Author: Toneyan Mark
During and after the war: where and how did Karabakh schoolchildren study
Turkey to turn renovated Armenian church into humour art centre
Turkey has decided to turn the recently renovated Holy Trinity Armenian Church in the south-central Konya province into a cultural centre, the Armenian weekly newspaper Agos reported.
The 19th-century building, which has been closed to worship and visitors even after restoration project ended in 2017, will be re-opened as the World Masters of Humour Art House at an unannounced date, Agos said.
The project was carried out by the Akşehir municipality and the Konya Plain Project Regional Development Administration (KOP), at a total cost of 3.5 million Turkish liras ($475,000), it said.
The church is the latest historical Christian house of worship that Turkey has repurposed as either a mosque or religious tourism site this year. The sites include the Byzantine Chora Church and Hagia Sophia in Istanbul.
U.S.-based non-profit International Christian Concern slammed the Turkish authorities for not making efforts to restore the churches “back to their original Christian community”.
When repurposing sites of worship for religious tourism, Turkey uses them “as an example to the international arena about how they care for religious freedom”, it said in a written statement.
“However, it is a point which confuses religious freedom with faith tourism,” ICC said. “The state reaps the monetary rewards of having churches restored into cultural sites and museums. Any remaining Christian community is forced to petition the state for access to these sites for worship purposes.”
UN World Food Program Facilitates AGBU Shipment of Covid-19 Supplies and Relief Items to Armenia
AGBU Press Office 55 East 59th Street New York, NY 10022-1112 Website: PRESS RELEASE Monday, UN World Food Program Facilitates AGBU Shipment of Covid-19 Supplies and Relief Items to Armenia As Armenian hospitals and care facilities work tirelessly to tend to those injured in the Artsakh War, the nation reached level four of coronavirus infection rates, according to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC). With over 150,000 cases at the time, the United Nations World Food Program (WFP), the world's oldest and largest agency dedicated to ending hunger and humanitarian crises, offered the AGBU to coordinate the logistics of delivering several rounds of cargo to be shipped from Liège, Belgium, overseen by AGBU Europe, and received in Yerevan by AGBU Armenia. The entire cost of the shipping fees are covered free of charge by the WFP Liège Hub, while the Covid-related personal protective equipment and relief items have been generously donated by members of the Armenian community in Belgium. "The WFP is proud to partner with such a historic and far-reaching organization like AGBU. The very nature of AGBU- a grassroots international organization so important for all Armenians, marks a significant partnership with the WFP," said Hien Adjemian, Operation Manager at WFP Liège Hub. "We are proud to provide services that enable AGBU to reach more people and make a difference. Collaborating with the UN is a step towards change, and WFP Liège Hub hopes that this experience will be instrumental to further collaboration," Adjemian remarked. The pandemic supply initiative began in early October 2020 and will run through mid-January. Goods and materials were collected, organized, and packed by the Belgian Armenian community in the Hay Doun Armenian Cultural Center in Brussels, coordinated by its President, Karen Tadevosian. Among others, a generous benefactor from the Belgian Armenian community, Nany Katcherissian, alone, donated 614 kg of PPEs to support the healthcare workers in Armenia. Approximately 42,827 kg (around 43 tons) of supplies will be delivered to AGBU Armenia to put those supplies to work for the Armenian people. "Thanks to the WFP and the support of our Belgian-Armenian volunteers, we are able to deliver much needed relief to our healthcare heroes and COVID-19 patients in Armenia," noted AGBU Europe President Nadia Gortzounian. AGBU Armenia was entrusted with picking up the cargo at the Zvartnotz airport in Yerevan. The shipment contained an array of health and humanitarian related supplies, including, but not limited to, PPE equipment, ready to use therapeutic food, anesthesia machines, wheelchairs, medical canes, orthopedic equipment, clothes, shoes, sleeping bags, food and hygiene products valued at around $490,301 USD. Once on the ground, AGBU distributed the cargo as follows: PPE and medical supplies were delivered directly to the Armenia Ministry of Health. Clothing, shoes, blankets, and hygiene products went to the Armenia Ministry of Emergency Situations. And the 16,000 kg of food will remain with AGBU Armenia for distribution to needy Armenians across the country. "These WFP shipments couldn't be more essential during these critical times in Armenia. We also recognize the commitment of AGBU volunteers and staff, who coordinated and collaborated to ensure this international effort was implemented with care, efficiency and transparency," noted AGBU Armenia President Vasken Yacoubian, adding that AGBU has once again proven itself a trustworthy and competent partner in delivering humanitarian relief. The Armenian General Benevolent Union (AGBU) is the world's largest non-profit organization devoted to upholding the Armenian heritage through educational, cultural and humanitarian programs. Each year, AGBU is committed to making a difference in the lives of 500,000 people across Armenia, Artsakh and the Armenian diaspora. Since 1906, AGBU has remained true to one overarching goal: to create a foundation for the prosperity of all Armenians. To learn more visit .
Russian peacekeepers’ base in Nagorno-Karabakh
The Russian Ministry of Defence aired footage on Monday showing a base where Russian peacekeepers are staying in Nagorno-Karabakh.
The footage showed their canteen, gym and sleeping areas.
Russian peacekeepers entered Nagorno-Karabakh as part of a ceasefire brokered by Moscow, after a new round of fighting broke out in September.
Nagorno-Karabakh lies within Azerbaijan but was under the control of ethnic Armenian forces backed by Armenia since a separatist war there ended in 1994.
That war left Nagorno-Karabakh itself and substantial surrounding territory in Armenian hands.
In 44 days of fighting that began in late September and left more than 5,600 people killed on both sides, the Azerbaijani army forged deep into Nagorno-Karabakh, forcing Armenia to accept last month’s peace deal.
Russia deployed nearly 2,000 peacekeepers for at least five years to monitor the agreement and facilitate the return of refugees.
Asbarez: Two Books by Hakop Karapents Translated into Farsi
Book cover of the Farsi translation of Hakob Karapents’ “Yek ensan va yek sarzamin”
Coinciding with the ninety-fifth birth anniversary of prolific Diaspora Armenian writer Hakob Karapents, two publishing houses in Iran have announced the release in Farsi of his works: “Ketabeh Adam” [The Book of Adam], the writer’s most celebrated and popular novel by Khazé Publishing, and “Yek mard va yek sarzamin” [A Man and a Land], an anthology of fifteen short stories and essays by Siyamak Book (Ketab-E-Siyamak).
This is the first time that works of Karapents are published in the country of his birth. These publications will provide the first opportunity for the Farsi-speaking community and literary circles in Iran to become acquainted with Karapents and his unique literary legacy as well as his Armenian compatriots who will read his works in Farsi for the first time.
The first title, “Ketabeh Adam,” is translated by Andranik Khechoumian, celebrated Iranian Armenian writer, playwright, and translator. The book includes an introduction and a brief biographical sketch of the writer by Ara Ghazarians, curator of the Armenian Cultural Foundation, and a preface by Abbas Jahangirian, prominent Iranian writer and literary critique.
The “Book of Adam” is Karapents’ second novel. He wrote it after a little more than a decade since his first novel, the “Daughter of Carthage” (1972). He began writing it in mid-1980 and completed in less than a year time. The book is dedicated to his wife Alice. It received rave reviews by several Diaspora Armenian literary critiques. It is the winner of the Armenian General Benevolent Union’s Alex Manoogian Literary Award, and French-Armenian Writers Society’s Eliz Kavookjian-Ayvazian Literary Award. The second edition of the novel was released in Armenia in 2012.
The novel has also been adapted for the stage twice by two young Armenian dramatists, actor, and cinematographer in Tehran (2005) dedicated to Karapents’ 80th birth anniversary under the direction of Seto Gojamanian titled “Where are we to be buried,” and in Los Angeles (2017) by Armen Sarvar titled “Yes, Adam Nourian.”
The “Book of Adam” is constructed on three levels: the state of the American social order in the final decades (1980s) of the twentieth century; the current crisis of the Diaspora Armenian; and the crisis of man finding himself at the end of the twentieth century. The characters and plot serve as the means of linking this triad of knots together and reaching a certain truth. “Aside from flashback,” as observed by the late editor, writer and translator, Aris Sevag, “the book is written to understand life by the return trip and to live life by the road ahead, the metaphysical with the real, sometimes relying on non-existent realities which are more powerful than the real; therefore, from tie to tie, there surfaces a dry journalistic style to produce a clash between tangible and intangible realities. From this standpoint, the ‘Book of Adam’ enters the self-contained current of contemporary American literature, which is a sad and nondescript visit to solitary persons and solitary communities.”
Book cover of the Farsi translation of Hakob Karapents’ “Ketabeh Adam”
The second book, “Yek mard va yek sarzamin” [A Man and a Land] is divided into five sections, includes twelve short stories and three essays, selected from Karapents’ following titles “Mijnarar” [Interlude] (2), “Amerikyan shurjpar” [American Rondo] (3), “Ankatar” [Incomplete] (4), “Mi mard u mi erkir” [A Man and a Country] (3),and “Erku ashkharh” [Two Worlds] (3). Dedicated to her mother, Kitoush Arzouian-Arakelian, the compiler, translator, Armenoush Arakelian presents a tastefully written preface in three languages (Armenian, Farsi, French), as well as a brief biography of Karapents and his literary legacy. The selected pieces represent diverse aspects and dimensions of Karapents’ work, unique linguistic character and literary style, which according to the Arakelian even has “poetical resonance.” Arakelian, translator, editor, also born in Tabriz, Iran, is a graduate of the Sorbonne University, majoring in French. She has been active on the Armenian cultural and literary scene in her country of birth. She has collaborated with “Alik” daily, “Payman Quarterly,” and “Ararat Bulletin” and has co-edited and translated six books.
In Arakelian’s words, “Karapents ushers the reader to the multilayered and multifaceted world of his characters, their lives and events. The heroes of his works are alive, vibrant and not restrainted by the rules of the world in which they live. He penetrates into the inner world of the man, probes their souls and reflects their feelings and dreams.” For Karapents life, a mix of bitter episodes and cycles of happiness, is always incomplete and that man is in perpetual search of happiness and perfection.
According to Arakelian Karapents’ stories are “captivating and filled with delicate feelings of love as well as the spirirt of eternal struggle.” His stories are also replete with expressions of criticism and protest against tyranny, injustice and sham slogans of human rights. In Karapets’ words, “Even in wisdom there is white wrath, which emanates from the unjust’s everpresent fixation.”
This is the first time that Karapents’ works in general and short stories in particular are presented in Farsi in one volume. Prior to the release of “Yek mard va yek sarzamin” only a couple of his essays and biographical sketches about his life and literary legacy had been published in the Farsi-language Armenian “PaymanCultural Quarterly” (no. 9/10, no. 53) and “Mirza” magazine. Hopefully, the above titles will inspire other scholars and literary figures to undertake similar projects and make Karapents’ rich and unique literary legacy available to wider audineces in Farsi-speaking communities worldwide.
Many years ago, in answer to an interviewer’s question about writing in English Hakob Karapents had responded: “Many encourage me to write in English. . . in order to partake in the American literature, one has to be an American. I am an Armenian, a Diaspora-Armenian, which is a unique creature in the history of mankind . . . I have lived for many years in America, however I do not consider myself an American. Despite all, my Armenianness is my identity, my license to walk among the crowds and feel that I am different.”
This conviction, to which Karapents remained loyal during his entire literary career, unfortunately, for decades, deprived the non-Armenian speaking readers, English in particular, of a rich literary treasure. Karapents’ works were not fully appreciated among his people either as he wrote in Eastern Armenian in a Western Armenian speaking reality. Furthermore, his works sadly, falling victim to Cold War politics, remained inaccessible in Soviet Armenia, thus depriving even his compatriots from a unique literary genre and scope of contemporary Armenian literature.
In the final years of his life, Karapents was persuaded to make some of his works available in English. He finally agreed to have some of his short stories translated into English. “Return and Tiger,” a collection of fifteen short stories, translated by Tatul Sonentz, and published by Blue Crane Books, was sadly released a couple of months after his passing in 1994. This was followed by the publication of another anthology, a collection of seven short stories by the young Hakob Karapents written in 1950s, titled “Widening Circle and Other Early Short Stories,” in 2007.
Hakob Karapents was born in Tabriz, Iran in 1925 to Armenian parents with roots deep in the historic Artsakh (Karabagh). He moved to the United States in 1947 and studied in Kansas City University, majoring in journalism. Later he attended the Columbia University where he studied psychology. He joined the Voice of America, Armenian Section in 1954, where he served over a quarter of a century and served as the Chief of the Armenian Service. After his retirement in 1979, Karapents moved first to Connecticut and later in 1989, after a decade of self-imposed seclusion, to Watertown, Massachusetts, where he lived until his death in 1994.
Karapents is the author of over nine hundred articles in Armenian and English, ninety short stories, two novels, as well as essays, commentaries, book reviews, etc. In accordance with his wishes, his library, publications, personal effects and memorabilia were donated to the Armenian Cultural Foundation of Arlington, Massachusetts, where an entire room is dedicated to his collection and papers. In 1995, the Yerevan City Council, dedicated No. 6 high school after Karapents, where a small museum was also established in recent years. In the final days of his life Karapents expressed his wish to establish a scholarship under the auspices of the Hamazkayin Cutural and Educationsl Society, Armenia to support promising youth persuing careers in journalism, literature, and philology. Since 2000 over one-hundred-thirty deserving students from various higher academic institutions have received annual scholarships. The Scholarship Fund in the United States is managed by the Amaras Art Alliance, a non-profit, tax-exempt organization registered in the Commonwealth of Massachusetts.
Armenian PM appoints new deputy governor of Syunik
10:35, 24 December, 2020
YEREVAN, DECEMBER 24, ARMENPRESS. Karo Avanesyan has been appointed deputy governor of Syunik province.
The respective decision has been signed by Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan.
Editing and Translating by Aneta Harutyunyan
Iran, Armenia agree to expand long-term energy co-op
TEHRAN- During a meeting between an Iranian delegation headed by Amir-Hossein Zamaninia, Iran’s deputy oil minister and an Armenian delegation led by Hakob Vartanian, Armenia’s deputy minister for local government and infrastructures, the two sides made an agreement on the expansion of long-term energy cooperation.
After the meeting, Zamaninia, who is Iran’s deputy oil minister for the international affairs, said the talks about some technical issues of gas export and gas-for-electricity barter were postponed to the near future, after which a long-term contract will be signed.
Vartanian, for his part, said, “We have been negotiating with Iran for a year and a half about gas export and the extension of the gas-for-electricity deal; today’s meeting was one of the most constructive negotiations in this regard.”
Emphasizing that in the meeting the basic points were agreed, and the solution of some small and technical points were postponed to the near future, he said: “The two delegations in this meeting tried to take into account the mutual interests of the two countries.”
Iran and Armenia signed a gas-for-electricity barter deal in 2004, based on which, for a 20-year period, Iran would export gas to Armenia to be consumed by the country’s power plants, and in return, Iran imports electricity from Armenia.
Armenia started importing gas from Iran since mid-2009.
Iran and Armenia have been cooperating for years in gas and electricity swap, and two-way economic and political ties have grown in tandem with an increase in trade.
MA/MA
Pashinyan is incompetent and should be removed immediately – Vardan Voskanyan
The political assessment of the current developments is that Pashinyan is both traitor and incompetent. In fact, he has failed to exercise his powers which resulted in treacherous agreements concluded with the enemy side,” Head of the Department of Iranian Studies at YSU Vardan Voskanyan told an interview with Panorama.am.
Voskanyan pointed to the fact that as a result of the agreement reached between Pashinyan and Azerbaijan, not only Armenia lost part of Artsakh, but also pushed the NK conflict settlement to uncertainty and indefinite future, since the ongoing problems the country face may not allow to think of the Artsakh issue.
“One conclusion we can give is that Pashinyan is incompetent and traitor and should resign as soon as possible,” the YSU professor said.
Voskanyan reminded that the idea of holding snap elections was put forward by intellectuals long before Pashinyan came up with the idea, however one precondition for that was Pashinyan’s resignation and his removal from office.
“Authorities are the symbol of the defeat and in the face of their leader they are not capable of organizing an electoral process given also the lack of trust in the public. If Pashinyan considers himself the guarantor of the free will of the people, it is obvious that during his ruling, especially in the war and post-war period, he has failed to act as a guarantor,” Voskanyan said. In his words, no-one may claim that people’s will is in any way expressed in the shameful statement signed on November 9 or in the land concessions being made daily to the enemy in border areas of Syunik and Gegharkunik provinces of Armenia.
“Furthermore, those developments have direct negative consequences on the life and the vitality of the local communities, likewise the future viability of Armenia in a broad sense. The Syunik example, where Pashinyan was not able to guarantee even the preservation of the 4km-long road section, comes to prove this. That road was crucial both in terms of ensuring inter-Armenian transport communication as well as relations with Iran which are of vital importance for Armenia. In fact, the person, who occupies now the office of the prime minister, not only failed to ensure the will and wish of Syunik residents but also the security of Armenia, considering the strategically important land corridor with Iran,” said the expert in Iranian studies.
Voskanyan admitted with pain that Armenia has never had a lower security level than today, and the people never felt unsafe like these days.
“It is obvious, that Pashinyan cannot organize free, fair and transparent elections. In order to organize such elections, one should be impartial and entrusted with arbitration functions. One person capable to show impartiality has been nominated by the opposition. That is Armenia’s first prime minister Vazgen Manukyan, who’ll exercise arbitration functions while assuming the post and not participating in the elections himself. He may act an arbitrator and that could be acceptable for any reasonable person,” concluded Voskanyan.
Don’t Blame the Soviets for the War in Nagorno-Karabakh
In the final week of September, an Azerbaijani offensive renewed hostilities in the perennial armed conflict and territorial dispute in the South Caucasus between Armenia and its neighbor over the Nagorno-Karabakh (“Mountainous Karabakh”) region.
By October, the clashes had escalated past the state border between Azerbaijan and the internationally-unrecognized Republic of Artsakh which suffered heavy shelling from banned Israeli-made cluster bombs by the Azeris. Meanwhile, Armenia retaliated with strikes in Azerbaijan outside of the contested enclave, with civilian casualties reported on both sides in the deadliest resumption of large scale fighting since the Russian-brokered ceasefire in 1994. Following Baku’s victory recapturing the town of Shusha which had been under Artsakh control since 1992, a new armistice was signed by Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev, Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, and Russian President Vladimir Putin last month. However, what distinguished this re-ignition of the war from previous skirmishes were not just the severity but its direct instigation by Turkey with military support for Azerbaijan, which included the widely publicized recruitment of jihadist mercenaries from Syria.
Contrary to what one might assume, the boundary dispute does not date back centuries and its roots are relatively modern, despite the interrelated historical persecution of Armenians by the Turks and Ottoman Empire. As many have noted, the foundations for the war which began in 1988 were laid not in antiquity but decades prior during the establishment of the Soviet republics in the South Caucasus following the Russian Revolution. More specifically, the controversial decision by Joseph Stalin in 1921 to incorporate the region into Azerbaijan would have enormous consequences when the USSR later dissolved, as the vast majority of the population within the upland territory have historically been ethnic Armenians. While that may be partly to blame, much of the shortsighted analysis of the current flare-up has oversimplified its basis by placing sole responsibility on the political decisions made by the Soviet leadership decades ago at the expense of addressing the real reasons for the “frozen conflict” in the South Caucasus.
Vladimir Lenin once described the Russian Empire as a “prison of peoples” or a “prison house of nations” in reference to the more than 120 different nationalities colonized by the Tsarist autocracy.
Following the defeat of the Ottoman Empire in World War I and the Russian Revolution, the demographics of Transcaucasia shifted with the changes in borders increasing the overall make-up of ethnic Armenians, many of whom were displaced by the genocide. However, even a century prior Nagorno-Karabakh had still been more than 90% Armenian, despite the South Caucasus generally comprising many different ethnic communities. In the 19th century, the influence of European conceptions of nationalism resulted in the various intermingling groups of the region redefining their identities in increasingly ethno-territorial and nationalist terms. To resolve the national question, the Soviets adopted a policy which encouraged the establishment of republics and administrative borders which unfortunately did not always perfectly align with the overlapping and intermixing populations.
After the Russian Revolution, Transcaucasia was initially a unified Soviet republic consisting of Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia, but it soon split into three separate states. Despite promising Artsakh to Armenia and against the wishes of its population, Nagorno-Karabakh was then granted to Azerbaijan but with autonomy by the Georgian-born Stalin, then the Soviet Commissar of Nationalities.
However, it is important to recognize that in spite of this fateful decision, under the USSR for seven decades the two sides held a mostly peaceful co-existence, while Karabakh Armenians continued to champion reunification with their homeland without bloodshed. That is not to say mistakes weren’t committed by the Soviet leaders who were often at odds over the national question, but one of the signature accomplishments of socialism was greatly reducing the frequently bloody conflicts between oppressed groups which shared national spaces. It was only during the circumstances of glasnost and perestroika that the social grievances of the South Caucasus took an irredentist _expression_ which turned violent in Nagorno-Karabakh, just as it did in Abkhazia and South Ossetia in Georgia and the North Caucasus in Chechnya.
The recolonization of Eastern Europe by foreign capital included the encouragement of secessionist and nationalist independence movements throughout the post-Soviet sphere and the South Caucasus were no exception. The template for Western hegemony over the east — based on the British founder of modern geopolitics Sir Halford Mackinder’s ‘Heartland Theory’ whose “The Geographical Pivot of History” emphasized the strategic importance of Eastern Europe — was put into practice by Zbigniew Brzezinski, National Security Advisor in the Jimmy Carter administration. While the Polish-born Brzezinski delivered the Soviet equivalent of the Vietnam War and the U.S. empire’s own ‘Great Game’ by supplying lethal arms to the Afghan mujahideen, he also established the Nationalities Working Group (NWG) tasked with inciting ethnic tensions among non-Russian groups in the Soviet orbit. After the USSR collapsed, Brzezinski and the Atlanticist coven continued to mastermind the complete resizing and balkanization of Eurasia by inciting ethno-nationalist divisions in the formely ‘captive nations’ behind the Iron Curtain even after the re-establishment of the free market.
Brzezinski’s Machiavellian strategy was crystallized in his 1997 book The Grand Chessboard: American Primacy and Its Geostrategic Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan,ic Imperatives, which not only prophesied the easterly expansion of NATO on Russia’s borders but the resurgence of Islamism and Pan-Turkism in the post-Soviet Caucasus and Central Asia. As an intellectual disciple of Mackinder, Brzezinski drew from his ideas which first theorized the importance of pulling the oil-rich South Caucasus away from Moscow’s sphere of influence. Azerbaijan was one of the first former Soviet countries to become a Western power-base after the 1993 CIA-backed coup d’etat which ousted the democratically-elected government of Abulfaz Elchibey and brought to power Heydar Aliyev, father of the current Azeri president, who pivoted the country away from Moscow and began the Azerification of Nagorno-Karabakh. Two years later, Brzezinski visited Azerbaijan and helped arrange the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan pipeline linking the Caspian Sea oil basin from Azerbaijan through Georgia to Turkey.
Since 2018, Armenia has also been in danger of becoming a Western client state after the so-called ‘Velvet Revolution’ which installed current who was supported by international financier George Soros.
Pashinyan has since pledged to sign a European Union Association Agreement but will first have to withdraw Yerevan from Russia’s Eurasian Economic Union. Following the November ceasefire agreement, Pashinyan has become the subject of widespread protests himself by Armenians, which included the storming of Yerevan’s parliament building, as many were furious over his perceived premature surrender of the strategic city of Shusha which had been under Artsakh control since the end of the first Nagorno-Karabakh war.
As it happens, Soros also gave financial impetus to the civil society group Charter 77 that led the original 1989 ‘Velvet Revolution’ which deposed the Marxist-Leninist government in Czechoslovakia.
Armenia’s 2018 ‘Color Revolution’ was identical to the many pro-Western protest movements which brought regime change in Eastern European and Central Asian countries in the post-Soviet world that was first prototyped during the fall of communism in Czechoslovakia, Poland, and the Eastern Bloc. The subsequent election of Pashinyan was supposed to reset the negotiations with Baku but instead there was a resurgence of the violence in the enclave. It is not by chance that as soon as the Armenian government began to pivot to the EU away from Moscow, a revival of clashes began. Armenians should be wary of Soros pulling the strings behind their government based on the man’s own words. Even though Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan has vilified the Open Society Foundation, the investor took out an op-ed in The Financial Times in March which whitewashed the neo-sultan while demonizing Putin.
From the Armenian perspective, it is impossible to separate the direct aid by Turkey for the Azeris during the current war from its collective memory of the genocide which Ankara and Baku deny to this day. It can only be interpreted as an existential threat and a sign of Erdoğan’s neo-Ottoman aspirations. For anyone who doubts Turkey’s expansionist ambitions, it has also been reported that Ankara has since recruited Syrian mercenaries to the Greek border and Kashmir. The exporting of foreign terrorists from Afrin and Idlib into Nagorno-Karabakh has resulted in war crimes such as the beheadings of Armenian soldiers. In the face of Azerbaijan’s reputation as the most secular country in the Muslim world, it appears the practices of Sunni Islamist headchoppers have been passed on to its nominally Shia armed forces. Turkey’s support also introduces an international dimension that presents a danger of the conflict transforming into a proxy war which threatens to draw in Israel, Iran, Russia, the U.S. and other players.
The geopolitical context of the war is not cut and dried. Ankara’s suspicion of U.S. involvement in the 2016 Turkish coup d’etat attempt and Washington’s refusal to extradite the CIA-sponsored Islamic cleric Fetullah Gülen from Pennsylvania put the US-Turkey relationship in shambles and relations were only further soured by Ankara’s purchase of the Russian S-400 missile system in defiance of its NATO commitments.
The U.S. incorporation of the Kurds into the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) coalition to fight Daesh pushed Turkey even closer towards Moscow’s camp. To both punish Ankara and rebuke U.S. President Donald Trump’s troop withdrawal from Northeast Syria that precipitated the Turkish invasion of Kurdish-held territory last year, the U.S. House of Representatives opportunistically passed a resolution formally recognizing the Armenian genocide after decades of refusal. However, it was dead on arrival in the Senate as Turkish and Azeri pressure groups remain a top player in foreign agent lobbying exceeded only by the exempted Zionists. At the congressional level, even “progressive” Rep. Ilhan Omar (D-MN) who has taken campaign donations from the Turkish lobby and held closed door meetings with Erdoğan notably abstained on the bill.
Some analysts intent on embellishing Turkey have suggested that because of cooling relations between the U.S. and its NATO ally in recent years, along with Armenia’s pivot to the EU, it would somehow be advantageous for Moscow to favor an Azeri victory. Even if that were true, it underestimates the historical relationship between Russia and Armenia as the protector of Orthodox Christian subjects under Ottoman rule.
In reality, the only preference for Moscow is a balancing act and diplomatic victory that will resolve what the U.S. and Turkey are instigating. Three decades after the dissolution of the USSR, Russia’s ‘near abroad’ has been almost completely absorbed into the EU and NATO which rescinded their promise not to expand past East Germany with tensions between Washington and Moscow reaching a point not seen since the height of the Cold War.
While Putin has become quite adept at negotiating compromises to national conflicts as he did in the North Caucasus ending the Chechen Wars, any new ceasefire mediated in Nagorno-Karabakh will only be a short-term bandaid on a deep-seated wound so long as the regions of the former Soviet Union remain under free enterprise and a target of imperialism which can sow dissension between its heterogenous inhabitants.
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Max Parry is an independent journalist and geopolitical analyst. His writing has appeared widely in alternative media. He is a frequent contributor to Global Research. Max may be reached at