shafiyev, who chairs the Baku-based Center of Analysis of International Relations, the full implementation of the November 9, 2020, trilateral accord is the only way to assuredly prevent new escalations in the region (Author’s interview, March 28). In turn, Armenia’s and Russia’s unwillingness or inability to ensure the withdrawal of the Armenian armed groups from Karabakh undermines the larger peace process and jeopardizes regional stability.

Top British official visits Baku to talk "unresolved Armenia-Azerbaijan issues"

PanArmenian
Armenia – March 30 2022

PanARMENIAN.Net – Britain’s Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for the Armed Forces James Heappey is visiting Baku, in what the local media describes his first trip to Azerbaijan.

Heappey has already held meetings with Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev and Defense Minister Zakir Hasanov.

According to a report from Trend, “unresolved issues between Armenia and Azerbaijan” and peace processes in the region are on the table.

Azerbaijan has broken into Nagorno-Karabakh, and the incursion has left three Armenian soldiers dead and at least 14 others injured. On March 24, Azerbaijan stormed into the zone of the responsibility of the Russian peacekeepers stationed in the area and is refusing to completely withdraw its forces from strategic heights.

Sports: Armenia wins 2 medals on European Wrestling Championships opening day

PanArmenian
Armenia – March 30 2022

PanARMENIAN.Net – Armenian freestyle wrestlers won one silver and one bronze medals on the opening day of the European Wrestling Championships currently underway in Budapest, Hungary.

In particular, Georgia’s Zurabi Iakobishvili, a World Championship gold medalist in 2017, claimed the first European title of his career. In the 70kg final, He was a narrow 2-1 winner against Armenia’s Arman Andreasyan, who took silver.

Manvel Khndzrtsyan, meanwhile, lost his final bout to North Macedonia’s Vladimir Egorov to secure bronze.