Category: 2022

Celebrations on the streets of Yerevan after the declaration of independence (Sept. 21, 1991)

Security of the Nation, Political Sovereignty/Independence

Author’s Note: Part 1 of this series focused on fundamental national issues that have brought us to this point. The key message is that Armenia and Artsakh are not to be treated and viewed as a mental exercise in far off lands. The Armenian nation consists of Armenia, Artsakh and the Diaspora. This is essential to remember, as our enemies have understood and internalized this for quite some time. Turkish propaganda started on this campaign long before the 100th anniversary of the Armenian Genocide to sow seeds of division among us. This was aided by the divisive policies of the first President and the dichotomous black and white view of the current regime. A national cleansing of our collective souls and minds is in order, one that will be implemented through education and cohesion and embracing of personal and societal responsibilities.

The events of the last two years have considerably undermined the territorial integrity and political sovereignty / independence of both Armenia and Artsakh. Rectification of this problem must be the most urgent task of the government. This requires fundamental reimagination and reinvigoration of Armenia’s and Artsakh’s armed forces. The actions of the current government have skewed in the opposite direction, leaving the Armed forces leaderless, propagate the flight of experienced officers, and erosion of the legacy, standing and importance of the institution both internally and in the society.  These steps are aimed at further capitulation and removal of any semblance of a national doctrine from the public discourse. Armenia considered itself as a guarantor of Artsakh’s safety and security. However, the recent decisions and actions of the current Armenian government not only did not fulfill this obligation but also significantly weakened Armenia’s own safety and security. Repeating the innumerable misdeeds and treachery of the current government requires a separate treatment, but none of them are unknown to the citizenry, regardless of their inability or indifference to accept/digest them.

Much has been made of the lack of military preparedness of the Armed Forces and placing the blame on either the previous regimes or the current one. Again, this is an irrelevant discussion, as the blame belongs to us all. However, as the fog of war is slowly settling, and details are emerging, specific patterns are becoming evident. According to corroborated reports, Artsakh lost a significant portion of its air defense and artillery within the first day or two of the battle to a degree that Armenia’s Chief of the General Staff informed the Prime Minister that the war could not be won by the fourth day of the conflict. The ability of the enemy to do so requires detailed evaluation of the systemic failures to avoid such scenarios in future. This significant piece of information was not made public, nor were any of the peace offers made during the subsequent ceasefire regimes, where Armenia could stop the war with significantly less loss of life and concessions than the November 10 capitulation. These previous deals were agreed upon by the Azeri side, making this catastrophic failure in leadership and decision making all the more perplexing. Those familiar with the Pentagon Papers appreciate the gravity of this failure, even in the case of a superpower fighting a far-off war, where the safety and security of a superpower nation was never in jeopardy.

Sun Tzu once stated, “The highest form of generalship is to balk the enemy’s plans, the next best is to prevent the junction of the enemy’s forces, the next in order is to attack the enemy’s army in the field, and the worst policy of all is to besiege walled cities.” It is clear how we fared on this scale. 

The decision to exert maximal damage and loss of life on Armenia and Artsakh coupled with other information, such as official Armenian declarations that key economic assets of the enemy were not to be attacked at the thick of the war (one could make the decision but why announce it publicly in the middle of a war); the complete lack of transparency during the war and all out public deceit campaign (how can we forget Artsrun Hovhannisyan’s presentations and reports); simply referring to our sworn enemy as an opponent, as if we are playing a basketball game; and addressing railway connections and economic opportunities, instead of dealing with POW issues and other significantly more urgent problems in the January 2021 trilateral meeting in Moscow; point less and less toward incompetence and inexperience and significantly more toward willful actions, on the part of the government. These are significant issues that must be dealt with transparently and with irrefutable evidence, in order for us to move forward. 

If we are to address these two main failures, we must hold this government fully accountable. It is not sufficient for them to simply resign or go away. The prime minister and all senior civilian and military officials must face court martial and be punished accordingly.

Unfortunately for the Armenian people, the Velvet Revolution wasn’t much of a revolution. The powers behind the “revolution” had identified a suitable candidate, one with the requisite low moral standing and high corruptibility index, surrounded by an equally despicable cadre of collaborators. A yellow journalist, as rightfully identified in leaked US Embassy communications with direct ties to his ideological father, the first president of the nation, was the perfect candidate. This was a deceptive and coordinated effort that will further corrode the trust of the Armenian people in the ruling class and its ability to govern itself. These should be our first steps toward building an accountable nation. Those involved cannot simply disappear when they are no longer needed and live out the rest of their days in Toronto, Moscow, Vienna, Rome or Los Angeles. These will be the first steps toward reestablishing territorial integrity and political sovereignty/independence of Armenia and Artsakh and regaining the trust of the Armenian people.

During the past many years, we have had ample opportunities to impose Armenian sovereignty but have failed to do so. These exercises would have solidified the resolve of the Armenian state in the eyes of Armenians and our enemies alike. Case in point would have been the extraction of Ramil Safarov from Azerbaijan, at whatever cost, to serve out his sentence in Armenia or to neutralize him. Armenia’s toothless response to such a brazen act by Azerbaijan only strengthened their resolve. 

We have worn the victim garment for far too long and have complained of our misfortunes for far too long. The time is nigh that we rise up and rid our minds and souls from this meek and ողորմելի mindset and take charge of our destiny. Our leaders have led us down the path of a death by a thousand papercuts with their cumulative inaction, chronic missteps and, in the case of the current leadership, complete abdication of their oath to protect Armenia and Artsakh. They collectively have the blood of the martyrs and the injured on their hands by not developing the partnerships, friendships and requisite leverages over the past 30 years to make Armenia an engaged, relevant and contributing partner and not a low value pawn to be sacrificed cheaply in geopolitical chess games.

There are many people who are ready to sell Artsakh to make a few dollars. Those who subscribe to the political policies of the first president and his advisors, that giving up lands and making peace with Azerbaijan, are requisites for Armenia’s future prosperity. They conveniently ignore the fact that Azerbaijan and its protector are not merely interested in the lands of Artsakh. They are interested in those lands without any Armenian inhabitants. They are also interested in Armenia proper. Aliyev might not be many things, but unclear he is not. He has unambiguously stated and maintained his zero-sum approach toward Artsakh, in which he partially succeeded in the short term by humiliating Armenia and occupying a significant chunk of our lands. However, he must contend with Russian peacekeepers on lands he covets and considers an eternal part of nascent Azerbaijan (a state younger than Coca Cola, yet a mythical “nation” in Aliyev’s head), by default giving these lands a status other than being part of Azerbaijan proper. He also must contend with Turkey’s takeover of his military and support for his wife to replace him, with their effects on their marital bliss notwithstanding. He has made his claims on Armenian lands as an integral part of the mythical state of Azerbaijan quite clearly, both now and in the past. To think that giving up Artsakh will solve Armenia’s problems is naïve at best and treasonous at worst. If you’re still not convinced, please refer to the following figures: 

Figure 2 is from October 20, 2020 during a meeting in Baku between the Azerbaijani MFA and Speaker of the Turkish Parliament. Take a close look at the map on the wall, specifically the eastern borders of Azerbaijan with Armenia (top). The lower figure presents the map on the wall, superimposed on the du jour map of the region. The mismatch is quite telling.

Figure 2

Figure 3 is a 2006 picture of the then-Turkish President Ahmet Necdet Sezer, Georgian President Mikhail Saakashvili, Azerbaijan President Ilham Aliyev, Turkish Prime Minister Tayyip Erdogan and BP CEO John Browne. They are shown laying the last piece of a symbolic pipeline at the Ceyhan crude oil terminal near Turkey’s southern coastal city of Adana. Note the presentation of Armenia’s southern border in the map.

Figure 3: Turkey’s President Ahmet Necdet Sezer (L-R) is flanked by Georgia’s President Mikhail Saakashvili, Azerbaijan’s President Ilham Aliyev, Turkey’s Prime Minister Tayyip Erdogan and BP CEO John Browne after laying the last piece of a pipeline symbolically at the Ceyhan crude oil terminal near Turkey’s southern coastal city of Adana July 13, 2006. Turkey inaugurated a $4 billion pipeline carrying oil from the Caspian Sea to the Mediterranean, part of an energy corridor vital to both Western and Turkish strategic interests. (Photo: REUTERS/Alamy Stock Photo)

Figure 4 is from January 2021 and depicts the proposed railway from the trilateral meeting in Moscow to bring “peace” to the region.

Figure 4 (Maimaitiming Yilixiati – Anadolu Agency)

Figure 2 does not point to a peaceful solution for Armenia, unless peace refers to significant loss of land and sovereignty for Armenia. It clearly incorporates Syunik province into Azerbaijan. Figures 3 and 4 curiously demonstrate similar depictions of Armenia’s southern border, equating peace with energy transport and trade routes. Declaring that Armenia would not target the enemy’s key economic asset in the middle of our new Sardarabad, as declared then by Prime Minister Pashinyan, certainly takes on a new dimension in light of this information. 

Many have argued that Armenia could have been a beneficiary of oil transport lines through its territory had it agreed to “peace” with Azerbaijan in the 1990s. Georgia’s case points to a far less lucrative deal with transport revenues in tens of millions of dollars per year, hardly a meaningful sum. In return, Georgia’s airports are operated by Turkish outfits with the Batumi airport considered a domestic flight for Turkish Airlines and Turkish businesses holding significant assets and lands in Georgia. Ultimately, Georgians are to decide their future, but for Armenia it is clear that the land for peace arguments are not backed by evidence, and those still continuing to peddle such arguments are either naïve, deceptive or both. Similarly, the same pundits have pointed to opening railways links with Azerbaijan to boost Armenia’s economy, yet they have failed to mention that the Kars-Tiflis-Azerbaijan railway is only supplying one-percent of the “predicted” 15 million tons of transport in the region. Significant attention has been given to the notion of opening business with our neighbors for the benefit of Armenia’s economy; however, a review of the economies of Azerbaijan, Georgia, Eastern Turkey and Armenia reveals strikingly similar trends and standards of living across these borders, hardly the proposed mythical source of cash inflow into Armenia.

Aliyev is a corrupt and despicable dictator (refer to Azeri Laundromat for further reading). At the core, he has understood and played the long geopolitical game by leveraging his petro-dollars to extend tentacles of influence, be it at the European Commission, wholesale buying of Israeli hired guns to spew out Armeno-phobic articles on a weekly basis, buy the support of US Congressmen through extravagant caviar trips, building statues of his father in Mexico City and elsewhere, and most importantly, through energy pipelines to a point that his bellicose Armeno-phobic rhetoric, plain aggression and targeted destruction of civilians and use of banned weapons generated no meaningful international opposition, outcry or action. The leader of a made-up nation of Tatar tribes, who according to his own father weren’t sure what they were to be called, be it mountain Turks, Turks, Azeris…only to have an identity created for them by the efforts of the Young Turks and the Musavat party, has outplayed the Armenian leadership, inheritors of a historical nation with millennia-old recorded history to a point of allowing these neophytes to make claims on Armenian territories, let alone their delusions of claiming Persian kingdoms and lands as their own as well. 

It is also abundantly clear that NATO gave Turkey the green light to actively participate in the Artsakh War in 2020 with Secretary Stoltenberg’s meeting with Erdogan on October 5, heaping praise on Erdogan and Turkey. This was further evidenced by Secretary Pompeo’s callous remarks, reducing Artsakh’s right to exist to a mere fight “over some real estate.” More recently, Secretary Blinken’s “peace” initiative coincided with the brutal crackdown of the opposition movement in Armenia by the use of brute police force. It was a missed opportunity for Secretary Blinken to reflect on these human rights violations in Armenia in his initiative to bring peace to the region. Not long after the end of the war was the announcement of Europe receiving its first shipment of commercial natural gas from Azerbaijan via the final leg of the Southern Gas Corridor (SGC), the Trans-Adriatic Gas Pipeline (TAP). Predictably, gas started to flow to the countries that oppose a tougher EU stance against Turkey’s adventurism in the Mediterranean Sea and Syria. As a reference, Russia exports 238 bcm of natural gas, Iran’s refineries process 270 bcm of natural gas and Azerbaijan exports 18.9 bcm of natural gas. 

Militarily, mistakes appear too numerous to count, from the former Defense Minister David Tonoyan’s now infamous evaluation of drone technology and its incorporation into Armenia’s warfighting capabilities; the sad conditions of Artsakh’s first, second and third lines of defense over the past 30 years that did not provide adequate shelter for our soldiers; the fact that 30 years on, we have failed to equip every single soldier with state-of-the-art body armor and helmets (not WWII Russian helmets); questionable military procurements (mudslinging of the involved parties notwithstanding); inexplicable engaging of third parties to procure weaponry instead of direct inter-governmental procurements; not heeding the lessons from the 2016 Four Day War to invest in anti-drone technology, offensive drone capabilities and sophisticated intelligence gathering; sourcing effective defensive and offensive weapons systems; and countless other missteps, bring us to our current dilemma. But on the bright side, our soldiers were getting strawberries as part of their upgraded meals before the war. A thorough, detailed and impartial evaluation of all mistakes must be made to address these shortcomings. This work must be conducted with the future safety and security of Armenia and Artsakh as its guiding light. Individuals whose negligence and/or criminal behavior are established must be punished to the fullest extent of the law, regardless of old or new, in order to establish accountability and stop politicization of failures. The fault lies with all of us.

A thoughtful evaluation of the failures of the Armed Forces must focus on development of the requisite human capital capable of engaging in fifth-generation warfighting with diverse training in Russian, Greek, French, Indian and other military doctrines of friendly nations with subsequent amalgamation of an Armenian military doctrine based on our threats, capabilities and opportunities. This must be followed by appropriate military procurements from diverse sources to address national security and military doctrine needs, and most importantly, fostering an environment of innovation to address military threats with homegrown capabilities. All of a sudden, we have a spike in military drone-making capabilities in Armenia. While a welcome measure, why are these efforts discussed in the public domain? Also, why are we focusing on drones alone? A thorough analysis of our threats and opportunities must dictate the best course of action, in terms of developing indigenous defensive and offensive capabilities. As welcome as drone design and manufacturing efforts are, we must take the big picture into account and not fall into the trap of the last shiny object that we saw.

Based on Figure 2, this was not our last war. Just as the Azeris licked their wounds from their losses in the 90s and prepared for this war, we will and must do the same with greater fervor and deterrence capabilities. A modernized military force with the right doctrine must work on strategies to bring Azerbaijan to its knees in a matter of days with utmost pain on military and civilian infrastructures and making lands around Armenia and Artsakh completely uninhabitable for generations as a barrier. Similarly, we must be ready to inflict disproportionate pain and suffering on Turkey and its citizens, should they choose to participate on the side of their bloodthirsty brethren. This is what we need to plan for in order to live in peace. Israel’s national security doctrine is a shining example of preparation to live in peace in a difficult neighborhood. More than 100 years of history have borne witness to continuous Armenian blood on Turkish and Azeri hands. Ignoring this and believing that our mortal enemies will change their ways will bring us more devastation and bloodshed, which we will be most deserving of. 

The military doctrine must be accompanied by a strong foreign policy component, also learning from the mistakes of the recent war. Armenians worldwide felt alone during the war. These feelings (justified or not) aside, the Armenian foreign policy has been particularly ineffective since Armenia’s independence. We have been unable to make Armenia relevant to potential partners. The service has been hampered by political appointees, regardless of diplomatic capabilities and the pursuit of ambiguous foreign policies.

The incessant claims among Armenians who feel betrayed by Russia, Iran, France, the US or any other party reflects their uninquisitive mindset and their lack of appreciation for the need to build reciprocal alliances based on mutual interests and gains and/or neutralization of gains for enemies. This is the only currency of relevance in this space. To expect a nation to come to our aid, regardless of how friendly they are, when we don’t help ourselves, is childish and delusional, and points to another example of us shirking personal and societal responsibilities. Other nations come to your help when they have a relationship with you and have interests that are served by their help. Case in point: Aliyev’s charm offensive accomplished this by currying favor in many corners of the world, who rewarded him by turning a blind eye to his aggression.

In response, we need to cultivate a corps of highly competent foreign service staff, trained in different parts of the world for diversity of thought and familiarity with viewpoints from major power breakers. With all due respect, a six-month stint at Tufts University does not a diplomat make, though it is a good start. We need to build strong coalitions with Russia, China, India, France, Iran, Georgia, Greece, Cyprus, Serbia, Saudi Arabia, the UAE and many other nations, based on meaningful contributions from both sides over time. We have ample opportunities to engage in regional affairs from the Talish, Kurds, Lezgins, Arabs, to crypto Armenians and many other spaces. These efforts will provide us with leverage and the ability to affect change and negotiate based on our interests. These require thoughtful assessment of interests, needs and reciprocal gains with partners, to be implemented with competence and diligence. Photo-ops and signing of toothless memoranda of understanding with no follow-up or hard work do not serve the needs of the nation. We must understand that relationship building is not an overnight affair; continuous bilateral engagement with a clear agenda is what will get us results.

Hai Tahd means something different for everyone. To me, it means promoting the development and prosperity of Armenia through sustainability. During my visit to Armenia in 2018, I saw the need for environmental change in the region, and it sparked my desire to help instigate it. I hope to combine my background in environmental science and research with my love of activism and policy to shape an eco-friendly Armenia.

It is no secret that developing countries and marginalized communities are the most environmentally vulnerable. Poor infrastructure, high levels of pollution and limited access to resources often lead to poor environmental conditions, and thus, poor public health. Armenia is no exception and suffers from environmental issues including over-exploitation of natural resources, environmental pollution, illegal logging and poor management of water resources and waste. Access to energy resources proves to be challenging as there are little natural sources, so the grid relies on the importation of oil and gas into the country. As a result, Armenia has been relying on the Metsamor Nuclear Power Plant for its energy which causes further problems in the form of radioactivity. Water consumption from Lake Sevan for irrigation is another current practice that has led to a decrease in the water level and is endangering the flora and fauna of the area. Lastly, deforestation as a result of illegal logging has proven to be a problem in the reduction of wood used to warm homes in the winter. While this is a threat to the well-being of citizens, the logging of trees also limits the region’s ability to counteract the pollution produced via chemical plants, cars, and other pollutants.

There have been efforts made in Armenia to resolve these issues. As part of the Paris Climate Agreement, Armenia’s Nationally Determined Contribution is to reduce the country’s greenhouse gas emissions by 40 percent from 1990 emission levels and to increase forest cover to 12.9 percent. These initiatives, as well as others, make up the GREEN Armenia platform which is supported by the World Bank, the European Union and the United Nations Development Program. This platform aims to combine and optimize policies and investments that can further the development of a sustainable Armenia. Another effort that works toward the same goal includes the plan to build two new solar power plants that could replace the need for the energy produced by the Metsamor Nuclear Power Plant. This effort is being made collaboratively between the Armenian government and private renewable energy companies which have plans to build the first new plant by 2025.

Solar panels on the roof of National Agrarian University in Yerevan (Photo: Arthur Grigoryan/Wikimedia)

Armenia will benefit greatly from these initiatives. First, the implementation of renewable energy would allow the country to be more energy self-sufficient and less vulnerable to the disruption of resources. As an example, pre-2020 Artsakh had seen great success with solar energy, which can be replicated in Armenia. These initiatives are being accomplished through policy changes within the Armenian government and through international aid from other countries; they have the potential for investment from the private sector.

Natalia Matossian at Tulane’s Earth and Environmental Department

At Tulane University, I conducted research in the geology department and discussed solutions to Armenia’s environmental challenges with classmates. This summer, as an ANCA Leo Sarkisian intern, I am looking to convert my research into concrete action through federal level advocacy — both in terms of US and Armenia priorities. On the Armenian environmental front in Armenia, the ANCA has worked to reverse the effects of deforestation in Armenia through legislation promoting debt-forgiveness for reforestation. These efforts can be expanded to support the further greening of Armenia through US assistance for solar farms and efficient irrigation systems. An environmentally sustainable Armenia promotes self-sufficiency, encourages development, decreases health risks among citizens and strengthens the economy. I look forward to working with key stakeholders in this sector — in the Armenian homeland and here in the US — to make this a reality.

During my elementary school days at Ari Guiragos Minassian Armenian School in Orange County, California, we were encouraged to advance the Armenian Cause in our communities in any way we could. I didn’t really understand what that meant until I graduated and entered middle school, where I had to convince my new non-Armenian friends that there was much more to Armenia than the Kardashians.

At first, I thought the advancement of Hai Tahd was carried out solely through educating others about our history and culture. The moment Turkey and Azerbaijan attacked Artsakh and Armenia in 2020, and the world stayed silent, I came to realize that education needed to be followed by action to enact real change.

Prior to 2020, as a member of the Orange County Armenian Youth Federation (AYF) “Aghpiur Serop” Juniors and, later, the “Ashod Yergat” Seniors for over 10 years, I have to admit that I was never actively involved. I was surrounded by other Armenians and maintaining my Armenian identity in our agoump (community center) environment was sufficient. Once Artsakh was attacked, it “clicked” that just knowing our history and attending social events were not enough. By applying that knowledge and my public relations skills, I could make an immediate impact in my community. At the first opportunity, I volunteered to chair the chapter’s public relations and outreach committee and took on the events/social chair responsibilities at the Loyola Marymount University Armenian Students Association. My goal, in both cases, was to bring Armenians in my respective communities together, raising funds for Artsakh, participating in protests and exploring other innovative ways to advance Hai Tahd.

Whether it was being active in the AYF, keeping my school friends updated on current Armenian events or going to AYF Camp every summer, I have developed a passion for leading and advancing the Armenian Cause in any way possible. I want to take that to the next level by focusing my studies on sports and entertainment law and creating a community of Armenians and others in the industry who are willing to contribute to our cause while bringing pro-Armenian initiatives to the forefront of the biggest names in society. In today’s media-driven world, working with influencers and individuals who have a large presence in film, sports, music and media provides another outlet to gain supporters who can advocate for pro-Armenian priorities.

ANCA Leo Sarkisian Summer Intern Alex Guldjian with ANCA Government Affairs Director Tereza Yerimyan and fellow interns Victoria Topalian and Aram Hess advocating for pro-Armenian policies on Capitol Hill

During my time participating in the ANCA Leo Sarkisian Summer Internship in Washington, DC, advocating for Hai Tahd was unlike any experience I have ever had. Over the six-week period, we shared community priorities during Congressional meetings and amplified our community’s voice to secure the successful passage of amendments that call for Azerbaijan’s immediate release of Armenian POWs, require US State Department reports on Azerbaijani war crimes, and place conditions on the proposed sale of F-16 fighter jets to Turkey.

The ANCA internship was a great opportunity to enhance our advocacy skills through engaging hands-on seminars and hundreds of Capitol Hill meetings. I look to take these skills back to my Orange County community, working with my local ANC, AYF and ASA to expand the political resistance against Turkish and Azerbaijani aggression. The program also offered career development resources including resume, cover letter, and mock interview workshops.

We should all strive to learn our language and history and share our culture. But most importantly, we need to make a conscious commitment in taking action – in politics, in media, in business – to support Artsakh and Armenia’s independence, now and always.

It has often been stated that we learn much more in times of adversity than in times of prosperity. I once worked for a great tech company that was experiencing its most prosperous times in terms of profitability, stock value and employee retention. During a press conference that should have been filled with euphoric content, the chairman stated that he was concerned that we tend to learn less during times of success. It was that human reaction that he felt might take the company off its game ever so slightly in a highly competitive environment. Most of the press and employees present were puzzled by his comments and their timing, but those who had experienced the peaks and valleys of professional life understood his wisdom. Whether in our personal, professional or communal life, we will all experience the challenges that life offers. Experiencing adversity is as much about absorbing learning as it is about simply surviving. A perfect state would reflect our ability to address adversity in a closed loop manner where our learning is fed back into the process to enable incremental improvement. Simply stated, we would learn from our mistakes, which is why most people feel we grow from adversity. Of course, this assumes that we are honest enough with ourselves and open to self-criticism in a manner that the window of improvement opens. If experiencing adversity was the only criteria, then the Armenian nation would be the benchmark for incremental improvement. Unfortunately, our history has also been plagued with betrayal, greed and division that has distracted us from minimizing the negative impact of adverse conditions. 

In the fifth century, there were Armenian princes who sided with the Persians for personal gain, impacting the ability of the Armenians. We don’t speak often of the Armenian traitors who delivered the names of the national leaders to Talaat and his murderers. The First Republic was weakened by political opponents of the leadership. Our history, however, is equally filled with moments where adversity seemed almost overwhelming, and the very values of the nation were in peril. During the Vartanantz period, the Armenians rallied against ridiculous odds to preserve the faith and nation. In particular, the Christian foundation was at risk and would have been abandoned had the Armenians chosen a different path in 451 A.D. Perhaps of greater importance was their decision-making process with partially divided nations and hundreds of thousands of Persian troops on their border. Faced with colossal pressure, they chose a direction that sacrificed short term havoc for long term survival. They chose the dignity and future of the nation despite the death and destruction in the immediate short term. 

In 1918, the nation was faced with a similar dilemma. With the ashes of the Genocide still present and surrounded by Turks bent on a final elimination, they chose to survive in May 1918. A nation decimated by genocide and lacking the resources to oppose a professional military regime chose the dignity of the nation. It is best exemplified by Catholicos Gevorg who refused to vacate Holy Etchmiadzin and stated that if we cannot defend our spiritual capital, he will die there. Despite the horrific conditions in 1918, they never lost their core values as a people willing to sacrifice to maintain their dignity and advocacy for freedom. I often think about those who made those decisions in 451 and 1918. I believe we underestimate the profound trauma of deciding the path that we now regard as inspiring history. Perhaps their greatest accomplishment was their refusal to abandon the values of what constitutes a nation.

The men and women of Artsakh are another example where choices have ramifications. The parallels of 451, 1918 and 1991 are rich in the shared value of survival, freedom and determination—three examples of extreme adversity when our people chose to defend the values that define a nation. Anything less would have transformed Armenia into a footnote in history and robbed us of the inspiration that we embrace today.

2009 protest in downtown Toronto (Photo: AYF Toronto)

Facing adverse conditions is nothing new to the Armenians, and 2022 provides us with yet another series of overwhelming challenges. The 21st century version of the beloved Armenian homeland is in an unfortunate yet familiar environment. The diaspora has often been criticized for advocating positions that are convenient when operating remotely. Our focus on Hai Tahd, a direct outcome of the unpunished crime of genocide, is perceived as a singular obsession that should be taken in the context of the current geopolitical environment. The reality is that a significant portion of the diaspora infrastructure is deeply committed to the challenges of Armenia and Artsakh today. It is simply a matter of what is included in the definition of our vision of Armenia. The focus on “normalization” with Turkey offers us significant insight into this dilemma. The discussions with Turkey resemble at least one party that has been “encouraged” to engage with an enemy. Who among the world powers does not want Turkey and Armenia to “reconcile” through the establishment of diplomatic relations and an open border? It is in the interests of the United States, Europe and even Russia to see this accomplished, regardless of the quality of the agreement. A major element of the rhetoric surrounding the discussions has been both Turkey and Armenia’s willingness to complete this agreement “without preconditions.” How utterly absurd! Turkey, particularly under Erdogan, operates with a middle name of “preconditions.” The winner in this “normalization” under the current terms of engagement would be Turkey. Signing such an agreement with Armenia would cost them nothing yet would add to leverage with the aforementioned parties in their ongoing duplicity of playing the west versus the east. We should not criticize Armenia solely for engaging in dialogue. It is appropriate to build peaceful relations with neighbors, and the pressure to do so is significant. We should appreciate that. Admittedly, some of our reaction is based on Turkey’s longtime destructive behavior toward Armenia and the Armenians. The blood is still on their hands from the criminal 2020 invasion of Armenian sovereignty. They have established a virtual military vassal in Azerbaijan and support the policy of holding Armenian POWs, border incursions and territorial occupation. Erdogan continues to deny the genocide of the Armenians and even taunts Armenians by labeling the current Armenians as “remnants of the sword.” Turkey advocates a territorial link from Nakhichevan and Azerbaijan through what they refer to as the “Zangezur corridor” in Syunik. The term used reflects Turkey and Azerbaijan’s position that sovereign Armenia is Azerbaijani territory. The only place that preconditions may not exist is in those carefully staged meetings between the Armenian and Turkish diplomats. The entire atmosphere, however, reeks of preconditions.

The question of preconditions is a matter of when and what, not if. Turkey is incapable of engaging with Armenia without displaying the superiority complex that has dominated their thinking for centuries. It is a deep rooted disrespect and desire to see our decline. The pan-Turkic vision of the Young Turks is seeing its greatest support in decades under Erdogan in his campaign in the Caucasus. This is all designed at Armenia’s expense. Eventually the discussions will evolve to the point where a disguised “precondition” will emerge. What will be Armenia’s response when that day arrives? Hai Tahd and the Genocide are part of our collective DNA. We should never publicly endorse the Treaty of Kars. We should be focused on issues such as the status of Artsakh and our POWs. Justice for Armenia can never be abandoned by any of us. We may choose the timing when the environment is more receptive, but maintaining our ideals is a matter of dignity. The Turks are the foxes trying to get into the henhouse. Diplomatic relations without any real sacrifice is an easy decision for Turkey. Initially, it may emerge as a simple thawing of relations, but as the tide recedes, the “preconditions” of the Genocide, border definition, territorial claims and Artsakh will most assuredly emerge. Erdogan is simply setting the table for maximum leverage. He is behaving while building credits for helping with the grain deal with Russia. Armenia must prepare for that eventuality by protecting the dignity of our nation. Our ideals are the bonds of our survival.

Most Armenians, whether in the homeland or the diaspora, are naturally cautious about rapprochement with Turkey. The economic benefit is overstated for Armenia unless there are pricing and import controls to prevent cheap Turkish goods from flooding the Armenia market. That may have a short term benefit for the Armenian consumer, but it would be disastrous for the Armenian producer in the long term. Erdogan will certainly use the economic aspects of “normalization” to his benefit. One of the Turkish tactics is to let Armenia wither with poverty (emigration) and internal political conflict. Armenians in the homeland and diaspora are generally very patriotic in that they connect their definition of Armenia to eventual justice for the crimes committed against our people by Turkey and its predecessors. These beliefs are the essence of our dignity as a people. Remove them from our agenda, and we strip away the core of who we are. They are the same values that emerged in 451, 1918 and 1991. In their absence, we become another wandering people on this earth. This is the difference between a small nation building for its future or collapsing into decline. Governments must defend these values as representatives of their people. As George Aghjayan stated in his commentary last week, the absence of earnest dialogue is a devastating distraction that weakens our ability to advocate in Armenia’s interests. At such a critical juncture, respecting each other with thoughtful discourse is essential. This is a leadership responsibility. It has been said many times, but only the Turks benefit from our disunity. We must protect the dignity of the nation if we expect that nation to survive. 

The Society for Armenian Studies (SAS) has announced the release of Volume 28, Issue 2 (Fall 2022) of the Journal of the Society for Armenian Studies (JSAS), edited by Dr. Tamar M. Boyadjian (Michigan State University), the editor-in-chief, and Dr. Rachel Goshgarian (Lafayette College), the reviews and reconsiderations editor on the theme of Armenian women in theater, cinema and music.

“Performance II builds on themes of reticulated networks in the performing arts, while at the same time challenging the traditional models of how performance has been evaluated in the past. The contributions in this volume make intentional efforts to re-qualify the registers and frameworks in which the questions around performance and memory, identity, and the body – particularly the female body – have been previously analyzed,” wrote Boyadjian.

Under the title Performance, Memory, and the Archive, the volume begins with a conversation with Arsineé Khanjian, detailing how performances can open avenues for thoughts on memory and archive, Armenianness, cultural and diasporic identity, the female body and political engagement. Khanjian’s Auctions of Souls. Performing Memory is based on the life of Armenian Genocide survivor and American early cinema actress Aurora Mardiganian, who Khanjian successfully highlights in an “idiosyncratic artistic approach” by using images, scenes and passages from multiple sources. Khanjian argues the performance’s contemporary relevance by showcasing how the context of the Armenian Genocide continues to present itself in current social, ethical and geopolitical issues present today. 

The conversation is followed by the section titled Between Activism & Authorship: Thoughts & Translations on Zabel Yesayan. The first article in this section by Talar Chahinian is titled Zabel Yesayan: The Myth of the Armenian Transnational Moment. Chahinian follows a collection of think-pieces that intersect with “dual performative acts of iconification and translation,” which frame the approach to understanding Yesayan in the last several decades. The collection of thoughts and translations search to find and define Yesayan as a writer, activist and feminist amongst contemporary debates while “ultimately guiding the reader back to her own words.”

The second article, So, Did We Really Find Yesayan? Notes on “Yesayan Studies” and Beyond by Maral Aktokmakyan examines problematic interest in Yesayan’s work and the broader question surrounding the fate of Armenian literary studies and criticism. Aktokmakyan argues that the growing craze for “feminist Yesayan” has a problematic reductive and teleological approach, which nearly disregards Yesayan’s work. Instead, Aktokmakyan promotes a “rhizomatic reading that would liberate the author from overloaded feminist and genocide-based readings.”

The third piece by Meriam Belli is titled Zabel Yesayan, “Chronicle – The Role of the Armenian Woman during the War.” It is a translation of a French lecture delivered by Yesayan on January 17, 1920. Originally published in the French Revue des Études Arméniennes 2 (1922): 121–138, the piece describes the banishment of Armenians from their homelands, the crimes that were perpetuated against them and their resilience and strength. The translation also focuses on gendered violence against women during the Genocide and the display of their moral attributes, including their strength and national dignity during the war.

The fourth and final piece by Elyse Semerdjian is titled The Liberation of non-Muslim Women and Children in Turkey: Notes on the Question of the Abduction of non-Muslim Women and Children by the Turks, Retained until Today by Muslims By Zabel Essayan. This is an annotated translation of Yesayan’s report that explores how the Ottoman government and its proxies targeted women and children with specific forms of genocidal violence. The report provides an in-depth analysis of the specific forms of sexual atrocity central to genocidal design and details how women in the diaspora should organize to help what she called, “the International Commission of Women.” Genocidaires were successful in unraveling communities because they could weaponize patriarchal notions of the family and proprietorship over women’s sexuality to achieve their ends, thereby making the gender aspect of genocidal violence a central part of the design.

The section on Translations and Thoughts on Zabel Yesayan’s work is followed by a section on Armenian Theater in Istanbul. The first article Reflections on the Legacy of 19th-century Istanbul Armenian Theater Projects in the Contexts of Ottomanism and Turkishness is by Ayşan Sönmez. The article details, “how the Ottoman Armenian theatrical experience became a legacy that was able to serve a budding Armenian nationalism, the idea of a shared Ottomanism during a specific time, and, eventually, to bolstering Turkishness as the Empire evolved into a nation-state.” The reflections of all socio-political and economic developments of the Ottoman Empire during the 19th and 20th century could be found intertwined with the modern Armenian theater.

Transitioning to premodern sculpting and performance, The Medieval Armenian Symbol of Eternity in the Art of the Twelfth-Century Italian Sculptor Nicholaus: A Veiled Performance by Lorenzo Dominioni and Antranik Balian, examine the medieval Armenian symbol of eternity or the whirl sign engraved in the forehead of five bull sculptures dating to the first half of the 12th century, and attributed to the Italian sculptor Nicholaus. Dominioni and Balian argue that the engravings found “in the bull head of Koenigslutter, Carpi, Ferrara and Verona were a veiled ornamental performance displaying the symbol of eternity to signify the concept of life in the hereafter.” The symbol being deeply rooted in Armenian Christian art and foreign to Italian religious decorations leads them to conclude that Nicholaus’ inspirational source was likely Armenian.

The section on Reviews and Reconsiderations starts with a conversation followed by two book reviews. Titled “Performing the Premodern in The Color of Pomegranates, Imagining and Communicating the Past” is a conversation between Galina Tirnanić and Nicolas Trépanier, moderated by Dr. Goshgarian. The conversation deals with Sergei Parajanov’s Color of Pomegranates (1969). The discussants look to “re-imagine the film as a potential point of initiation for new approaches to reading, imagining, teaching, and writing about the medieval world, both within and beyond Armenian contexts.”

Following the conversation piece is a book review by Nazan Maksudyan of Takyhi Tovmasyan’s, Word, Voice, Taste: Takuhi Tovmasyan’s, Reflections on Sofranız Şen Olsun: Ninelerimin Mutfağından Damağımda, Aklımda Kalanlar (Cheer to Your Table: Tastes from my Grandmother’s Kitchen that Have Remained in my Mouth and my Mind. The combined cookbook and memoir explore a collection of more than 30 dishes, characters and stories depicting a precious past. Maksudyan details Tovmasyan’s stories with great intensity as she explores the shared “secrets about the word that remains, the voice that sings, and the taste that heals.”

SAS president Bedross Der Matossian reviews Armen T. Marsoobian’s Reimagining a Lost Armenian Home: The Dildilian Photography Collection. Der Matossian captures the uniqueness and rarity of the Dildilian family’s ability to preserve their family history through photographs during war, deportation and genocide. He highlights the family’s influential success and the book’s ability to take the reader through a journey in time and space by portraying the daily lives of Armenians in the Ottoman Empire. Der Matossian argues that the history of the Dildilian family, “provides a microcosm of better understanding how some Armenian families were able to use their skills in order to survive the Genocide against all odds – a common thread among Armenian oral history testimonies of the period.”

“I would like to congratulate Dr. Tamar Boyadjian and Dr. Rachel Goshgarian for putting together such an exquisite volume on the theme of performance,” said Der Matossian. “The depths as well as the insights presented in these articles are breathtaking. JSAS is receiving global recognition in the field of Armenian Studies. It has become one of the most prestigious journals in the field that is able to initiate dialogue on thematic as well as interdisciplinary topics.”

The Advisory Board consists of: Der Matossian, University of Nebraska-Lincoln; Barlow Der Mugrdechian, California State University, Fresno; Sergio La Porta, California State University Fresno; Sharon Kinoshita, University of California, Santa Cruz; Jyotsna Singh, Michigan State University; and Alison Vacca, Columbia University.The Editorial Board consists of: Sebouh Aslanian, University of California; Stephan Astourian, University of California, Berkeley; Marie-Aude Baronian, Universiteit van Amsterdam; Houri Berberian, University of California, Irvine; Talar Chahinian, University of California, Irvine; Hratch Tchilingirian, University of Oxford; Myrna Douzjian, University of California, Berkeley; Shushan Karapetian, University of Southern California; David Kazanjian, University of Pennsylvania; Lilit Keshishyan, University of Southern California; Tsolin Nalbantian, Universiteit Leiden; Christina Maranci, Tufts University; Elyse Semerdjian, Whitman College; and Heghnar Watenpaugh, University of California, Davis.

The Journal of the Society for Armenian Studies is a peer-reviewed journal and is published bi-annually by Brill. SAS members can contact SAS executive secretary Katarina Terzyan ([email protected]) for either a print copy or online access to the volume.  

YEREVAN — The Armenian Genealogy Conference is pleased to announce the addition of two prominent names to the list of speakers — Dr. Panov Dmitri Arkadievich and Andranik Nahapetyan — who will present at the first-ever annual assembly to be held in Armenia, September 23-25, 2022.

Dr. Arkadievich is a Russian historian, genealogist and archivist. He is chief of research and genealogical study at The DST Kristian (The House of Family Tradition). Dr. Arkadievich will present a survey of the Armenian genealogical research sources available in the Russian archives.

Nahapetyan is an independent researcher and member of the Council of Experts of the SFU ISRS Center for Armenian Studies (Southern Federal University, Institute of Sociology and Regional Studies). Nahapetyan will give a talk on the genealogy and origins of Simon Vratsian, the fourth prime minister of the First Armenian Republic. The presentation will also explore the resources available for researching Nor Nakhichevan (Crimean) Armenian genealogies.

In addition to these speakers, George Aghjayan, founder of the Armenian Genealogy Conference, will be exploring the use of DNA testing in Armenian genealogical research. The Armenian people have been subjected to multiple traumatic events over the past 200 years that have caused inordinate ruptures in family histories. DNA testing provides a modern scientific tool that can enhance our ability to determine ancestry, bridging existing generation gaps to reconnect families. A limited number of DNA kits will be available to participants of the conference.

Participants in the fifth Armenian Genealogy Conference can register online.

Since 2016, four conferences devoted to Armenian genealogy have been held in the United States. This year, for the first time ever, the Armenian Genealogy Conference will be hosting the annual assembly in Armenia. The conference is cosponsored by the Hamazkayin Cultural Association and the American University of Armenia (AUA).