Turkey, EU: Accession Reluctance on Both Sides

Stratfor
Oct 6 2006

Turkey, EU: Accession Reluctance on Both Sides
October 06, 2006 19 16 GMT

Summary

During a state visit to Turkey, German Chancellor Angela Merkel laid
out the conditions under which Turkey can continue membership talks
with the European Union. The conditions are ones the Turks do not
particularly care for, and mark an inflection point in Turkish-European
relations. This time next year, Turkey will be a very different place.

Analysis

In an Oct. 5 speech in Turkey, German Chancellor Angela Merkel flatly
informed the Turks that restarting the country’s stalled EU accession
negotiations would require Turkey to first allow for unrestricted
trade with both Greek and Turkish Cypriot ports — a step it has
already agreed to but that is tantamount to recognizing Cyprus.

Merkel’s statement marks the beginning of the end of rapprochement
between the Europeans and the Turks, and the beginning of a new era
of Turkish angst.

By many measures, Turkey is the perfect candidate for EU membership,
but from Europe’s point of view, every bonus has a drawback. The
Turkish market might be large and growing, but the country’s wealth
level is at the low end of the European scale. Turkey might have a
long history of interaction with Europe, but most of that was as a
conqueror that laid siege to Vienna twice (which explains why Austria
is the most hostile to Turkish membership of any EU state). But most of
all, though Turkey’s population is young and large, it also is Muslim.

Thus, though all European leaders have voiced their commitment to
Turkey’s accession process, few are genuinely excited about it.

Merkel’s statement simply publicized the feelings of most of Europe:
Turkey cannot join.

However, contrary to conventional wisdom, Europe is not the only
partner in this tango who is having second (and third, fourth and
fifth) thoughts about Turkish admittance.

Turks love the idea of being a member of the European Union, but
there are some big steps that country would have to take before it
could even begin implementing the reforms necessary to qualify.

Turkey would have to admit to ongoing persecution of the Kurds
and to Armenian genocide — and perhaps even pay reparations and
allow limited resettlement. The country would have to surrender
all territorial claims it has with existing EU states, most notably
islands in the Aegean Sea that are disputed with Greece. Turkey would
have to fully and irrevocably sever all political connections between
its government and its military — the EU only admits states with
full civilian control. And, as per Merkel’s statement, Turkey would
have to not only allow trade with Cyprus, but fully recognize it as
a political and economic ally.

Once these steps — which all existing EU states took early in their
own accession negotiations — are done, Turkey can seriously begin
to discuss joining the European Union. However, any Turkish leader
who did these things would be lynched in the streets — assuming he
lived long enough to reach them.

Policymakers in both Brussels and Ankara have sought to sidestep
these thorny problems for the past several years, with leaders on
both sides suggesting the issues be put off until the tail end of
the accession process. This is good in theory but bad in practice —
particularly if neither side ever really intends to budge.

The Turks now need to answer one very simple question: What is next?

First, they will seek confirmation of Merkel’s stance. This will not
be difficult; they need simply look to places such as Vienna, Athens
and Nicosia to discover that the anti-Turk feeling is alive and well.

Should they want further confirmation, they need wait no longer than
May 2007, when French elections will likely replace the pro-Turk
Jacques Chirac with a far more circumspect leader. Whether the French
choose Segolene Royal or Nicolas Sarkozy, both have argued that Turkey
does not belong in the European Union as a full member.

After that, the Turks will have some soul searching to do. Though
the customs agreement they currently enjoy with Europe can withstand
a change in the relationship’s overall tenor, Turkey has framed its
policies for more than a decade with the goal of knocking on Europe’s
door. The Turks will now need to re-evaluate their other (less than
spectacular) options.

Ankara wants to enhance its influence in Central Asia, given its
linguistic and ethnic ties to the region, but this is something that
provided only middling returns in the 1990s. It also is looking to
assert itself as a leader of the Muslim world through the Organization
of the Islamic Conference, in which Ankara currently holds the position
of secretary-general; yet since Turkey was one of the non-Turkic
region’s past conquerors, it is not altogether trusted. The only
option left — as politically unpopular as it might be — is a firmer
U.S. alignment.

For obvious reasons, none of these is a good choice. What is certain
is that Turkey’s identity crisis will resonate most strongly at home.

If secular Europe is not to frame Turkey’s future, then Islam will rush
in to fill the vacuum, setting up a vast array of possibilities for
clashes between Turkey’s Islamophilic government and its Islamophobic
(and coup-prone) military. The Turkish balancing act just got a whole
lot tougher.

Blocher insists on revised anti:racism law

Blocher insists on revised anti:racism law

SwissInfo, Switzerland
Neue Zurcher Zeitung
Oct 6 2006

Swiss Justice Minister Christoph Blocher says he is intent on revising
Switzerland’s anti:racism law, confirming comments he made in Turkey
earlier this week.

Blocher’s original remarks, made in Ankara, caused an uproar in
Switzerland among politicians and the media. The cabinet is to discuss
the minister’s statement soon.

Speaking in Zurich on Friday, Blocher said he said he was surprised by
the criticism he faced back home after making his comments. He added
that what bothered him in the legislation was the "tense relationship"
between freedom of speech and anti:racism legislation.

Freedom of expression was essential to democracy, affirmed the
minister. "I want people to be able to express themselves in
Switzerland, even if their opinion doesn’t appeal to everyone,"
he added.

During his trip to Turkey, Blocher had remarked that part of the
anti:racism law : adopted in 1994 and including sections aimed
at preventing revisionist views about the Holocaust : gave him a
"headache".

The law has led to investigations against two Turks, including a
historian, in Switzerland for allegedly denying the 1915 Armenian
massacre.

Blocher said a working group at his ministry was re:examining the law,
in particular article 261bis, adding that it was up to the government,
parliament and possibly the population, to decide on any changes.

Blocher said on Friday that he had not many any promises to the
Turkish government on the matter.

Armenians say around 1.8 million of their people were killed in the
massacre. Turkey disputes this, putting the figure closer to 200,000.

Under Swiss law any act of denying, belittling or justifying genocide
is a violation of the country’s anti:racism legislation.

Storm of protest Blocher’s comments unleashed a storm of protest in
Switzerland. On Thursday Interior Minister Pascal Couchepin said that
the justice minister’s remarks were "unacceptable".

For his part, President Moritz Leuenberger said he was surprised,
adding that the cabinet would discuss the issues arising from
Blocher’s comments.

Three of the main political parties in government have also condemned
the remarks. Blocher’s own rightwing Swiss People’s Party has so far
declined to comment.

However, the House of Representatives, which has just ended its autumn
parliamentary session, has decided against debating on the issue.

Several political commentators have called the comments provocative
and have questioned whether the anti:racism law, voted on by the
population, could be changed.

Marcel Niggli, professor of law of Fribourg University, told swissinfo
that it was strange that Blocher should have made the remarks during
a trip abroad and that he should have defended and not criticised
the law.

Blocher said that on the whole the trip has been positive and that
his Turkish counterpart Cemil Cicek had assured him that he was ready
to create a commission made up of historians from different countries
that would have access to Turkish and Armenian archives.

swissinfo with agencies

Keghi: Yesterday, Today and Tomorrow

Keghi: Yesterday, Today and Tomorrow

By Isabel Kaprielian-Churchill
The Armenian Weekly

September 30, 2006

Ever since I was a child, I had heard about Garin from my mother: the
Russian cannons bombarding in the distance; my grandfather pounding his
brass and copper vessels; my pious grandmother stirring the congregation of
Sourp Astvatsatsin with her ethereal voice. But it was Keghi that had fired
my imagination: my father mesmerizing us with stories of village life,
slapping his knee, clapping his hands and triumphantly exclaiming, "Hassoin
hashiva makrivav," as he described how he and his friends chased off the
Kurdish bandit Haso and his gang of cut-throat sheep thieves. My father told
us about the fragility of life in Keghi at the hands of outlaws, tribal
warlords and corrupt government officials, and the valiant efforts of
Armenian villagers to defend their families and their properties. And
always, the life-giving mountains figured in his stories: the waters gushing
from the mountainsides in spring and the high verdant pastures offering
sustenance to the villagers’ sheep in summer.

I had long hoped to visit these places, to throw a kiss to the mountains
that had formed so much of my childhood lore, and to shed a tear in the Kyle
River as its waters rushed to replenish the great Euphrates. So in 2004, my
husband and I embarked on a pilgrimage to Garin, my mother’s birthplace,
and to Jerman village in Keghi, my father’s birthplace. Luckily they are
not far apart, as Keghi is a county in the Garin province.

We traveled to Garin first and found it a relatively modern industrial city
with paved roads, automobiles, public transit, busy streets, billboard
signs, apartment dwellings, factories, pollution-all the hustle and bustle
of modern urban life.

By contrast, Keghi was still shambling along in the early 20th century.
Here, time had all but stood still since my father had left his beloved
mountains for Canada in 1912 as a migrant worker to earn money to improve
his family’s properties in Jerman.

Today, Keghi is still a rural place, strewn with many villages and one
small-very small-town, the county capital of Keghi-Kasaba (Kgi). The
principal economic base of the region is still agriculture-primitive
agriculture at that. Peasants still live in stone and mud-brick hovels, farm
small plots of land, and care for their goats. As in the days of the
Armenians, there is some business activity in a few of the bigger villages:
small coffee shops, little stores selling food, tobacco, clothing and
hardware supplies, and a few shoemakers, barbers, lawyers, doctors, and some
schools. But we saw no major industry, no tractors or harvesters. And
everywhere we went, our van caused a big commotion-a novelty among the
local inhabitants.

We also observed anachronisms in this glorious Shangri-la. A massive dam
spanning the Kyle or Wolf River (now the Peri Su) that cuts through Keghi
has brought a stroke of modernity to this slow-moving part of the world.
Here, a man harvested his grain with a scythe, then stopped to telephone his
son on his cell phone. There, women baked bread in a tonir, dug into the
open earth, next to a house with an indoor toilet, running water and a TV.
People drove automobiles and trucks on roads that were still mostly dirt and
gravel, still dangerous and often impassable with potholes and bumps at
every twist and turn. The area seemed in transition-somewhat
disjointed-perhaps struggling to retain its old ways and customs, and
stepping ever so carefully into the modern era. A place, I thought, that was
suspicious of innovation and change.

Since my teenage years, I have been proud of my mountain stock; and like my
ancestors, I have valued my independence. As if to prove a point, I used to
sing the Dalvorig song, to my father’s unmistakable delight and my
mother’s feigned disapproval. When I finally saw the awesome mountains of
Keghi, a supernatural force seemed to take hold of me. My spirits soared to
the summits. I wanted to embrace the mountains.

Since ancient times, an aura of sanctity has hung over the mountain of Sourp
Luis ("St. Light"). When I saw the mountain, etched against a cloudless
blue sky, I felt that its rocks were part of me and that I was part of the
mountain. As if aware of my turbulent emotions, the mountain thundered in
response: "Come to me and I will shelter you and give you peace. Use my
stones to rebuild your churches and monasteries in my lofty heights and I
will defend them against your enemies. As steadfast as I stand here, so
steadfast will be your resistance to tyranny and murder."

For centuries, the mountains of Keghi protected the Armenians: the Bingol
Mountains to the east, the Der Sim to the West, and the Sheitan mountains to
the north. The Sheitans hid the villages from the lame but wily destroyer,
Ta­mer­lane (Lengtemur), and for that reason, the villages of Jerman,
Melikan, Shen, Amarij and Arins are known as andress, or unseen. But
Tamer­lane ravaged and pillaged the rest of Keghi, looting, burning,
killing. The Persian Shah Abbas II also wreaked his vengeance on the area.
Villagers fled to the Der Sim Mountains. Here they remained until reason and
calm ruled the land once again. Then they descended to the valley below and
reconstructed their villages and repaired their churches.

According to Keghi legend, Der Sim was named after the Armenian priest Der
Simon. The Kurds of Der Sim, so the story goes, invited two Armenian
builders to construct houses for them. During their work, the Armenians
discovered a gravestone marked "Der Simon, Vartabed." Immediately the
Armenians asked the Kurds for the precious stone, saying it should be placed
in the St. Kevork church in the village of Hertif. The Kurds, however,
refused, on the grounds that in times past, they too were Armenians and had
escaped to the mountains during the Arab invasions. Der Simon, they
emphasized, had been loved by all the inhabitants.

The language of the Der Simtsis was a mixture of Armenian and Kurdish, and
their religion combined Christianity and Islam. During the Genocide, these
same mountain clans helped Armenians find refuge in the Der Sim Mountains,
safe from Turkish rampage.

As we drove along the main Keghi road, I gazed at the Peri Su and marveled
at its beauty. All the while, another vision kept haunting me-the same
river almost 100 years ago. Was it here that my father’s first wife,
running away from a Kurdish pursuer, panic-stricken, threw her young self
into the raging water? Was it there that my aunt’s mother, bereft at the
murder of her husband and brother, tried to drown herself and her four young
children? Their screams and those of their terrified people surely rose up
to the mountain tops and the mountains, outraged, and echoed their cries
over and over and over again. It is eerie how stories from our past lurch
forth, and how, unsummoned, they jostle to the front of our forehead and
stand firmly next to our own djagadakeer [destiny].

Along our way, we visited many villages. We were hospitably received by the
Kurds who now dominate the region. They offered us tan and madzoon, tea,
bread, and even Keghetsi beorag. In village after village, we saw ruined
churches and monasteries. Some had been converted to mosques; others,
partially standing, served as stables or garbage dumps. Still others were
totally laid waste, their stones littered about as if being reclaimed by the
mountains.

Some stones were reused for other buildings. Where the lovely St. Giragos
monastery once stood, we found only rubble, overgrown with weeds. The abbey
had been pillaged in the 1890s and much of its lands confiscated. The year
1915 saw the completion of the plunder. As I looked at the stones of the
nearby house, I noticed one with a number of crosses carved in it by
pilgrims. How much faith and devotion had gone into that stone! How many
sharagans and prayers it had heard! How much joy and pain, how much laughter
and tears it had witnessed over the centuries! I comforted myself by saying
that at least this stone had not been shattered by Turkish artillery nor
defaced by a wild, angry mob. At least it still remained as evidence of my
father’s world. So intensely was I staring at the stone that the little
crosses seemed to turn into tears. The stone was weeping. "I am still
here," it sobbed, "All alone, forsaken. When will you return to restore me
to my rightful place in your sanctuary?" With tears welling, I said a
little prayer and slipped away carrying with me the spirit of the stone.

Keghi seemed peaceful enough. Men farmed, goat­herds tended their flock,
wo­men sewed their vermags [blankets], washed their laundry in the mountain
springs. All seemed idyllic in this radiant valley. All appeared
normal-normal as in the past, for if we stripped away the layers we would
find a region still marked by violence, insecurity and fear. Here, the
military is every­where, kee­ping constant vigilance on travelers and on the
Kurdish population. Were Kurdish insurgents roaming the mountains, carrying
on their clandestine struggle for autonomy? Did the peasants own the land
they so assiduously tilled or were they sharecroppers exploited by large
absentee landlords? What was the relationship between these rural settlers
and their husbands and fathers working in western European cities? Would the
Turkish government deport these villagers as it had done with the Der
Simtsis, or destroy them as it had tried to do with the Armenians?

As we waved goodbye to the children of Jerman, renamed Yedisu, who had
gathered to see us off, devouring the chocolates and clutching the little
toys we had given them, I felt neither disheartened nor depressed. I was
thinking only of history. I recalled the many old churches, abbeys, castles
and medieval towns I had visited in Europe, and thought how wonderful it was
that 10th and 11th century structures were still standing. But if we read
their history, every single one of them has been destroyed or decayed and
rebuilt again and again. Caen in Normandy, for example, the seat of William
the Conqueror, suffered during the Hundred Years War and again during the
wars of religion, when the Huguenots went so far as to scatter William’s
old bones to the winds. The city was again ravaged during the French
Revolution and yet again during World War II when Allied bombs leveled 85
percent of the city. Each time, Caen has been resurrected and today it
stands resplendent, worthy of the powerful conqueror and his prestigious
queen.

I thought of how the Republic of Armenia is conserving and renovating a
precious heritage. And I thought of the current political and religious
conditions that thwart all efforts at restoration and preservation in our
ancient homeland in present-day Turkey. But, if anything, history reveals,
time and time again, that regimes change, priorities change, empires rise
and fall.

How many times have Armenians been driven from their homeland and how many
times have they returned? How many times have they reconstructed their
castles and their fortresses, restored their churches and monasteries and
made them even more beautiful than before? Some day, the stones will find
their rightful place in St. Giragos, Aghtamar and Ani. Once again the
villages and towns will repossess their Armenian names. Once again Sourp
Luis will stand as the sacred symbol of Keghi. And once again the mountains
will yield their stones to build our sanctuaries, which will rise like peaks
to the heavens, extensions of the mountains themselves.

–Boundary_(ID_49r6ZFFP3UAZa9bSAYfZhQ )–

www.armenianweekly.com

Arab-Armenian Relations: An Enduring Friendship In A Tense Neighbour

ARAB-ARMENIAN RELATIONS: AN ENDURING FRIENDSHIP IN A TENSE NEIGHBOURHOOD
By Sharif Hikmat Nashashibi*

Alarab online, UK
Oct 5 2006

With sectarian tensions in Iraq and other regional countries, there
is a success story that has been overlooked, and which should serve
as a model of communal harmony and co-existence.

Good relations between Arabs and Armenians go back centuries, despite
being of different ethnicity and faith – the Arabs were the first
people to adopt Islam, and Armenia was the first country to officially
adopt Christianity, in 502 AD – and despite regional politics that
have at times sought to drive a wedge between the two peoples.

There are commonalities in terms of culture, music, arts and
traditions. For example, the famous Matenadaran (the depository of
ancient Armenian manuscripts) contains no less than 700 in Arabic.

However, Armenians are perhaps most easily distinguishable by their
surnames, which end in ‘ian’.

Undoubtedly, the most pivotal event in their relationship is the
Ottoman massacres of up to 1.5 million Armenians from 1915-23,
which Turkey to this day refuses to recognize. To put the scale of
the slaughter into perspective, the population of Armenia – which
borders Georgia to the north, Azerbaijan to the east, Iran to the
south and Turkey to the west – today stands at just 3 million.

The Arab world, despite being predominantly Muslim like the Turks,
gave Armenians safe haven, resulting in Armenian communities in most
Arab countries – particularly Egypt, Iraq, Jordan, Lebanon, Palestine
and Syria – that today number in the hundreds of thousands. This
may be due to the fact that Arabs had common cause with Armenians
in opposing centuries of Ottoman rule, and paying a heavy price for
such resistance.

However Vartan Melkonian, whose childhood was spent in a predominantly
Armenian orphanage in Lebanon, tells me that it is down to the "very
strong Arab culture of hospitality and welcoming."

Through the Melkonian Foundation, founded in 1982, the
Lebanese-Armenian orchestra conductor – who lives in the UK but calls
Lebanon his home – has raised awareness and money for Arab and Armenian
children and orphans in need.

"Armenians not only survived in Arab countries, but they were given the
opportunity to rise and become full citizens in their new homes, while
preserving their national identity," said Armenian Foreign Minister
Vartan Oskanian after signing a Memorandum of Mutual Understanding
with the Arab League in January 2005. "Grateful Armenians will never
forget the humane approach of the Arab people."

This was reciprocated when, for instance, Armenia acted as a refuge
during the 1975-1990 Lebanese civil war.

In turn, "much of our support, when Armenia, after its independence
[from the Soviet Union in 1991], was in pretty bad shape, has come
from the Arabs…despite the fact that [they] had their own problems,"
says Richard Hrair Dekmejian, professor of political science at the
University of Southern California, adding that "some Armenians have
assumed the role of Arab nationalists."

The presence of large and successful Armenian communities in the
Arab world "plays a very positive role in advancing and developing
our…good relations with all Arab countries," says Oskanian, adding
that this has influenced his government’s foreign policies.

"Since gaining independence, the Republic of Armenia has been
committed to improving relations with Arab states. We’ve achieved
tangible successes," he says. "We’ve signed a number of bilateral
documents in various fields, created intergovernmental commissions,
have frequent exchange visits, established working ties at all levels,
and conduct mutual cultural events."

A recent example is the official visit to Armenia of Sheikh Dr
Sultan bin Mohammed Al Qasimi, a member of the United Arab Emirates’
Supreme Council and ruler of the Emirate of Sharjah, during which he
inaugurated the Sharjah Cultural Week (19-22 September 2005).

He was given by Armenian President Robert Kocharian the Saint Mesrob
Mashtots Order, one of the highest in Armenia. Al Qasimi also planted
a tree of Arab friendship at Genocide Monument in the capital Yerevan.

There is lucrative business between Arab Gulf states and Armenia,
which also recently signed economic protocols with Egypt (the first
Arab country to open a full-scale embassy in Yerevan), and whose
communities in the Arab world have done well economically, better
than their compatriots back home.

This, as well as their thorough integration in Arab societies, is
perhaps why there has not been large-scale emigration to Armenia
after its independence.

There is also alignment politically. On Iraq, "it’s our desire to
see…a sovereign, united, stable and democratic state," says Oskanian.

And in the Middle East peace process, Armenia has "always expressed
its solidarity with the Arab position. The establishment of an
independent Palestinian state is at the core of the process of
establishing regional security and stability."

It is apt, then, that the new Palestinian ambassador to the UK is
an Armenian married to an Arab. "When I was appointed ambassador,
the Armenian community [in Jerusalem] threw a farewell party for
me. They were so proud," Manuel Hassassian, whose father escaped the
Turkish massacre, tells me.

"This is a reflection to what extent we’re one and the same. I
can strike a lot of parallels between Armenia and Palestine at all
levels. To maintain our presence until now, despite wars, occupation,
70 years of communism, and to get an independent Armenia, brings hope
that one day Palestinians will get their independence."

Armenian support for this goal has not been simply political. The
Palestine Liberation Organisation trained Armenian fighters in the
1960s and 1970s, according to Hassassian.

Arab-Armenian relations have weathered regional storms. For instance,
Armenians in Lebanon did not get involved in the civil war there.

Also, efforts by Azerbaijan and Turkey to garner Arab support in the
Azeri-Armenian war and dispute over the Nagorno-Karabakh enclave,
by portraying it as a Muslim-Christian conflict, have failed.

Arab-Armenian relations have been solidified by what Dekmejian
describes as a growing Israeli-Turkish-Azeri "axis." Incidentally,
Turkey was the first Muslim country to recognize Israel, the year
after its establishment in 1948, and Azerbaijan hosted far-right
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in September 1997.

"Pro-Israeli lobbies…have been agitating, working in Washington
with the Turkish lobbies against Armenia’s interests," says Dekmejian.

When asked whether he relates more to his Armenian or Arab side,
Hassassian responds: "I asked one of my university students, who was
from Kuwait but originally Palestinian, for whom he would cheer if
the Palestinian national football team played against Kuwait. He said
he would cheer for the best player."

My mother’s aunt Lily Nicolian – a Syrian-Armenian whose grandfather
negotiated with the French and British ambassadors in Lebanon to save
hundreds from Ottoman attack, and encouraged families to take them in –
sees no distinction. "We’re close friends, like one family."

Sometimes, quite literally.

* Sharif Hikmat Nashashibi is the Arab Media Watch chairman

Source: cxlbx

?fname=2006%5C10%5C10-05%5Czopinionz%5C969.htm&amp ;dismode=x&ts=05/10/2006%2011:39:22%20%C3%95

http://www.arabmediawatch.com/amw/zopinionz
http://english.alarabonline.org/display.asp

ANKARA: Europe Reacts To Chirac: Genocide Recognition Not A Pre-Cond

EUROPE REACTS TO CHIRAC: GENOCIDE RECOGNITION NOT A PRE-CONDITION

Zaman, Turkey
Oct 3 2006

Remarks made by the French President Jacques Chirac implying that
Turkey needs to recognize the alleged Armenian genocide to become
an EU member were not welcomed in Europe. The EU Commission declared
that recognition of the alleged genocide was not a pre-condition for
full membership.

The Council of Europe criticized Chirac, as Chairman of the
Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE) Rene van
der Linden said: "It is not new that Jacques Chirac has made such
statements.

The game has already started. You cannot change the rules of the game
while it is on. Like other European states, France signed a document
to start discussions on Turkey’s EU membership. Jacques Chirac has
made a mere political statement. I do not think this position is
right." Linden also noted that those who favor more reforms in Turkey
should be supported.

The EU Commission, despite pressure from the Armenian lobby, refused
to define the 1915 incidents as genocide. The Commission’s 2005 report
cited the incidents as "the tragic events of 1915."

In response to the remarks Chirac made in Yerevan, spokesperson the
EU Commissioner, Krisztina Nagy said that genocide recognition was
not a criterion set for full membership, and also stressed that the EU
attached great importance to the normalization of bilateral relations
between the EU and Turkey.

Recalling that compromise was a fundamental EU value, Nagy further
noted that Turkey was expected to address the issue within the
framework of an open and free public discussion.

The Commission refuses to recognize the 1915 incidents as genocide.

Instead, in the annual report it referred to the incidents as tragic
events.

The Council of Europe also criticized Chirac, who asserted that
Turkey should recognize the alleged Armenian genocide to qualify for
EU membership. Chairman of PACE, Rene van der Linden, in reference
to Chirac’s remarks, said because the membership requirements were
set beforehand, it was not right to create new conditions.

The Chairman, who found Chirac’s statements "political," stressed
that politicians should be discreet and fulfill their promises and
commitments.

In a statement he made in Yerevan on Saturday, French President Jacques
Chirac for the first time asserted that Turkey should recognize the
alleged Armenian genocide to become an EU member. He recalled that
France had recognized the alleged genocide in 2001.

Meanwhile, the French paper, Le Figaro, opined that Chirac’s statements
were more beneficial and profitable for France than having adopted
a bill that penalizes the denial of the alleged Armenian genocide.

Le Figaro headlined Chirac’s statement and the paper’s editorial
also covered the story. The paper also commented that an analogy
between the alleged Armenian genocide and the Nazi Holocaust would
cause serious criticisms, and noted that Jews in particular would
not welcome such a comparison.

Chirac Criterion?

Often silent regarding the atrocities committed by the French troops
in Algeria, Chirac, when suggesting that Turkey should accept the
Armenian allegations for EU membership, stated that countries earn
more respect when they admit their own mistakes and dramas.

BAKU: Finnish Foreign Minister Hopes For Peaceful Settlement Of NK C

FINNISH FOREIGN MINISTER HOPES FOR PEACEFUL SETTLEMENT OF NK CONFLICT
Author: S.Agayeva

TREND Information, Azerbaijan
Oct 3 2006

The Foreign Minister of Finland Erkki Tuomioya hopes for the peaceful
settlement of Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, Tuomioya himself briefed
journalists of October 3 in Baku, Trend reports.

The Minister positively assessed the activities of the OSCE Minsk
Group, of which co-chairs demonstrate intensive activities in the
regulation process of the conflict over the recent period. He stressed
that he fully believed it during the recent meeting with the co-chairs
held in Helsinki.

The Finland Foreign Minister considers that the action plan regarding
individual co-operation of the European Union with Azerbaijan is not
a tool to resolve the Nagorno-Karabakh problem. He considers that
the conflict may be settled only within the format of the Minsk Group.

In his turn, the EU Commissioner Benito-Ferrero Valdner who is in Baku
on a visit supported his earlier position that increasing the military
expenditures of Azerbaijan may cause the raise of the tension in the
region. EU urges its decrease.

EIF Announces Armenian 24-Hour Web Open Source Programming Marathon

EIF ANNOUNCES ARMENIAN 24-HOUR WEB OPEN SOURCE PROGRAMMING MARATHON

SYS-CON Media, NJ
Sept 28 2006

Sun Microsystems And Sourcio To Sponsor The Marathon
By: Enterprise Open Source News Desk

Enterprise Incubator Foundation (EIF) and Open Soft Consult teams
announced the launch of first Armenian 24-hour Web Open Source (WebOS)
programming marathon which will take place 14 October 2006.

Armenia IT industry is considered one of the most prominent and
progressive economic sectors with deep historic roots and traditions
in high tech R&D areas. Armenian programmers and engineers had
long started forming alliances and getting engaged in international
contracts with companies in neighboring countries and off-shore.

Open Source 24-hour programming marathon is scheduled to launch 14
October 2006 with an ambitious but realistic goal to promote Armenia’s
potential as one of attractive destinations of highly developed
information technology sector and professional young specialists.

Open Source 24-hour Marathon will motivate the IT area professionals
and engage them in open source development. The objectives of the
marathon is to discover Armenian young IT talents, new ideas and
specialists, help to form businesses in open source technologies,
provide them modern knowledge as well as promote open source
programming in Armenia.

The participants of the Marathon can register at the webos2006 website
and within 24-hours submit their projects to the steering board. The
best projects will be rewarded with interesting prizes.

The event will be publicized both locally and internationally, via
the TV, newspapers, magazines and internet.

The Marathon is sponsored by IT Development Support Council, Union
of Information Technology Enterprise, Sun Microsystems and Sourcio.

Position of Coruz and Albayrak on The Genocide still not clarified

Federation of Armenian Organisations in The Netherlands (FAON)
April 24 Committee For Recognition and Commemoration of the Armenian
Genocide of 1915
Address: Weesperstraat 91 – 2574 VS Den Haag
Tel. +31704490209
Contact: M. Hakhverdian
Website:
E-mail: [email protected]

PRESS RELEASE

FAON: viewpoints of Coruz and Albayrak still unclear

The Hague 28 September – Despite the explicit and repeated request of the
Federation of Armenian Organisations in the Netherlands (FAON) regarding the
position of candidates of Turkish origin for coming Dutch parliamentary
elections on the Armenian Genocide issue, this question still remains
unclarified for some of them, on the eve of establishment of final lists of
candidates. In World War I about 1,5 million Armenians were killed in the
Ottoman Empire as a result of this Genocide; other Christian minorities,
such as Assyrians and Greeks, became victims as well. Turkey has always
denied this Genocide. Three candidates of Turkish origin, who were on the
draft list for Dutch parliamentary elections, Sacan of Dutch Labour Party –
PvdA, Tonca and Elmaci of Christian Democrat Party – CDA were removed this
week from draft lists of candidates, because they deny the Armenian
genocide.

For instance the position of Coskun Coruz, a current parliamentarian of CDA
faction, is still completely unknown. He is number 19 on the CDA draft list
of candidates.

Nebahat Albayrak, nr. 2 on draft list of Dutch Labour Party – PvdA, did not
give any further clarification of her viewpoint after her, not very
reassuring interview in Dutch daily newspaper Trouw on 26 September, this to
FAON¹s disappointment. FAON today welcomed statements of PvdA leader Mr. Bos
in a debate in the Dutch Parliament, who stated that it is necessary to have
a common view in the party faction on essential matters such as for instance
Genocide matters. Earlier this week, as a result of this principle, Erdinc
Sacan, who could not subscribe the faction position on the Armenian
Genocide, was removed from the PvdA list.

Dutch Labour Party PvdA therefore now will have to indicate whether or not
the statement of Mr. Bos affect Nebahat Albayraks position. Sacan claims in
the newspapers that his and Albayraks viewpoints on the Armenian Genocide
are exactly the same. Nevertheless FAON hopes that Albayrak will explicitly
declare herself in favour of the recognition of the Armenian Genocide.

FAON calls upon all parties with candidates of Turkish origin to publish the
viewpoints of these candidates as soon as possible. For instance Keklik
Yucel (PvdA, nr. 48), Ali Sarac (PvdA, nr. 61), Fatma Kose Kaya (D66, nr 10)
and Mehmet Demirbag (VVD, nr. 54).

http://www.24april.nl

ANKARA: Child Pornography And Armenian Issue In The Netherlands Poli

CHILD PORNOGRAPHY AND ARMENIAN ISSUE IN THE NETHERLANDS POLITICS
Sedat Laciner

Journal of Turkish Weekly, Turkey
Sept 27 2006

It is really strange. The Armenian issue has become an issue in the
run up to the Dutch elections. The two leading Dutch parties in the
opinion polls have kicked out prospective Turkish MPs because they
do not accept the Armenian claims are true. The candidates, one from
the opposition Labor Party and two from the biggest coalition party –
the Christian Democrat CDA – are Dutch/Turkish politicians who have
worked for integration of the Turkish and Muslims in the country.

There are strong Armenian communities and lobbies in many countries
including Armenia. Armenians are actually a nation of diaspora. The
diaspora population of the Armenians is higher than the population
of motherland. The diaspora Armenians are very keen on to make all
world governments to recognize the so-called Armenian genocide. The
Armenians believe in that the 1915 Events Under the Ottoman Rule was
a genocide although even the term of ‘genocide’ was unknown at that
time. Turkey has never accepted the Armenian claims and accused the
Armenians of massacring more than 520.000 Muslim Ottoman citizens,
namely Turkish and Kurdish people. Turkey’s so-called ‘deny’ made the
nationalist Armenians crazy and they started a revenge campaign. The
Armenian fanatics murdered many former Ottoman ministers after the
First World War and made great pressure on the parliaments where
they live in against the Turkish interests. In 1970s, the Armenian
reaction against Turkey transformed into Armenian terrorism. ASALA
and other Armenian terrorist organizations assassinated more than 40
Turkish diplomats and civilians. The Armenian terrorists made armed
operations in many countries, including France, Greece, United States,
United Kingdom, Austria, Spain, Iran, Switzerland etc. Many people
were also wounded. The bombs were put in the Turkish bank branches,
airway offices and embassies. The Armenian terrorist organizations
were backed by the Communist intelligence services and Palestinian
terrorist organizations. They were trained in Lebanon and Syria. The
most dramatic fact for Turkey was that the military alliances in
NATO, notably France and Greece, ignored the Armenian terrorists. The
terrorists even found safe haven in Greece and Greek Cyprus.

When the terrorist attacks hit Western targets and killed some
Western citizens, the United States and Western European states
put great pressure on the Armenian groups and the Armenian terrorist
organization strangely vanished. Some of the Turkish academicians argue
that the Armenian groups handed their arms and terrorism facilities
to the Kurdish separatist terrorist organization PKK. The PKK and
ASALA made agreements in London and Beirut. The end of the terrorist
attacks was actually a fresh start for the parliament lobbying for
the Armenian communities. The Armenian Church and Armenian extremist
groups aimed to persuade at least 100 foreign parliaments to recognize
the Armenian historical claims as truth. The Armenian activists never
applied a court for their cause although they claimed that more than
1,5 million Armenians were massacred by the Ottomans. Strangely the
Armenian figure has changed a lot:

Some Armenian books claimed about 750.000 Armenians were killed,
while some others were speaking about 1,5 million. Even some
Armenian activists in Wales argued more than 2,5 million Armenians
were slaughtered by the Turks. According to the Ottoman archives the
total Armenian population was less than 1,5 million.

Armenians started campaigns and lobbied to issue Armenian bills against
Turkey in almost all countries in the world. They focused on the North
American and Western European parliaments. The Armenians hoped that
if the West recognize the Armenian claims, they would force Turkey
recognize the Armenian cause. But they were simply wrong. Turkey has
never been persuaded in any issue like this. How Armenians harmed
Turkish interests abroad, Turkey became more hostile towards the
Armenians. The Armenian attacks abroad made the Turkish people crazy.

Netherlands was not an exception. The Armenian lobbying has always been
strong in this country. Armenian community concentrated in Amsterdam
during the 17th and 18th centuries, and the Armenian Dutch citizens
became very influential despite their relatively small population. The
exact number of Armenians in the country now is unknown, but it is
unofficially estimated that about 4,000 to 6,000 Armenians live in
the Netherlands. However the Armenian influence on Dutch politics is
still strong, particularly on the Turkish issues.

One of the reasons for this is the Armenian global solidarity. The
Armenian lobbying parties in Western Europe unite in each cases and
make lobbies. For example, about 300.000 Armenians live in France
and they have MPs, businessmen, authors etc. in France and all these
strong people join in any lobbying activities in EU countries. Thus
the Armenian cause become strong in the countries where the Armenian
population is really small, like United Kingdom, Netherlands and
Belgium. Second reason is the strong anti-Turkish circles in these
countries. Many in the Netherlands believe that the Turkish people
are not European and Turkey’s EU membership must be prevented. The
EU summits however confirmed that Turkey’s EU membership cannot be
stopped in terms of economic and political criteria. Turkish economy is
better than Bulgaria’s, Romania’s, even some of the EU members right
now. Under these circumstances, the Armenian issue with the Cyprus
issue provide perfect tools to keep the Turks outside. Third, there are
traditional anti-Turkey groups in the Western European countries like
the Greeks, Greek Cypriots, racist and religionist European groups,
Marxist Turks and PKK supporters. All are natural partners for the
Armenian lobbying groups against Turkey. None of these groups lose
any opportunity in damaging Turkish interests in Europe. Thus an
anti-Turkish coalition emerged, and when the Armenians attempted
to push the Dutch or any other parliament to accept the Armenian
claims as truth, all the mentioned anti-Turkey groups unite behind
the Armenians. It was the case when the Dutch Parliament accepted the
Armenian 1915 allegations. The Dutch Parliament adopted a resolution
recognizing the 1915 events as genocide in 2004. According to the
accepted resolution the Dutch government had to push for recognition
of the so-called genocide as part of the negotiations for Turkey’s
desired accession to the EU.

Tineke Huizinga from the Christian explains the official Dutch
position:

"More than one and a half million people were murdered during the
time of World War I by Turkey and this was a genocide and you can
absolutely compare this with the Holocaust."

It is really strange and non-based because there was no country
named Turkey in 1915. Turkey was established in 1923. The country
at that time on Anatolian territory was the Ottoman Empire. Dutch
politicians compare the 1915 Events with the Holocaust but Israel
reject any comparison between Holocaust and 1915 Events. The following
quotation from a Nobel Prize winning Israeli statesman, Shimon Peres,
closes the discussion:

"We reject attempts to create a similarity between the Holocaust and
the Armenian allegations. Nothing similar to the Holocaust occurred.

It is a tragedy what the Armenians went through but not a genocide…

Israel should not determine a historical or philosophical position
on the Armenian issue. If we have to determine a position, it should
be done with great care not to distort the historical realities."

(Peres: Armenian Allegations are Meaningless’, Turkish Daily News, 10
April 2001; Haig Boyadjian, ‘Peres Claims Armenians Did Not Experience
Genocide’, Asbarez, 10 April 2001).

Turkey has rejected all accusations and blamed the Dutch politicians
of undermining Turkish-Armenian reconciliation. Turkish Prime
Minister Tayyip Erdogan call the Armenian side to establish a joint
commission to discuss the historical disputes instead of foreign
involvements. However the Armenians rejected all good will offers
and continued to their anti-Turkish efforts in the Western parliaments.

Strangely Armenia does not recognize Turkey’s eastern borders despite
the written agreements, like Kars Agreement. Second, Armenia has
occupied 20 percent of Azerbaijan and about 1 million Azeris have
been refugees since the occupation. The genocide-like massacres
in Hocali town (Azerbaijan) was pictured and documented well by
the Western media. However none of the European or North American
Parliaments mentioned all these issues but discussed the disputes
happened almost a century ago. I personally do not believe that the
Western parliaments love the Armenians and give great importance to
history. If so, they should first recognize the Algerian genocide
committed by France after the Second World War. Genocides committed
by the Belgium, Germans or Russians should have been on the list. If
these parliaments give so importance to the massacres and genocides,
they should have mention the war crimes and massacres committed by
the Armenians during the Ottoman time, after the First World War
and Karabakh War. All of us know that all these things are dirty
politics. The Armenian issue is being abused, and the Armenians are
happy with abused by the Western politicians.

DUTCH POLITICAL PARTIES AND RACIST DISCRIMINATION

Armenians saw the Ducth elections as another opportunity to raise
their arguments and to harm the Turkish interests in this country in
2006. It made the headlines after questions were raised by the Armenian
community in the Netherlands when the names of the candidates were
made public on the party lists for the November elections, and a
heated discussion soon followed.

The Turkish-Dutch candidates in question had clearly stated in the
past that, in their view, the 1915 events were not genocide but
communal calashes. They said the so-called genocide not taken place.

This view is contrary to the official policy of some of the Dutch
political parties.

It was a clash with this position that brought the CDA candidates
Ayhan Tonca, Osman Elamci and Labour Party candidate Erdinc Sacan
into problems with their parties. Ayhan Tonca has constantly denied
the genocide occurred: "The genocide that people talk about never
took place" he said.

Although Mr. Tonca doesn’t deny that hundreds of thousands of people
died, he argues that there needs to be further investigation to see if
the killings were consciously carried out by the Ottoman government at
that time. Many Turkish people and even the current Turkish Government
think in this way. Turkey accepts that thousands of people were killed
and died during the 1915 Relocation. Turkey says that it was difficult
times, and the war circumstances with poor economic conditions caused
epidemics and famines in Anatolia.

According to the Turkish historians many Armenians died due to the
famine, bad weather conditions, epidemics and lack of health etc.

facilities. Turks also accept that many more Armenians were killed by
the armed gangs, mostly Kurdish. The previous Armenian attacks against
the Kurdish tribes caused revenge attacks and some Kurdish gangs also
attacked the Armenian immigrants hoping to get their valuables. What
is obvious that the Ottoman soldiers could not protect the Armenian
civilians and thousands of Armenians were killed or died due to the
‘natural reasons’.

Turkish candidates explanation was not in line with the CDA’s and
Labour Party’s official policy, and events that followed the initial
uproar made things even harder for the CDA to accept. As a matter
of fact that these Turkish candidates do not accept some other
CDA policies, like Turkey’s full EU membership. The Armenian and
anti-Turkey lobbies’ pressure left the CDA with little choice but
to remove them from the list of candidates. The Dutch Labour Party
decided to scrap its candidate from the list after the Turkish-Dutch
candidate refused to stand by the so-called official party policy
recognizing the Armenian claims. According to the candidates removed
from the list, this was unacceptable, because the political parties
are known as the symbol of different ideas and freedom of speech. If
a politician cannot think in different ways in political parties,
where does he/she can do so?

The Netherlands has been known for its liberal laws and political
system. Dutch even allow paedophile group. A Dutch court turned down
a request to ban a political party (the Brotherly Love, Freedom and
Diversity Party, PNVD) with a paedophile agenda. Dutch PNVD seeks
to lower the age of sexual consent from 16 to 12 and legalize child
pornography and sex with animals. "Freedom of expression…including
the freedom to set up a political party can be seen as the basis
for a democratic society," Judge Hofhuis told the journalist after
the verdict.

As a result, you can defend child pornography and sex with animals
in the Netherlands but you cannot have different opinion on Armenian
issue.

If you are Turkish you have to obey what the imposed on you. Shut up,
and accept it!

You have no choice but recognition of what you did not commit.

Thanks God, the Netherlands is a liberal and democratic country.

"Psychosis 4.48" Performance Of Sundukian Theater Awarded "Best Dire

"PSYCHOSIS 4.48" PERFORMANCE OF SUNDUKIAN THEATER AWARDED "BEST DIRECTOR" PRIZE AT CAIRO INTERNATIONAL FESTIVAL

Noyan Tapan News Agency, Armenia
Sept 25 2006

CAIRO, SEPTEMBER 25, NOYAN TAPAN – ARMENIANS TODAY. On participation
of the G.Sundukian Academic Theater in the Cairo International Festival
of Theater

By the invitation of the Ministry of Culture of Egypt, the National
Academic Theater after G.Sundukian participated on September 10-20
at the International Festival of Experimental Theater taken place
in Cairo.

According to the information submitted to Noyan Tapan by the RA Foreign
Ministry’s Press and Information Department, 9-person group arrived
from Armenia which was headed by producer-director Suren Shahverdian,
performed "Psychosis 4.48" work during the festival and was awarded
the "Best Director" prize.

Farouk Hosni, the Minister of Culture of Egypt, himself handed the
prize to S.Shahverdian at the solemn closing ceremony of the festival.