Author: Manouk Vasilian

The trucks should be traveling east and west

Manouk Vasilian
 Stepan Piligian In Sight, Columns 1

My heart goes out to all Armenians experiencing the constant rollercoaster of emotions from the humanitarian assault on the people of Artsakh. Unfortunately, human suffering has been caused entirely by human aggression. Last week, a region already saturated with horrific conditions was struck with another catastrophe—this one a “natural” disaster of epic proportions in the form of a devastating earthquake in southern Turkey and northern Syria. Although the news media simply report about the “Turkish” and “Syrian” population, we are all aware that there are significant Armenian connections to this tragedy. The quake impacted the historic Armenian lands of Cilicia including Adana (my grandmother’s home), Marash and other locations. First reports of the earthquake came from Gaziantep, a post-genocide name for the ancient Armenian town of Aintab. Aside from ethnic Turks, there are substantial Kurdish populations in this region. The Syrian areas impacted are territories that have already suffered tremendous carnage from the Syrian War. The impacted locations include the contested land where Turkish troops invaded Syria in addition to historic Aleppo where the Armenian Diaspora essentially began. The devastation has been significant for an area not yet recovered from the impact of war and terror. Once again, the Armenian community has rallied to help with relief efforts as many Syrian Armenians are homeless or fearful of returning to their homes. Relief fundraising from the church and the Armenian Relief Society has begun with pleas for support from all Armenians. Human loss has been significant (currently in the mid-30,000s). We empathize with all communities regardless of ethnicity or religion. 

Natural disasters are, unfortunately, an opportunity for all peoples to display their compassion for fellow humans regardless of inter-ethnic and international conflicts. We must never let our current resistance to the Artsakh blockade impact our empathy for the thousands affected by this catastrophe. Conflicts between nations are political in nature, and our issues with Turkey are with their governments and their supporters, not with the common citizens. This is what separates us from racism and ethnocentric behavior. It is what distinguishes us from the behavior of Azerbaijan, which is based on hatred. It is for this reason that I was happy to see the Republic of Armenia immediately reach out to the governments of Syria and Turkey to send relief aid and rescue teams. Given the substantial Armenian population in northern Syria, the response to that country was quite natural. Although a humanitarian crisis should subordinate all political issues, it was still gratifying to see Armenia stand tall with its offer to Turkey. It would be naïve, however, to think that this act will have any impact on Turkey’s current policy toward Armenia. Nevertheless, the relief work should continue simply for humanitarian intentions.

Humanitarian aid from Armenia crosses the Margara bridge on the Armenia-Turkey border, February 11, 2023

I was particularly struck by an image published a few days ago of an Armenian cargo vehicle crossing the closed Armenian/Turkish border to secure the best land route to the stricken areas (the quake has impacted as far as Diyarbekir in the southeast). The vehicle traveling west was not the issue. Relief supplies were loaded and rushed to the needy. What was interesting was the border crossing. We are all aware that the land route to western Armenia (eastern Turkey) since the border closing by Turkey in 1993 is north through Georgia and then west into Turkey. Although there have been some rumblings of cargo and border traffic changes,  the international border has essentially been closed for decades. One can almost touch Ararat from Khor Virap but don’t try to walk there. It always amazes me that when it serves one’s purpose, obstacles that were considered rock solid simply vanish. It was in Turkey’s interest to be perceived as welcoming all assistance, particularly from a traditional enemy. It was in Armenia’s interest to show compassion and remove any doubt about our values. As a result, the obstacle vanished for the moment. It will remain closed except for relief transport. Many of us recall the unprecedented cooperation in 1988 after the devastating Armenian earthquake. The tragedy was simply too significant for any of our petty disagreements. It also reminded me of the centennial anniversary of the Armenian Genocide in Washington, DC. For the first time in memory, priests from both the Prelacy and Diocese on a national level offered Holy Communion to the faithful. The event was held in the presence of the Catholicoi and because they sanctioned it, the beautiful reality occurred. It was a grand _expression_ that our problems are artificial and within our capability to resolve. Yet, it was generally business as usual the next week…cordial, but still artificial. While not comparing the issues, it is clear that seemingly deep rooted problems can be solved with mutual will.

The other aspect of that photo that disturbed me was not what I saw, but what I did not see. The relief vehicle was loaded with food, water and medical supplies. This is exactly what the people of Artsakh are denied on a daily basis. It generated mixed feelings. While I was gratified to see the cargo truck traveling west to the quake zones, I was dismayed that there are no trucks from Armenia traveling east to the Lachin Corridor. In a recent column, I mentioned that we cannot expect the US and Europe to do our job. It is unrealistic for Armenians to ask for relief missions and airlifts (which are essential) if we have not extended ourselves first. An article was published this week out of Armenia reporting on the comments from Suren Sargsyan, the founder of the Armenian Center for American Studies in Yerevan. Commenting on feedback he received from the United States, Sargsyan referred to political sources in Washington who stated that the Armenian government says Lachin is Russia’s responsibility. These sources also stated that the Armenian government does not interfere, and that the embassy simply holds briefings to share updates. It was their general impression that Armenia’s interest is limited. We should acknowledge that the sources were not identified (obviously) and may reflect Sargsyan’s view, but it does correlate to the general public perception of Armenia’s limited role to end the blockade. It may also explain the limited support from western democracies. There has been much speculation that the Armenian government’s passive role is based on a need not to upset Russia to the point where further damage can be incurred. In 2020, it was generally believed that Russia tolerated the Azeri invasion (including the loss of Shushi) as a punitive measure for the western leanings of the Pashinyan government. Russia is far more distracted today with the impact of its war on Ukraine, but is still quite capable of harming Armenia.

Regardless of the political implications, the Armenian government should be far more sensitive to the plight of its brethren in Artsakh. Apparently, as the former “guarantor” of Artsakh’s security which they have now abdicated to Russia, they feel that the Lachin blockade is Russia’s responsibility. Sending relief trucks only in one direction is not a problem. To many Armenians, however, it creates anguish to the core. Foreign Minister Ararat Mirzoyan is currently in Ankara to address the “normalization” dialogue with his Turkish counterpart Mevlut Cavusoglu. During the press briefings, they announced the restoration of the Ani bridge, connecting both countries, “ahead of the full opening of the border.” During his comments, Mirzoyan stated that “the international community must not remain indifferent toward any humanitarian crisis happening anywhere around the globe.” Taken without his context, we should applaud Mirzoyan for his public support of the earthquake and the Lachin humanitarian crisis. To my disappointment, his comments were made only in reference to the Turkish earthquake. We should have empathy for the earthquake victims, but to make these comments  without any context to your own brethren suffering from a genocidal inspired humanitarian crisis is insensitive. Frankly, we should be outraged. I wonder how the 120,000 brave souls suffering the daily indignities of the blockade will feel when they read these comments. I will never understand the passion displayed for Turkish duplicity while your own people suffer. Perhaps that’s the answer. Armenia does not consider Artsakh “our” people, and that is horrifically sad. These statements about Armenia as part of the international community supporting humanitarian problems, while the trucks only travel west, further extend this perception.

Armenia’s government seems determined to sign a peace treaty with Azerbaijan and “normalize” relations with Turkey. Honestly, who can be against peace and friendly relations with neighbors? The problem lies in the lack of true negotiations. How can we “negotiate” with a nation that is choking our people and not perceive this as a surrender? Why isn’t Armenia insisting on Azerbaijan’s withdrawal from sovereign territory, the return of POWs and an end to the blockade as conditions for negotiations? Instead, they look like negotiating tools for Azeri leverage. Turkey constantly reminds us that they are “one nation two states” with Azerbaijan. If true, then the blood is also on their hands, yet we welcome the “normalization” as two old friends reconciling. If our leverage is insufficient, we can at least maintain our dignity. We still control what we say in public forums. Soon, Erdogan will begin to exploit Armenia’s goodwill as he appeals to his fanatic base for his struggling re-election. Have we forgotten his punitive comments about “remnants of the sword” or fully backing Azerbaijan in their aggression? We must never behave as subordinates and sacrifice our dignity. What is the purpose of treasured sovereignty if not to maintain your dignity in the civilized world? We must never create the perception of accepting aggression by ignoring it when convenient. Diplomacy can either clarify our values or blur the lines. Have we chosen the latter?

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Stepan was raised in the Armenian community of Indian Orchard, MA at the St. Gregory Parish. A former member of the AYF Central Executive and the Eastern Prelacy Executive Council, he also served many years as a delegate to the Eastern Diocesan Assembly. Currently , he serves as a member of the board and executive committee of the National Association for Armenian Studies and Research (NAASR). He also serves on the board of the Armenian Heritage Foundation. Stepan is a retired executive in the computer storage industry and resides in the Boston area with his wife Susan. He has spent many years as a volunteer teacher of Armenian history and contemporary issues to the young generation and adults at schools, camps and churches. His interests include the Armenian diaspora, Armenia, sports and reading.


Opinion | Armenia’s old allies have failed it, new ones have yet to appear

Manouk Vasilian

Sept 23 2022

 

ByAni Avetisyan

Yerevan’s long-running alliance with Moscow has become increasingly meaningless, as evidenced by Russia’s inaction in the recent conflict. However, it is unclear what alternatives are available to Armenia.
Following Azerbaijani attacks on Armenia on 13 September, all that the President of Russia, Vladimir Putin had to say was that ‘any conflict between states close to us causes us serious concern’. While this was in line with the expressions of ‘deep concern’ offered by international bodies, to Armenians, his words and actions were acutely insufficient.

Armenia has a bilateral defensive pact with Russia, and is also a member of the Collective Security Treaty Organisation (CSTO) — a NATO-like military alliance between six post-Soviet states including Russia. Article 4 of the CSTO treaty states that an attack on one member will be considered an attack on all, and obligates members to provide military support. 

Given this context, Armenians had understandably hoped for something a bit more substantial as Azerbaijan, for the first time in the post-Soviet history of the two countries, attacked Armenia within its internationally recognised borders — capturing territories, shelling 36 settlements, and leaving 207 Armenian soldiers dead or missing. 

But Putin’s mild words and refusal to name the aggressor in a conflict that cost around 300 hundred lives from across the two countries was very consistent with Russia and the CSTO’s history of activity in the partnership. 

Despite the country’s two-fold commitment to providing military assistance to Armenia, all that it actually offered was recommendations to Armenia for how the situation might be ‘normalised’, the promise that the CSTO would dispatch a fact-finding mission, and, of course, its expressions of ‘serious concern’. 

For many Armenians, this was the last straw. Both the government and population broke with protocol, and began to publicly call out the shortcomings of their main  ‘strategic ally’ — an ally that appears to do nothing that would merit the title.

The Secretary of the Security Council stated that Yerevan had ‘no hope’ of the CSTO providing military assistance to Armenia, while Armenians took to the streets to protest. 

In mirror image to Russia’s inaction, the United States showed unprecedented and unexpected engagement in the conflict. It was the US that mediated the ceasefire, the US Secretary of State Antony Blinken who kept in touch with the leaders of Azerbaijan and Armenia in the tense days following the ceasefire, and finally, Blinken again who organised the first meeting between the foreign ministers of the two countries, less than a week after the fighting broke out. 

Arguably equally notable was the visit of US House Speaker Nancy Pelosi — the third highest-ranking official in the United States — to Yerevan, mere days after the clashes. 

US involvement in the conflict gave many Armenians and foreign commentators hope that a historic change in Armenia’s foreign policy was imminent. Some went so far as to suggest that Armenia should join NATO and the EU, and so reject alliance with Russia once and for all.

Such hopes of a swift turn away from Russian alliance are understandable, but unlikely to materialise anytime soon. Even if it does take place, such a shift is unlikely to be entirely positive for Armenia, as the country carries the legacy of thirty years of Russian colonisation. 

While anger at Russia has risen to levels not seen in Armenia in living memory, with several anti-Russian and anti-CSTO protests taking place following the war, untangling the country’s tight ties with Moscow is likely to prove painful at best. 

Fully severing ties with Russia would mean getting rid of Russian troops stationed in Armenia — a military presence that has persisted in the country for over two centuries. 

First settling in Armenia in the 19th century, Russian troops did not leave the country following the collapse of the Soviet Union, unlike in other countries in the South Caucasus. At the end of 1993, around 9,000 Russian troops were stationed in Armenian military bases. 

In 2022, the numbers remain much the same: Russia has at least 10,000 soldiers within Armenia’s internationally recognised borders, which includes roughly 4,500 border guards and around 5,000 troops in Gyumri. 

The border guards are mostly stationed along the Armenia–Turkey and Armenia–Iran borders, which span a total of 375 kilometres. The remaining 5,000 operate out of the Kremlin’s military base in Gyumri, which has permission to be stationed in Armenia for at least 22 more years with the possibility of further extension. 

Were Russian troops to withdraw from Armenia, the Armenia–Turkey border would be left unprotected. The Armenian army, significantly weakened since the 2020 war, would have huge challenges manning the borders while remaining ready to handle the real risk of border conflicts with Azerbaijan or even  large-scale war.

Needless to say, if Armenia were to request that Russian troops leave without having an international security ally, events could end tragically for the country. Taking into account Armenia’s additional economic dependence on Russia, the decision of whether to maintain close ties with its partner state is not one that Armenia can make freely. 

When the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War took place in 2020, Western countries maintained a typically polite distance from the conflict, taking no active involvement in ending the conflict or normalising relations between the two countries. This gave Russia ample room to act as the key mediator, and take on the role of ‘saviour’ of the Armenian population of Nagorno-Karabakh. In doing so, Russia also secured its presence in the only post-Soviet conflict it did not yet have its boots in, by deploying over 2,000 peacekeepers to the region. 

Following the post-conflict withdrawal of the Armenian army from the contested region, Russian troops became the only guarantor of the security of over 120,000 Armenians living in Nagorno-Karabakh. However, the already limited Armenian forces, further weakened following the war, have continued to protect Nagorno-Karabakh’s borders with Azerbaijan and fought in several clashes following 2020, with little to no support from the peacekeepers. 

While the presence of Russian troops following the 2020 ceasefire has not prevented hostilities from erupting in Nagorno-Karabakh, nor prevented Azerbaijan from taking control of three settlements that were supposed to be under Russian control, the presence of Russian troops is still understood to be vital for the safety of the local Armenian population. 

Nonetheless, there was a distinct shift in mood in the region following the most recent attacks, with Russia’s inaction adding to growing doubts regarding the role the country plays in the region. 

In response, Arayik Harutyunyan, President of Nagorno-Karabakh, called anti-Russian sentiments the propaganda of foreign forces, and expressed his hope that the Russian troops would remain in the region for as long as possible. 

Since long before its troops were stationed in Nagorno-Karabakh, Russia has been using the conflict as leverage to extend its influence over Armenia and its policies. While it was seen as Armenia’s key ally against Azerbaijan, Armenia and Russia’s views on conflict resolution have not always aligned. This difference in approach had become more notable following the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War. Now, in light of Russia’s failure to take any action in Armenia’s interests in the September conflicts, the countries appear to be working from entirely different playbooks. 

Russia’s military leverage in Armenia is already enough to make it incredibly difficult for the Armenian state to change its foreign policy alignment. On top of this, the Armenian economy is tightly bound to the Russian market and state. 

Armenia and Russia have strong economic ties, both bilateral and multilateral, the latter within the Russia-led Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU). Back in 2013, despite having initially been passionate about the possibility of an Association Agreement with the European Union (EU), Armenia instead decided to join the EAEU, effectively closing the door on any further integration with the EU. The current Comprehensive and Enhanced Partnership Agreement (CEPA) between Armenia and the EU is the highest level of cooperation accessible to Armenia as long as it remains part of the EAEU. 

Despite limited diversification of Armenia’s trade in recent years, Russia is still the largest importer and exporter of goods to and from Armenia; diversifying trade would require significant changes to the Armenian economy. 

And last but not least, the Russian state and business have shares in almost every sector central to Armenia’s economy and infrastructure: gas, electricity, railroads, and nuclear power plants. Names of Russian businessmen can also be found amongst the shareholders of Armenia’s largest mining companies, the largest and most developed field of industry in Armenia. 

The situation that Armenia now finds itself in is the result of the Armenian government’s decisions in the past three decades of independence, and Russia’s process of deliberate colonial creep. 

It may look like Armenia now has a historic opportunity to look West and find partners who will deliver on their commitments, but the situation is fraught with risk. Any reckless decisions by the Armenian government could be not just damaging, but suicidal for Armenia and the Armenian population of Nagorno-Karabakh. 

https://oc-media.org/opinions/opinion-armenias-old-allies-have-failed-it-new-ones-have-yet-to-appear/

Zakharova: EU shows false initiatives in Armenian-Azerbaijani relations

Manouk Vasilian
Aug 31 2022

“The EU is moving with its geopolitical ambitions in the region, it does not have any positive trend in terms of the regulation of relations between the two countries. Europeans have false initiatives: they want to appropriate the laurels of success that Russia has achieved in terms of the settlement of Armenian-Azerbaijani relations. We work as mediators, and that work brings concrete results, which the parties appreciate,” Zakharova said.

 

She stressed that Russia continues meaningful work with Baku and Yerevan.

 

“The works are aimed at unblocking transport links in the South Caucasus, which is within the scope of the work of border demarcation and border security commissions. We mean an agreement on a package solution for specific routes, which will be based on respect of the territorial integrity of Armenia and Azerbaijan,” Maria Zakharova said.

President Khachaturyan, Brazil’s new ambassador highlight high-tech, astronautics as interesting fields for partnership

Manouk Vasilian

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 17:07, 1 September 2022

YEREVAN, SEPTEMBER 1, ARMENPRESS. The new Ambassador of Brazil to Armenia Fabio Vaz Pitaluga presented his credentials to President Vahagn Khachaturyan on September 1.

President Khachaturyan congratulated the ambassador on assuming office and wished productive work, the presidency said in a press release.

The Brazilian ambassador expressed readiness to put all efforts for further enriching the bilateral agenda.

Issues related to intensifying and deepening the bilateral relations were discussed.

The sides considered high technologies, astronautics, tourism and agriculture to be particularly interesting for partnership.

UN Committee observations include cases of gross human rights violations committed by Azerbaijan against Artsakh

Manouk Vasilian

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 16:54,

YEREVAN, AUGUST 31, ARMENPRESS. Concluding observations of the UN Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination include cases of gross human rights violations committed by Azerbaijan during the aggression against Artsakh in 2020 and beyond, the Ombudsman of Artsakh said in a statement.

“We note with satisfaction that the Concluding observations of the UN Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination on the fulfillment of the obligations undertaken by Azerbaijan under the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination include cases of gross human rights violations committed by Azerbaijan during the aggression against Artsakh in 2020 and beyond.

Concerns voiced by the Committee regarding the incitement of racial hatred and propagation of racist stereotypes against persons of Armenian national or ethnic origin, including by Azerbaijani government officials, as well as the lack of proper investigation, are the best evidence that discriminatory policies in Azerbaijan are implemented at the state level.

All the other cases pointed out by the Committee, such as grave human rights violations committed by the Azerbaijani military forces against prisoners of war and civilians, including extrajudicial killings, torture, ill-treatment, and arbitrary detentions, as well as the destruction of Armenian cultural and religious heritage are carried out in accordance with and in furtherance of the discriminatory state policy of Azerbaijan.

The observations presented by the Committee are part of the systematic and large-scale discriminatory policy of Azerbaijan against the people of Artsakh pursued for decades. The implementation of the discriminatory policy of Azerbaijan at the state level indicates that the path chosen by the people of Artsakh and the independent state-building have no alternative. We believe that the international recognition of Artsakh has matured as manifestation of fulfillment of the international community’s obligation to take effective measures to prevent gross human rights violations”, the statement says.

RFE/RL Armenian Report – 08/30/2022

Manouk Vasilian 
                                        Tuesday, 
New Armenia-Karabakh Road Opens
A section of a new road connecting Nagorno-Karabakh and Armenia.
A new road connecting Nagorno-Karabakh to Armenia was opened to traffic late on 
Tuesday four days after Armenian withdrawal from the nearby Lachin corridor.
The five-kilometer-wide Lachin corridor became Karabakh’s sole overland link to 
Armenia following the 2020 war with Azerbaijan. Armenian forces pulled out of 
the rest of the wider Lachin district under the terms of the Russian-brokered 
ceasefire that stopped the six-week hostilities.
The truce accord called for the construction by 2024 of a new Armenia-Karabakh 
highway that will bypass the town of Lachin and two Armenian-populated villages 
located within the corridor protected by Russian peacekeeping troops.
Bowing to strong Azerbaijani pressure, the Armenian side agreed earlier this 
month to evacuate them by August 25 and start using a new bypass road 
constructed by Azerbaijan about a dozen kilometers south of that area. 
Azerbaijani troops entered those settlements on August 26 following the 
evacuation of their last ethnic Armenian residents.
Russian peacekeepers stayed on to guarantee the safety of vehicles travelling 
between Armenia and Karabakh. The Lachin corridor was officially shut down on 
Tuesday evening.
A view of the village of Aghano in the Lachin corridor, April 16, 2022.
Karabakh’s top leaders were reportedly the first to inspect and use the new 
highway leading to Armenia.
“The Russian peacekeepers have already deployed there and will control the safe 
passage of citizens,” the Karabakh police said in a statement issued earlier in 
the day.
The Karabakh leaders arrived in an Armenian border village through a 5-kilometer 
road that links up to the highway built by the Azerbaijani side. The temporary 
road will function until Armenia builds its section of the new corridor. 
Government officials in Yerevan have said that work on that section will be 
completed by next spring.
The authorities in Stepanakert revealed the Azerbaijani demands to switch to the 
new corridor as they accused Azerbaijani forces of attacking Karabakh Armenian 
army positions in early August. At least one Azerbaijani and two Karabakh 
Armenian soldiers were killed in the fighting.
Yerevan initially rejected Baku’s demands as “not legitimate,” arguing that the 
truce accord gave Russia, Azerbaijan and Armenia three years to work out a joint 
“plan” for the construction of the new Armenia-Karabakh road. The Azerbaijani 
Foreign Ministry said, however, that the three sides agreed on the “route” of 
the new corridor early this year.
Baku, Yerevan Hold More Talks On Border Demarcation
        • Astghik Bedevian
Armenia - A view of an area in Armenia's Syunik province where Armenian and 
Azerbaijani troops are locked in a border standoff, May 14, 2021. (Photo by the 
Armenian Human Rights Defender's Office)
Senior Armenian and Azerbaijani government officials met in Moscow on Tuesday 
for the second round of negotiations on demarcating the long and heavily 
militarized border between the two states.
The officials make up an Armenian-Azerbaijani commission formed for that purpose 
in May. The commission is co-headed by Deputy Prime Minister Mher Grigorian and 
his Azerbaijani counterpart Shahin Mustafayev.
“The parties discussed organizational and procedural issues, exchanged detailed 
views on regulations for joint activities of the commissions and further work,” 
the Armenian Foreign Ministry said in a statement. It gave no other details of 
the meeting which was also attended by Russian officials led by Deputy Prime 
Minister Alexei Overchuk.
The Russian Foreign Ministry reported, for its part, that the meeting took place 
“with the advisory assistance of Russia.”
“The Russian delegation expressed its readiness to continue to provide advisory 
and technical assistance in the negotiations between the delegations of 
Azerbaijan and Armenia on the delimitation of the state border between the two 
countries,” it said.
Overchuk, Grigorian and Mustafayev also co-chair a Russian-Armenian-Azerbaijani 
working group dealing with practical modalities of opening transport links 
between Armenia and Azerbaijan. The group was set up shortly after the 
Russian-brokered ceasefire that stopped the war in Nagorno-Karabakh in November 
2020.
Deputy Prime Ministers Mher Grigorian (left) of Armenia, Alexei Overchuk 
(center) of Russia and Shahin Mustafaev of Azerbaijan.
The demarcation process is meant to end long-running border disputes and 
skirmishes between Armenian and Azerbaijani forces that have broken out 
regularly throughout the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict.
The Armenian government insisted until this spring that the delimitation and 
demarcation of the border should begin after a set of confidence-building 
measures, notably the withdrawal of Armenian and Azerbaijani troops from their 
border posts. Baku rejected that demand.
Vigen Khachatrian, an Armenian pro-government parliamentarian, said on Tuesday 
that Yerevan was right to start the demarcation talks despite Baku’s stance.
“I think that this is going to be a very long process,” Khachatrian told 
RFE/RL’s Armenian Service. “There will be enough time to discuss [the troop 
withdrawal.] This is a very delicate issue and we should avoid preconditions.”
But Tigran Abrahamian, a senior opposition lawmaker, reiterated Armenian 
opposition concerns over the outcome of the process. He claimed that Prime 
Minister Nikol Pashinian may agree to cede large chunks of Armenian territory to 
Azerbaijan.
“This haste is certainly not in Armenia’s interests because due to this 
government Armenia is currently not in a position to secure favorable terms for 
itself,” said Abrahamian.
EU’s Michel Phones Armenian, Azeri Leaders Ahead Of Summit
        • Lusine Musayelian
Belgium - European Council President Charles Michel, Armenian Prime Minister 
Nikol Pashinian and Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev begin a trilateral 
meeting in Brussels, April 6, 2022.
European Council President Charles Michel spoke with the leaders of Armenia and 
Azerbaijan by phone on Tuesday one day before holding another trilateral meeting 
with them in Brussels.
Michel, who heads the European Union’s top decision-making body, reported the 
“preparatory calls” on his Twitter page. He gave no details of the conversations.
Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev’s office said he discussed with Michel the 
agenda of the Brussels talks slated for Wednesday. For its part, the Armenian 
government said Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian and the EU leader expressed hope 
that the talks will be productive.
The previous meetings of the three men took place in April and May. Michel 
reported major progress after them. In particular, he said on May 23 that Aliyev 
and Pashinian agreed to “advance discussions” on a comprehensive peace treaty 
between their countries.
Aliyev’s chief foreign policy aide, Hikmet Hajiyev, said over the weekend that 
the upcoming summit should result in the formation of a working group tasked 
with drafting the Armenian-Azerbaijani peace treaty. Pashinian’s office did not 
confirm or deny that.
Baku wants the treaty to uphold Azerbaijani sovereignty over Karabakh. Yerevan 
has said, for its part, that such a document should address the disputed 
territory’s status.
Hundreds Of Armenians Still Missing After 2020 Karabakh War
Armenia - Kristine Grigorian addresses the National Assembly shorly before being 
elected Armenia's new human rights defender, Yerevan, January 24, 2022.
More than 300 Armenian soldiers and civilians remain unaccounted for after the 
war in Nagorno-Karabakh, Armenia’s human rights ombudswoman, Kristine Grigorian, 
said on Tuesday.
“According to data presented by the International Committee of the Red Cross in 
August 2022, 303 persons are still considered missing as a result of the 44-day 
war in 2020,” Grigorian said in a statement marking the International Day of the 
Disappeared.
The figure presumably includes ethnic Armenian residents of Karabakh. About two 
dozen local civilians were listed as missing as of September 2021. According to 
the authorities in Stepanakert, most of them lived in Karabakh towns and 
villages captured by Azerbaijani forces during the six-week hostilities stopped 
by a Russian-brokered ceasefire in November 2020.
“The lack of cooperation by Azerbaijani authorities makes it impossible to 
accurately estimate the number of missing persons, obtain credible information 
about their fate or whereabouts, and ascertain whether they are still alive,” 
read a separate statement released by the Armenian Foreign Ministry on the 
occasion.
Grigorian similarly accused Baku of providing “distorted or no information at 
all on the prisoners of war, civilian captives, and missing persons” in breach 
of international humanitarian law.
Armenian soldiers are thought to make up a majority of the missing persons. Baku 
has acknowledged holding only 39 prisoners of war and civilian captives.
Human rights lawyers in Yerevan say they have documentary evidence suggesting 
that at least 80 other Armenians were also captured during the war. The Foreign 
Ministry statement described the Armenian prisoners as hostages.
According to the International Committee of the Red Cross, as many as 4,900 
people from both conflicting sides have been missing since the start of the 
first Armenian-Azerbaijani war in 1991.
Reposted on ANN/Armenian News with permission from RFE/RL
Copyright (c) 2022 Radio Free Europe / Radio Liberty, Inc.
1201 Connecticut Ave., N.W. Washington DC 20036.

“There are elements of crisis in Armenian-Russian relations”: opinion

Manouk Vasilian

Aug 29 2022


  • JAMnews
  • Yerevan

Armenian-Russian cooperation agreement

Armenia and Russia signed the Treaty of Friendship, Cooperation and Mutual Assistance twenty-five years ago today, August 29. The Foreign Ministries exchanged statements underscoring the importance of allied relations on the anniversary of the signing.

A telephone call between the Prime Minister of Armenia and the President of Russia also took place. Pashinyan and Putin are reported to have congratulated each other, the leaders “expressing confidence that the mutually beneficial relations between Armenia and Russia will continue to develop and be strengthened effectively.”

However, Armenian analysts say that not everything is as smooth as it could be or should have been. According to political scientist Suren Surenyants, the cooperation agreement is a comprehensive document that fixes the relationship between the two states. Meanwhile, “in real life there are discrepancies that do not correspond to the spirit of the document.”

According to economist Armen Ktoyan, dependence on Russia, which is under sanctions, significantly limits the possibilities of development in Armenia.

Diplomatic statements by Yerevan and Moscow on the 25th anniversary of the cooperation agreement, and analytical opinion about the document and Armenian-Russian relations in general.

  • Note from Russian Embassy to Armenian Foreign Ministry: Armenians react and analyst comment
  • Peacekeepers or border guards? Russian checkpoints on the roads of Armenia
  • Putin-Erdogan negotiations: agreements on the region and risks for Armenia. Opinion

The Armenian Foreign Ministry described the mutual assistance agreement as a “key document” that “determines the principles and priorities of interstate relations” between the two countries.

“Regular trust-based contacts between the leadership of Armenia and Russia are of decisive importance for building up bilateral potential, allowing not only resolution of pressing issues, but coordination on key regional and international problems,” the Armenian Foreign Ministry said in a statement.

Moscow stressed that the agreement was an important milestone in the bilateral partnership to become a real alliance.

“We are ready to continue to help Yerevan as an ally in strengthening its defense capability and border security, and in regulating relations with its neighbors,” the congratulatory message from Russia reads.

Protests in Yerevan demanding the protection of NK, the Kremlin’s reaction to Pashinyan’s statements on peacekeepers, an explanation from the ruling party of Armenia about what it meant, and an expert’s comments

Political scientist Suren Surenyants believes that the agreement signed in 1997 is indeed the basis of Armenian-Russian relations, but that there’s more than meets the eye.

He says that at the time the document was signed, Armenian-Russian relations were more natural, and Armenia’s role in the region was stronger.

“Armenia was gradually losing its dependency, especially after the war. This could not but affect the nature and direction of Armenian-Russian relations. While at the time Armenia was Russia’s only ally in the region, Russia has now documented relations with Azerbaijan as well,” Surenyants said in an interview with JAMnews.

In his opinion, despite Armenia’s dissatisfaction with the level of allied relations, it has no other choice:

“Is there another geopolitical center or state that is ready to be a more responsible ally? I think not, at the moment. Not that Armenia could even choose another option and find itself in more favorable conditions.”

Surenyants has doubts and reservations not about the agreement itself, but about its fulfillment:

“The problem is that in real life, especially today, there are certain differences and even some elements of crisis in Armenian-Russian relations, which contradict the spirit of the document. I would like the current level of these relations to be adapted to the spirit and logic of the document.”

Surenyants considers it natural that relations between Armenia and Russia were initially asymmetrical. He says that is also the relationship of the United States with its many allies.

He emphasizes that Yerevan and Moscow are on the same economic, political plane and in a single security environment. Therefore, the task of Armenia is to maintain allied relations at the highest possible level in diplomatic relations.

“Allied relations should be protected from all risks that may arise as a result of relations between Russia and other regional players.”

According to Doctor of Political Sciences Dzhumshud Nuriev, Russian provocations can move from Central Asia to the Caucasus – to Georgia and Azerbaijan

Economist Armen Ktoyan says the Russian Federation is Armenia’s main trading partner, and this can be seen as both an advantage and a disadvantage.

“The advantage is that we thus have a large market in which we can sell our products and services. It is easier and more convenient for our manufacturers. On the other hand, when you get used to ease, you face significant difficulties in entering more complex markets,” Ktoyan told JAMnews.

In Ktoyan’s opinion, after joining the Eurasian Economic Union, which operates under the auspices of Russia, Armenia’s dependence on the Russian Federation has increased even more and continues to grow.

The economist believes that dependence on a single main partner which is under sanctions significantly limits Armenia’s opportunities for development and diversification.

According to Ktoyan, Armenia will feel this negative impact more strongly over time, although this process is currently benefiting it:

“Russians are coming to Armenia, they are moving their business here, Armenia has managed to generate double-digit growth in economic activity so far, but all this is short-term.”

Ktoyan regards it as a disadvantage that Russia alone invests in certain sectors of the Armenian economy, and holds that Western companies simply do not have the opportunity to penetrate these areas:

“Increasing the share of Western companies may be more profitable for us. They have an established business culture and more advanced technology.”

India to send medicines to Ukraine as humanitarian assistance

Manouk Vasilian

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 09:54, 25 August 2022

YEREVAN, AUGUST 25, ARMENPRESS. India is ready to dispatch the 12th batch of humanitarian assistance at Ukraine’s request, Indian Permanent Representative to the United Nations Ruchira Kamboj said on Wednesday, reports TASS.

According to the Indian diplomat, the cargoes include 26 types of medicines, including hemostatic bandages.

She stressed that India’s position is to promote dialogue and diplomacy to put an end to the conflict and ease economic problems stemming from the situation in Ukraine.

Four arrested in Stepanakert fire investigation

Manouk Vasilian

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 09:52,

YEREVAN, AUGUST 26, ARMENPRESS. Four people are under arrest amid an ongoing investigation into the August 25 fire in Stepanakert city, the prosecution of Artsakh said in a statement.

The fire broke out in the territory of the Stepanakert Industrial Combine and starting spreading in the area where ammunition was illegally stored, which caused the subsequent explosion.

No one was injured in the incident.

The four arrested people are suspected in illegally acquiring and storing ammunition.