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Turkish press: Anti-Turkey, anti-Islam circles exist in European Parliament: Turkey rapporteur

Members of the European Parliament pay tribute to the memory of the late former President of the European Parliament David Sassoli, Brussels, Belgium, Jan.17, 2022 (Reuters Photo)

There are prejudices in the form of anti-Turkey and anti-Islam political circles in the European Parliament (EP), the institution’s Turkey rapporteur Nacho Sanchez Amor said Tuesday.

“However, these do not form the majority within the EP. We are open to appreciate and investigate Turkey’s steps toward the EU,” Amor told Deutsche Welle (DW), indicating that Turkey did not make enough progress regarding the fulfillment of accession criteria, human rights and the rule of law in the country.

The year 2021 was better in terms of Turkey-European Union relations than the previous year, he added. “2020 was a year in which tensions in Turkey-EU ties reached a peak,” he said. Amor said that he welcomed President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s statements regarding Turkey’s determination to be part of the EU but said that the bloc expects concrete action.

Turkey-EU relations are marked by disputes on several issues, including tensions in the Eastern Mediterranean, Turkey’s role in Syria, the migrant crisis and the stalemate in Turkey’s accession process to join the bloc.

Turkey recently reiterated that it is part of Europe and sees its future in the EU, adding that it will continue to work toward full membership.

Turkey has the longest history with the union and the longest negotiation process. The country signed an association agreement with the EU’s predecessor in 1964, the European Economic Community (EEC), which is usually regarded as a first step to eventually becoming a candidate. Applying for official candidacy in 1987, Turkey had to wait until 1999 to be granted the status of a candidate country. For the start of the negotiations, however, Turkey had to wait for another six years, until 2005 – a uniquely long process compared with other candidates.

When asked about how the EU views recent steps taken by Turkey and Armenia toward normalization, Amor said: “This is perfect and good news. This is the atmosphere that we want to see in Turkey. Turkey is a strong regional actor.”

“It is a positive approach for Turkey to be a regional actor at European standards and to act side by side outside our region,” he expressed.

After a 1 1/2 hour meeting recently in Moscow, the Turkish and Armenian foreign ministries published the same statement hailing the talks and agreeing to “continue negotiations without preconditions.” Turkey aims for the next meeting to be held either in Turkey or Armenia, sources said.

Former Ambassador to the United States Serdar Kılıç was named as the Turkish special envoy on Dec. 15, 2021, to discuss the steps toward normalization with neighboring Armenia. Three days later, Armenia appointed its special representative, Deputy Parliamentary Speaker Ruben Rubinyan.

Turkey and Armenia have had no diplomatic or commercial ties for three decades, and the talks are the first attempt to restore links since a 2009 peace accord. That deal was never ratified and ties have remained tense.

The neighbors are at odds over various issues, primarily the 1915 incidents and Turkey’s support for Azerbaijan in liberating the Nagorno-Karabakh region from Armenian occupation.

Azerbaijan Prevents Armenians from Visiting Dadivank Monastery

Jan 26 2022

01/26/2022 Nagorno-Karabakh (International Christian Concern) – Azerbaijan continues to prevent Armenian pilgrims from visiting the Dadivank Monastery, where Christians seeking to visit have been banned since May. Five clergymen remain at the monastery with Russian peacekeepers staying nearby.

For months, the monks have carried out their activities and purposes in the presence of the peacekeepers, including prayer, conducting services and celebrating liturgies.  The Primate of the Artsakh Diocese, Bishop Vrtanes Abrahamyan, commented that it was unclear why Azerbaijan continues to forbid visitors as the area is not in a forbidden zone. He said, He said, “[The Azerbaijanis] do not permit it and that is it, without a reason. They do not say anything. The peacekeepers are in the territory of the monastery. They live together. Of course the rooms are different. They are separated: they are military, while the clergymen perform spiritual service. What the Azerbaijani side thinks is a secondary question. We are doing what we have to do.”

Armenians fondly recall the times of baptisms, blessings and larger corporate worship at Dadivank. Now, like many other cultural and physical aspects of life in and near Artsakh, visitation to Dadivank Monastery is but a memory. Azerbaijani aggression has limited the way of Armenian life and Christian culture.


 

Azerbaijani press: Azerbaijanis seek steps by Macron against Pecresse’s illegal Karabakh visit

By Vugar Khalilov

Representatives of the Azerbaijani public have turned to President Emmanuel Macron, seeking necessary measures over the illegal visit to Karabakh of a few French politicians, including presidential candidate Valérie Pécresse, Azertag has reported.

In the statement published on Azertag on January 18, members of the public said: “Mr President, considering the requirements of the French national legislation, we ask you to take the necessary measures to prevent such illegal visits and to prevent the recurrence of such cases in the future.”

The appeal recalled that the Republican Party presidential candidate in France, President of the Ile-de-France region Valérie Pécresse, accompanied by Michel Barnier and Bruno Retailleau, illegally and secretly crossed Azerbaijan’s state borders recognized by the international community, including France, and visited Khankandi city in Azerbaijan’s Karabakh region on December 22, 2021.

This illegal visit grossly violates the laws of the civilized world, it stressed.

Steps are being taken to sign a peace agreement between Azerbaijan and Armenia, normalize relations and strengthen trust between the two peoples. Pécresse’s illegal visit and the attempt to turn this visit into an election propaganda tool are aimed at deliberately aggravating the situation and undermining the peace efforts in the region, which has just emerged from the war and where construction work is being carried out, the appeal noted.

Strongly condemning Pécresse’s “irresponsible step”, the statement underlined that “no internal election campaign can justify such behavior”.

They stressed that Pecresse and some of her advisers, as well as representatives of the Armenian diaspora, are trying to represent the conflict as a religious one in the press and on social media by voicing degrading views against the state and people of Azerbaijan, which is a clear call for hatred against the Azerbaijani people.

In a country like France, where the tradition of human values and the separation of religion from politics form the cornerstone of the state, the inculcation of open hatred against a people does not fit into any moral and universal values. Their attempts to decorate the conflict with religious elements can be seen as a crusade, the appeal stressed.

It added that Percesse is free to go anywhere and to run a political campaign in France or in the European Union. However, in order to come to Azerbaijan, she had to apply to the relevant Azerbaijani authorities and get permission to enter the country.

Her secret entry into Azerbaijan’s territory without such permission grossly violates both Azerbaijani and French national legislation, as well as international and bilateral obligations, it was underlined.

As a co-chairing state of the OSCE Minsk Group established to resolve the 28-year-old conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan, France has an obligation to maintain neutrality between the parties and to support peace efforts. France and Azerbaijan recognize each other’s international borders, both bilaterally and multilaterally, reaffirm mutual respect for their territorial integrity and develop friendly relations.

It was noted that the agreement signed between the two countries on December 20, 1993, serves to develop friendship and cooperation and imposes obligations on both sides in line with the principles and norms of international law.

Moreover, according to the French constitution adopted in 1958, foreign policy issues are the exclusive prerogative of the central government. Territorial units – municipalities, departments, regions – cannot be involved in the foreign policy of the state and cannot infringe on its international obligations (Articles L.1115-1 and subsequent articles of the General Code of Territorial Units).

The appeal was signed by a number of Azerbaijani MPs, lawyers, human rights defenders, and NGO leaders.

It should be noted that in an interview with 12 local TV channels on January 12, Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev said that Pécresse would not have been permitted to leave the country, had Baku been informed about her illegal trip. 

It was a covert trip, organised in contravention of Azerbaijani and international legislation, and Baku reacted appropriately by sending a note of protest to the French embassy.

Azerbaijani press: MP: Pecresse’s illegal Karabakh trip gives rise to legal responsibility

By Sevil Mikayilova

The trip of Valerie Pecresse, the President of the Regional Council of Ile-de-France and a French presidential candidate, to the Karabakh region of Azerbaijan, apart from being openly and unquestionably illegal, has given rise to a question about her legal responsibility. 

Madame Pecresse should be reminded that any person crossing a state border is legally obliged to comply with entry requirements of a given country, or have a visa, if necessary; otherwise he or she will be deported. This is a universal truth and norm acknowledged by the civilised world. If the lady in question thinks herself above the law, then one shudders to think of calamitous developments that will ensue if she makes it to the very top of the French state.

Her irresponsible behaviour first of all hurts France and the French people. If she is unable to understand the consequences of illegally entering another country’s territory, then it is very unlikely that she is in a position to grasp the burdens of the heavy responsibility that come with leading a country such as France. Evidently, the rule of law is not a notion held in high regard by Pecresse, as she is ready to trample on all sacrosanct and noble ideals to reach her purpose.

In his January 12 press conference, President Aliyev described Pecresse’s illegal entrance into Azerbaijan as provocation and an act aimed at President Macron. “Both the defence minister has sent several letters to his counterpart and objections were made to the head of the peacekeeping mission. The same steps were taken in connection with the recent illegal visit of Valerie Pecresse. We were told that they did not see it, did not know of it, that it fell out of focus, that she went there in an ordinary car, and so on. However, this doesn’t sound very convincing… It was an organised trip, because Valerie Pecresse could not go there with the escort she wanted and went with a very limited number of people… They went there secretly and returned. The news came out only when they had returned. They were probably afraid that we would have stopped them in the Lachin corridor. Because if we knew they were there, we wouldn’t have let them back, clearly. The Lachin corridor is under our control. You have been to Shusha and seen it. We can stop any car there and no-one can tell us anything.”

One cannot help but conclude that Pecresse was taken aback by this perfectly veracious statement, and having understood that in a law-governed state she would not get any support for such a despicably blatant offence, she decided to play the victim and make a show out of the story. What is she appalled at?  Are the gates of “Free France” open to everybody? Does France not have border checkpoints?

There is also an open letter signed by a group of anti-Azerbaijani and Turcophobe lawmakers, addressed to Macron, which gives rise to surprise and anger. No doubt, this letter will be of no avail, but the fact that there is such a large body of lawmakers, who supports such illegal acts, is troubling indeed. What did make the French legislators sign a letter full of legal and factual errors? Was it due to the lack of knowledge as to some basic legal points or prejudice?

The central question is why the French presidential candidate and the members of the French Senate are so recklessly putting the narrow and Islamophobia-driven agenda ahead of the national interests of France, which has a time-honoured tradition of robust secularism, tolerance and multiculturalism. Baku and Paris have worked flat out and round the clock over the past decades to forge a high-level relationship and now the hard-earn diplomatic gains are at risk. There is no sustainable logic to this.

In addition, France is a country with a sizeable Muslim minority, which constitutes 8 percent of the overall population. It cannot be within its best interests to pursue narrow Islamophobic policies at the expense of higher considerations and the values that underpin the very essence of France.

The presidential election that is set to take place in 2022 is expected to be a tough contest. It is profoundly regrettable that candidates are ready to sacrifice the colossal benefits of bilateral relations for the sake of ensuring the support of the 750,000 Armenian diaspora.

Eric Zemmour, another candidate for the post of President, has also visited Armenia recently, but he apparently was conscious of the fact that crossing the Azerbaijani border without a due permission was a red line and thus abstained from the wrongdoing. He is a controversial figure in France. Interestingly enough, the language employed by him was proven to be so toxic in the past that, he was fined by a French court for his anti-Muslim rant.

However, it appears that for Madame Pecresse, who is also a former member of the National Assembly, there is no red line within a legal domain and she will stop at nothing to burnish her image as a good friend of Armenians.  We respectfully remind the presidential hopeful in question that her illegal trip to the Azerbaijani territory is very damaging to Azerbaijan-France relations, regional security and stability, and, it is worth reiterating that “separatism” is alien to the contemporary architecture and values of Europe.

There is no doubt that the government of Azerbaijan will always defend the nation’s territorial integrity and sovereign rights, and the protection of the security and inviolability of the state border will always remain a duty of the highest importance.

Armenian, Turkish envoys meet for first talks on normalizing relations

EurasiaNet
Jan 14 2022
Joshua Kucera Jan 14, 2022
Mt Ararat stands behind the Armenian capital. The national symbol is across the closed border in Turkey. (iStock/guenterguni)

Envoys from Armenia and Turkey have met in Moscow to launch negotiations over normalizing relations.

The envoys – Serdar Kilic, a senior Turkish diplomat; and Ruben Rubinyan, the deputy speaker of Armenia’s parliament – met in Moscow on January 14. Following the meeting the two sides issued identical, optimistically worded statements.

“During their first meeting, conducted in a positive and constructive atmosphere, the Special Representatives exchanged their preliminary views regarding the normalization process through dialogue between Armenia and Turkey,” the two foreign ministries said. “Parties agreed to continue negotiations without preconditions aiming at full normalization.” The meeting was not filmed and afterwards the envoys did not speak to the press.

The two envoys were appointed in December as part of their countries’ moves toward restore ties in the wake of the 2020 war between Armenia and Azerbaijan. That war resulted in the return to Azerbaijan of the territories surrounding Nagorno-Karabakh, which Armenia had occupied since the first war between the two sides in the 1990s.

The seizure of those territories in 1993 was what prompted Turkey to close the border. While Armenia has long been in favor of normalizing relations, Turkey – under pressure from its Azerbaijani allies – refused as long as the occupation continued. “With that issue off the table, Turkey began to signal its readiness for new talks with Armenia soon after the war,” the International Crisis Group wrote in an analysis previewing the January 14 talks.

The Moscow meeting was the most concrete step yet that the two sides have taken to normalizing relations. They will have to overcome a number of obstacles and potential spoilers: Turkish and Azerbaijani commentators have been putting forward public demands conditioning restoring Ankara-Yerevan relations on other issues, like Armenia renouncing control over Nagorno-Karabakh or giving up the cause of international recognition of the 1915 Armenian genocide.

That, in turn, has given fuel to Armenia’s political opposition and nationalists in the Armenian global diaspora, who have been trying to portray the talks as a unilateral concession by a weak Armenian government to their enemies. And many ordinary Armenians, who might have been in favor of restoring ties with Turkey before the war, have become more wary in the light of Turkey’s open, strong support of Azerbaijan’s 2020 offensive and a reawakening of anti-Armenian discourse in Turkey.

But no preconditions have been officially put forward, a fact that the January 14 statement emphasized. And in the days ahead of the talks the signals were mostly positive.

In late December, Azerbaijan Foreign Minister Jeyhun Bayramov said that Baku “fully supports” Armenia and Turkey’s normalization efforts. It was Azerbaijan which scuttled the last attempt at normalization, the 2009 process that became known as the “protocols.”

“Having long posed the greatest impediment to a Turkish-Armenian rapprochement, Baku’s public and private tone has changed dramatically in the wake of its victory,” the Crisis Group analysts wrote. “Some senior bureaucrats in Baku privately suggest that Turkish-Armenian normalization might even help smooth their own post-war relations with Armenia by showing the benefits of shifting from a war footing to an everyone-wins focus on trade.”

A foreign policy commentator in the Turkish pro-government newspaper Daily Sabah portrayed the talks with Armenia as part of a broader push by Ankara to improve many of its strained relations around the region, including with the United Arab Emirates, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, and Israel.  “These recent efforts of normalization and pro-active diplomatic initiatives will constitute Turkey’s priority foreign policy agenda for 2022,” wrote the analyst, Tahla Kose, in a January 14 piece.

And the fact that Russia is brokering the talks suggests that one early concern – that Moscow would try to scuttle them for fear of Turkey gaining more influence in the region – has been evaded. Russia’s involvement also is likely to blunt the objections from Armenia’s internal opposition, which has warm relations with Russia.

While a recent flareup on the border resulted in four soldiers killed – three Armenian, and one Azerbaijani – there has nevertheless been diplomatic progress between Baku and Yerevan, as well.

Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov, at a press conference the morning before the Kilic-Rubinyan meeting, said that Armenia and Azerbaijan were close to reaching an agreement on one of the key issues in their bilateral agenda: agreeing on a demarcation of the two countries’ border. “Literally yesterday I was speaking with an Armenian colleague, who had a new proposal, we will send it along to Azerbaijan. We will see how to make [an Armenia-Azerbaijan-Russia commission working on border issues] work it out as quickly as possible.”

Also that day, Farid Shafiyev, the head of an Azerbaijani government-run foreign policy think tank, said in an interview with Interfax-Azerbaijan that Baku and Yerevan had reached a spoken agreement to create a border demarcation commission.

Joshua Kucera is the Turkey/Caucasus editor at Eurasianet, and author of .

Food: Lesser-Known Armenian Dishes Get the Spotlight at This Glendale Strip Mall Find

LA Eater – Los Angeles
Jan 7 2022

Vernatoun highlights Armenian dishes often cooked at home for families and guests

Depending on one’s preference, the Glendale strip mall on the corner of Central and Chevy Chase Avenues is mostly known for a branch of Papillon International Bakery or an outlet of Baskin-Robbins, the ice cream chain founded in this city back in 1945. In spring of 2021, Vernatoun restaurant and banquet hall opened in the back corner of the strip mall, serving some of the most compelling Armenian food in Glendale. With faux brick walls, burgundy-clothed tables, and a layout that accommodates banquets (a fairly common business model in the city), the menu leans on classic Armenian dishes executed for their target demographic: the largest Armenian community in the United States.

Armenian cuisine exists as part of a diaspora, since the country’s people spread across the Caucasus, Mediterranean, Middle East, and elsewhere to escape atrocities that Turkey perpetrated upon the Armenian people beginning in 1915. Restaurateurs who have reached Los Angeles to start businesses often incorporate influences from intervening generations spent in countries like Russia, Iran, Syria, Lebanon, and Greece.

Vernatoun’s kitchen manager Valog Vartanyan grew up in Tehran; his grandfathers escaped persecution in Armenia and moved to Iran before he was born. Vartanyan has lived in LA for 12 years. He previously cooked at another Armenian restaurant in Glendale that closed due to the pandemic before joining Vernatoun, whose owner and general manager hail from Yerevan, Armenia’s capital.

New Vision of the Land Battle. Russian Lessons Learned – Nagorno Karabakh

Defence 24
Dec 29 2021

Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict in Nagorno Karabakh, which was making headlines in the autumn of 2020, has become a subject of numerous studies, carried out by analytical bodies around the world. The innovative operational activities that were undertaken by Azerbaijan, and a massacre of the Armenian armoured and mechanized units evoked several questions regarding the future conflicts and how they would be managed. The conflict in Nagorno Karabakh was dubbed as a tanks-drone war in Russia (voyna tankov i dronov). Numerous analysts identified that as a premise for future conflict.

The Nagorno Karabakh conflict has also become a subject of study for Russian analysts. Voyennaya Mysl [Military Thought] journal published an analysis of military activities in the armed conflicts of the 20th and 21st century, within the scope of developments in strategy, operations, and tactics, trying to forecast the trends in the future conflicts. A study by P.A. Dul’nev, S.A. Sychev and A.V. Garvardt is particularly interesting, as it covers the land elements tactics in the Karabakh conflict1.

Conflict Profile


Discussing the conflict, the authors indicate the unique nature of tactics adopted by the Azeri army who radically departed from the tactics used initially, with classic front strikes carried out by company and battalion tactical groups. The aforesaid tactics were moderately successful in the field, for instance in the Cəbrayıl district – south part of the frontline, along the Araks River. The Azeri side suffered from quantifiable losses in equipment, due to the ambushes or anti-tank squad operating in front of the front line of defence.

As several analogies emerge here, the situation may be compared to the WWI western front – where attacks against points of resistance generated significant losses, with minor, often temporary, territorial gains. The Azeri forces referred to the tactics that had been quite successfully used by the German assault elements of the infantry (Stosstruppen), starting from 1916. This set of tactics assumed mass use of small infantry elements infiltrating the adversary, creating confusion in his defensive effort. The mobile groups and raid elements (MG-RO, Rus. mobil’nyye gruppy, and reydovyye otryady) of varying sizes, from a squad to an infantry battalion, were based on broad employment of almost all SOF elements remaining at disposal of the command of the Armed Forces of Azerbaijan.

The GM-RO tactics of elements equipped with firearms, light mortars, ATGMs and MANPADS made optimal use of the mountainous areas that were hard to access, along with the passive defence tactics of the Armenian units – single points of resistance and local counter-attacks, in case of enemy penetration. The reactivity of the Artsakh made it possible for a deep infiltration, effective disorganizing and blocking of the activities, with the use of ambushes, artillery, and UAVs, as well as provision of effective support and reinforcements. Ultimately, the isolated points of resistance had to surrender to armoured-mechanized tactical elements, with aggressive involvement of GM-RO, attacking the Armenians from other directions.

The Russians indicated that apart from the MG-RO, the Azeri forces also broadly employed UAVs – aerial reconnaissance-strike complexes (Rus. razvedyvatel’no-udarnyye [razvedyvatel’no-ognevyye] kompleksy, RUK [ROK]), based on mixed flights of UAVs (strike, reconnaissance, EW). The mass employment of TB2, Orbiter UAVs, and Sky Stryker, Harop, and Orbiter-1K loitering munitions led to the destruction of virtually all air defence assets and inflicted major losses to armoured and mechanized units, and the artillery. The impunity of the UAVs supported by the MG-RO led to effective tactical isolation of defensive perimeters and points of resistance of the Artsakh defensive elements. The Armenian manoeuvring elements – armoured and mechanized units deployed up to 15 kilometres from the frontline, could not have reached the front to effectively begin an organized and timely counterattack, to efficiently support the defensive effort. Attempts to carry out counterattacks were made by the Artsakh MBT elements near Cəbrayıl (10th–11th October) and Zəngilan (20th–21st October) – resulting in major losses among the counterattacking forces, loss of territorial gain, without any major impact on, or hampering of the Azeri offensive.

The use of UCAVs in circumstances when the Armenian air defence system was disintegrated made it possible for the Azeri to attack targets everywhere, within the enemy-controlled area, effectively preventing delivery of supplies and reinforcements.
Photo. Azerbaijan’s Ministry of Defence

The Russian assessment suggests that the employment of UCAVs also made it possible to limit the use of conventional tactical aviation assets. This also led to a major increase in the effectiveness of artillery shelling – tube and rocket artillery assets that could have acted against the enemy through joint fires, across a short timeframe, remaining out of reach for the Armenian side2.

During the Nagorno Karabakh conflict, the Artsakh was often suffering from artillery shelling involving 130 mm M1954 (M-46) guns, effectively neutralizing the ground targets.
Photo. Azeri MoD

The Russians also point to the fact that the Armenians disregarded some of the experiences gained throughout the last decade:

a. Points of resistance were arranged in a way that did not take into account the capabilities of modern strike and reconnaissance assets; b. The available camouflage was being used routinely, or were ignored entirely in some cases; c. The points of resistance frequently had no covered and fortified firing positions and trenches that would prevent aerial strikes and observation; d. minefields were not dense and deep enough; e. several potential paths leading towards the defended area were not subjected to any engineering barrier-work.

One of the serious mistakes indicated by the Russians in the analytical study discussed here was the routine use [as in the case of the URAL-375D command vehicle here] or ignoring camouflage.
Photo. Azerbaijan’s Ministry of Defence


Conclusion


Generally, the Russian expert examination of the Nagorno Karabakh conflict did confirm the importance of the already known, and identified new trends in land tactics, and made it possible to issue recommendations on the enhancement of combat methods employed in joint forces setting.

  • The tactical solutions applied by the Azeri side do follow the tendency observed by the Russians, to spatially expand the battlefield and extend the combat environment. The experts suggest that this would bear a key relevance for further development of land tactics since battles would be further dispersed and volumetric in the future. This trend has been confirmed by the broad use of GM-RO by Azerbaijan, with those elements being able to operate semi-autonomously, away from their forces, but in close cooperation with forces and assets of other branches of the military.
  • The involvement of UAVs, artillery, EW, and information warfare in tactical activities of the infantry made it possible to penetrate the enemy lines deeply and has brought a multi-domain character to the joint forces setting.
  • The Russians came to a conclusion that systems should be put in place in the Russian military that would make it possible to reshape the forces and assets used for the given mission into an actual, synergy-driven joint forces system, regardless of the structural denomination, subordination, or levels of training.
  • Even though not all of the experiences gathered during the second war of Nagorno Karabakh are universal, as some refer just to highland warfare, the Russians emphasize the trend of departure from linear, to spatially dispersed combat elements. The said trend was evident in Karabakh, as both sides were driven to make all elements maximally autonomous, through the establishment of autonomous tactical groups.

Based on the Nagorno Karabakh experience, the Russian authors provided a force structure proposal, with the following elements:

a. Assault echelon (position-based) (Rus. shturmovoy (pozitsionnyy) eshelon), that is tasked with taking over the key facilities (hence, position-based), decisive for disintegrating the enemy defence; b. Strike-maneuver echelon (Rus. udarno-manevrennyy eshelon), tasked with deployment and successful activities behind the enemy lined (raids, ambushes), covering of the flanks, manoeuvre-based defence, and as a counter-landing asset; c. Joint Operations echelon  (Rus. eshelon kompleksnogo vozdeystviya), working on force integration, aimed at reduction of enemy potential to the level allowing completion of tasks assigned, minimizing the casualties and loss of equipment/armament; d. Support echelon (Rus. eshelon obespecheniya), providing support in combat and securing the operations; e. Airborne echelon (Rus. vozdushnyy eshelon), tasked with strike and recon missions, supporting the tactical groups of the land echelons.

The Russians suggest that division as above, based on the tasking, makes it possible to effectively arm ad equip the tactical squads of the echelons listed and development of operational methodology and proper training activities.

The aforementioned modular combat deployment concept defined by the Russian analysts, considers the following tactical domains to be the most important ones, for further development of the Russian land tactics:

a. Examination and implementation of methods for preparing and using the autonomous tactical elements in combat, along with methods for synchronizing these activities, within the framework of an established plan of the land operation; b. Establishment of organization and introduction of aerial unmanned strike-reconnaissance complexes [RUK-ROK], of varied structure, making it possible to act against enemy targets across his lines, also deep behind them; c. Development of methods for force and assets integration, as those forces are involved in activities targeting the enemy (multi-domain impact); d. Development of a comprehensive air/missile/space defence system, and effective methods for defending own forces from airstrikes, which is relevant when in war with an enemy who has a strong air component at his disposal, also involving UAVs, and – in the future – cruise missiles.

The detailed outline suggested that the development of forms and methods adopted for tactical operations in the Russian land component should be focused on gaining the following capabilities:

a. Rapid disorganization of the enemy defence, achieved through neutralization of critical targets, defeating of the main forces briefly via synchronized land operational activities (assault, raids, recon) and airstrikes, as well as tactical landing operations across the dispersed battlespace, with the use of high tech assets; b. Organization of effective air defence systems, and tactical camouflage, ensuring effective protection of own forces from an airstrike. c. Effective implementation of a recon-strike cycle (Rus.  razvedka— porazheniye); d. Gaining a high level of situational awareness of own elements; e. Organization and cooperation between heterogeneous forces, and assets, and maintaining their resilience in adverse tactical conditions; f. Complementing the capabilities of land forces with the use of robotic systems (Rus. robototekhnicheskiye kompleksy, RTK), be it land-based, or aerial ones, of different purpose, especially when engaged in high loss level operations; g. Establishment of new elements of own forces with particular attention paid to specific tactical circumstances providing a capacity to redistribute tasks between them during the combat operations, in real-time, based on real-time data on the status of every element, mission status – for completed and assigned objectives, and taking into the account the results of operational modelling for combat development; h. Increasing survivability of the individual weapons systems achieved thanks to information transfer capability regarding data on the adversary, within elements, in the event of fault or neutralization of any subsystems (command communications, navigation, targeting, etc.); i. Organizing an effective system for multidimensional support of the land operations.

Summary


The Russian lessons, learned from the 2020 Nagorno Karabakh conflict show a comprehensive and modern approach towards joint operations in a modern setting. Although operations in Nagorno-Karabakh were nothing new, tactics-wise (infiltration), a well-thought-over implementation of legacy tactical solutions and adaptation to the terrain, fused with the use of modern weapons systems, does prove the innovation when it comes to Azeri tactics.

Implementation of the organizational and tactical solutions suggested by the authors, and embedding them within the training curriculum would be another element of modernization in the Russian Armed Forces. One shall assume that, as a result of those changes, the Russian land forces would be better suited to work on a dispersed battlefield, increasing their efficiency in completing the assigned tasks, departing from conventional forms of operations so characteristic for the previous era.

Even though the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict was taking place in a mountainous area primarily, Poland shall conduct an in-depth analysis of infiltration tactics and capacity available to the adversary, when fighting a Polish defensive formation in the Kaliningrad area for instance. One should also pay attention to the modular force model proposed by the specialists of the Moscow Armed Forces Academy, especially when it comes to the use of unmanned systems in air and ground support.

Paweł Makowiec, PhD, Territorial Defence Department of the University of Land Forces, Wrocław. The opinions in the present article do not constitute the official stance of the University, they are private views of the author.

[1] P.A. Dul’nev, S.A. Sychov, A.V. Garvardt, Osnovnyye napravleniya razvitiya taktiki Sukhoputnykh voysk (po opytu vooruzhennogo konflikta v Nagornom Karabakhe) [Eng. Main Directions for Development of Tactics for the Land Forces (based on experiences of the armed conflict in Nagorno Karabakh)], Voyennaya Mysl’, No.11, Moscow 2021.; the authors belong to the academic cadre of the Military Scientific-Training Centre for the Land Forces of the “General Military Armed Forces Academy” in Moscow – a counterpart of the Polish University of Land Forces [AWL]. 

[2] The Azeri have grouped all of their Dana M-1 howitzers (36 examples) to form a brigade-level artillery element used to conduct concentrated shelling against the attacked structures.

FlyOne Armenia to operate Yerevan-Istanbul flights

Vestnik Kavkaza
Dec 31 2021
 31 Dec in 12:20

Armenian aviation authorities have allowed FlyOne Armenia airline to operate Yerevan-Istanbul-Yerevan charter flights, the airline told Armenpress news agency.

“Several days ago Flyone Armenia applied to the aviation authorities of Armenia and Turkey in order to get the permission to perform charter flights on Yerevan-Istanbul-Yerevan route. We thank the aviation authorities of Armenia for their positive response,” FlyOne Armenia Board Chairman Aram Ananyan said.

Asked when the flights will start, Ananyan said they are waiting for the Turkish aviation authorities’ permission.

Turkish Foreign Minister Mevlut Cavusoglu said on December 16 that Ankara was considering the applications of Turkish and Armenian airlines for operating flights between Istanbul and Yerevan.

Earlier, Turkish Minister of Transport and Infrastructure Adil Karaismayoglu said that flights between Armenia and Turkey will be resumed after a 2.5-year break. According to the Minister, the Turkish Pegasus Airlines will carry out the flights.

Upcoming OSCE meeting to be significant for the issue of returning Armenian captives – Poland’s Ambassador says

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 14:30,

YEREVAN, DECEMBER 30, ARMENPRESS. Poland is hopeful that the delimitation and demarcation process between Armenia and Azerbaijan will have a positive solution, Poland’s Ambassador to Armenia Pawel Cieplak said at a news conference in Yerevan’s Media Center.

“We very well realize that a swift return of the captives is a priority issue for the citizens and government of Armenia,” he said when asked what role Poland can play as the presiding country of the OSCE in 2022 for the resolution of the Nagorno Karabakh conflict, the solution of related humanitarian issues and the process of normalization of relations between Armenia and Azerbaijan.

“I think that the upcoming meeting [OSCE conference] in Vienna on January 13 will be significant in this process and I wouldn’t want to get ahead and mention our priorities as long as my government hasn’t done so,” Ambassador Cieplak said.

He said Poland will present detailed information on their stance over the situation and security environment in South Caucasus in January, when the Polish foreign minister will travel to Vienna to assume the OSCE chairmanship and present their priorities.

He said that the given issue has been discussed between Poland’s FM Zbigniew Rau and Armenian FM Ararat Mirzoyan during their meetings this year in Vienna and Stockholm.