AW: The Road to Sourp Sdepanos

In May 2014, I was traveling from Van to Kars with my wife and a group of close friends. Not long after passing the northeast-most corner of Lake Van, I was looking up at the countryside when a structure along the mountain ridge caught my eye, and I had our driver stop. There was no access for our vehicle, and the structure was too far in the distance to walk, but I grabbed my most powerful camera lens and took some photographs of what was obviously a church.

Sourp Sdepanos in 2014 (Photo by George Aghjayan)

With a bit of research, I was able to determine that the church was known as Sourp Sdepanos, located in the region of Pergri or Berkri, which is now known as Muradiye. The church was dedicated to the son of the priest, Der Housgan. 

Sp. Sdepanos viewed from the south (A. Haghnazarian 1971)

The Research on Armenian Architecture collection by Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute details an interesting legend surrounding the church. It is said that the wife of Der Housgan was kidnapped by Tatar soldiers and sold to a Christian woman in Tabriz. This woman agreed to release Der Housgan’s wife if a son was born to the couple and committed to the priesthood. “The son that was born, whom they named Sdepanos, did indeed display saintly ways and powers, and a great passion for helping the poor.” Der Sdepanos is considered to have died at the end of the 13th century, and the church was built in his honor.

It is believed that the original church was destroyed by the 17th century. The current church was built sometime during the same century through the efforts of Pilibos I, Catholicos of Aghtamar. 

Various Turkish media outlets recently reported on a new road being constructed by the Muradiye municipality to improve access to the Sourp Sdepanos church. The primary objective is to encourage tourism. It is claimed that the Museum in Van has initiated research on the church and that Mehmet Top, a faculty member at Van Yüzüncü Yıl Üniversitesi, has been investigating the church over a number of years. While acknowledging the role “man” has played in the destruction of the church, equal attribution is given to natural conditions. 

Anyone who has traveled over a period of time in the region of Van, and elsewhere in Turkey, can well imagine the role looters and treasure seekers have played in the years since the Genocide, prior to which the Armenians constituted at least two-thirds of the population in the region of Pergri. 

Just as significant are the ruins of an even older Armenian monastery of Arkelan on the cliffs above Sourp Sdepanos. The monastic complex included the church of Sourp Asdvadzadzin and dates to a much earlier period, most probably prior to the 11th century. The monastery was famous as a scriptorium, producing important manuscripts into the 17th century. We can see that the monastery is largely in ruins from satellite imagery, yet there still are remnants. J. M. Thierry, in his volume on the Armenian monuments of Vasbouragan, details the Armenian inscriptions at both sites and includes numerous photographs.

It remains to be seen if the increased accessibility to the church ruins will decrease or increase the likelihood of further vandalism. As we see even today, the security of both Armenians and our cultural heritage cannot be taken for granted.

George Aghjayan is the Director of the Armenian Historical Archives and the chair of the Armenian Revolutionary Federation (ARF) Central Committee of the Eastern United States. Aghjayan graduated with honors from Worcester Polytechnic Institute in 1988 with a Bachelor of Science degree in Actuarial Mathematics. He achieved Fellowship in the Society of Actuaries in 1996. After a career in both insurance and structured finance, Aghjayan retired in 2014 to concentrate on Armenian related research and projects. His primary area of focus is the demographics and geography of western Armenia as well as a keen interest in the hidden Armenians living there today. Other topics he has written and lectured on include Armenian genealogy and genocide denial. He is a board member of the National Association of Armenian Studies and Research (NAASR), a frequent contributor to the Armenian Weekly and Houshamadyan.org, and the creator and curator westernarmenia.weebly.com, a website dedicated to the preservation of Armenian culture in Western Armenia.


Russian military’s tank crews hold major live-fire exercises in multiple locations, including in Armenian base

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 11:27,

YEREVAN, JANUARY 15, ARMENPRESS. More than 1500 servicemen of tank units of the Russian Armed Forces are holding live-fire exercises in the numerous training grounds of the Southern Military District, including in the Russian military base of Armenia, in South Ossetia, Crimea, Dagestan, Adigea, Ingushetia and elsewhere.

The tank crews are holding offensive tactical maneuver and firing drills.

Tank drivers also held trainings for the selection phase of the Tank Biathlon competition.

Tank crews are also developing combat and defensive tactics for nighttime and daytime.

The “combat harmonizing” process of the tank platoons will continue until February 2022, the Russian military said.

Iran Airtour airline launches Tehran-Yerevan flights

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 16:20, 3 January, 2022

YEREVAN, JANUARY 3, ARMENPRESS. The Iranian Iran Airtour airline launched roundtrip flights from Tehran to Yerevan from January 1, the Armenia International Airports said in a statement.

The flights will be operated twice a week – on Tuesdays and Saturdays.

“Congratulations to our colleagues, we wish you safe flights,” Armenia International Airports said in a statement.

Information on tickets is available at .

Sports: Joaquin Caparros named Armenia’s Coach of the Year for the second time in a row

Public Radio of Armenia
Dec 28 2021

Caparros received 90 points. Ararat-ArmeniaDmitry Gunko comes second with 54 points. Vardan Bichakhchyan, the manager of Yerevan’s Ararat is third with 45 points.


Far-Right’s Eric Zemmour Runs For French Presidency Through Armenia – OpEd

Dec 22 2021

By Taras Kuzio*

Eric Zemmour, the rising star on the nationalist far-right in French politics, believes the way to win the presidency is to campaign in Armenia. France has the world’s third largest Armenian diaspora in the world, after Russia (2 million) and the US (1 million). Zemmour was accompanied on his four-day visit to Armenia this month by Philippe de Villiers, the leader of another far-right party, the Movement for France. Valerie Pecresse, candidate of the centre-right Republican Party in the 2022 French presidential elections, also plans to visit Armenia. Pecresse and Zemmour share much in common on immigration and the threat to French identity from Muslims. 

The “normalisation” of far-right discourse in French politics is seen in a “disconcerting revival of ultranationalist thinking, and with it the rehabilitation of once-ostracised reactionary writers.” New-old identity politics in France is obsessive and paranoid “about decline, and the failure of elites to protect French identity.” In the past this has led to a search for internal fifth columnists such as Jews, Protestants, Freemasons and foreigners or from abroad, principally Germany. For Zemmour, “it is above all Islam.” 

The entry into the mainstream of far-right views on immigration, identity and Islam are evidenced by the discourse of President Emmanuel Macron, the Gaullist centre-right and of course the meteoric ascendancy of Zemmour making him a potential contender to enter the second round of next year’s presidential elections. With the decline of the left and centre-right in France, and a long tradition of far-right politics, Zemmour’s obnoxious view are now given airtime without being subjected to critical questioning. As the Economist wrote, “That such views are given a legitimate airing is new, and disquieting.”

Most French politicians seek votes in the Armenian diaspora in France. The French newspaper Le Monde said Zemmour “does not come to Armenia to talk to Armenians. He comes with the aim of collecting ballots from certain Armenians in France who, after the Nagorno-Karabakh war, started by Azerbaijan, a satellite of Turkey, in 2020, must face their own hatreds.” 

Le Monde’s comment reflected traditional French bias as all French politicians – including Macron – share a pro-Armenian position in the south Caucasus. This makes France a poor choice to be a co-chairman of the Minsk group set up in the 1990s to find a resolution to the First Karabakh War. Armenia’s occupation of twenty percent of Azerbaijani territory was condemned in numerous UN resolutions. 

Zemmour is an unusual politician on the far right; after all, he is the son of Jewish Berbers who emigrated from Algeria to France in the 1950s and grew up in a Parisian suburb. He was a political reporter for Le Figaro newspaper. In 2011, around the same time as Donald Trump began his involvement in politics and launched the “Birther Movement”, which claimed Barack Obama had not been born in the US and was not therefore eligible to be president, Zemmour was convicted of inciting racial hatred. Zemmour had told a TV chat show that drug dealers were mostly “blacks and Arabs”, a similar refrain to Trump talking about Mexican “drug dealers, criminals, and rapists.”  He was fined after saying on another TV channel that employers “had a right” to turn away black or Arab job seekers.

Zemmour draws on far-right discourse that has deep roots in French political culture. “But what is new is the reception and acceptance of this discourse in the public conversation … It’s a turning point in French political history that Zemmour’s discourse is given so much space and legitimacy by the media,” US academic Cécile Alduy said. A similar “normalisation” of nationalist and racist discourse took place during the 2016 US elections and Trump’s presidency.

Zemmour travelled to Armenia after a violent election rally in France where the bona fide Nazi Zouaves Paris (ZVP) attacked leftist protestors. Although Zemmour is a populist nationalist he is nevertheless a proponent of the rehabilitation of Marshal Philippe Pétain, the Nazi collaborator who headed the Vichy regime during World War II. Zemmour wrongly credits the Vichy regime with saving French Jews and claims the Nazi’s were more tolerant than Muslims.

Zemmour’s visit to Armenia aimed to transplant his French racist views of a coming “war of races” between the Christian and Islamic worlds to that of Armenia-Azerbaijan. Facing Mount Ararat in Turkey, Zemmour told his Armenian hosts “I want to tell Armenians how they have been a model of resistance for centuries.”  

Le Monde wrote: “Eric Zemmour instrumentalises the cause of Christians in the East, which has become a preserve of the extreme right, even though this extreme right sees in these Christians only a means of justifying its Islamophobia.” In Armenia, Zemmour fanned anti-Turkish and anti-Azerbaijani sentiments and divided immigrants in France into “good” and “bad” types with presumably himself and Armenians belonging to the first group.  

Le Monde ignored the fact Azerbaijan is the most secular Muslim country in the world and has a two-decade strategic alliance with Israel. Even in French media critical of Zemmour there is little attempt at researching reality on the ground in the South Caucasus. The Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict is nothing to do with civilisation or religion and all to do with international law. Armenia  and  Russia are the only two irredentist powers in the former USSR unable to accept the  boundaries of their Soviet republics as post-Soviet international borders.

In Armenia, Zemmour visited the Khor Virap Monastery, Armenian-Turkish border, and Armenian Genocide Memorial. His visit to the latter was duplicitous as French Justice Minister Eric Dupond-Moretti accused him of being a Holocaust denier. Zemmour also opposed French legislation to prosecute those who denied genocides. Armenian’s place what they describe as the genocide committed against them during World War I alongside the Holocaust committed against Jews during World War II. Zemmour’s description of Armenia as a “martyr land” must have led to raised eyebrows.

Zemmour is a supporter of the far-right conspiracy theory of Replacement whereby liberal politicians in Europe and the US are seeking to replace their Christian populations with Muslims.  In Armenia he promoted this to an audience angry at having to leave Karabakh and the seven surrounding Azerbaijani provinces which had been occupied for nearly three decades. Zemmour claims that, in today’s France, “an Islamic civilisation is replacing a people from a Christian, Greco-Roman civilisation”. “Veiled women”, Mr Camus recently told a tv interviewer, “are the flags of conquest, of colonisation.”

Zemmour described Armenia as a “cradle of civilisation” and “old Christian land” within the context of his extremist views of the threat to French Christian culture from Islam. Just as Armenia was a Christian country “in the middle of an Islamic Ocean” so too “Europe was founded by Christianity” without which “there is no Europe and there is no France.” 

Zemmour’s racism and Islamophobia found a receptive audience in Armenia: a mere 20 turned out to protest his arrival at Yerevan Airport. Are there really so few opponents of racism and Islamophobia in Armenia?  

Growing nationalism and Islamophobia in France coupled with a large Armenian diaspora creates an in-built bias in France’s approach to the South Caucasus and the Eastern Mediterranean. France has long lost the right to be a co-chairman of the Minsk Group to seek a peaceful resolution of the Karabakh conflict.

*Taras Kuzio is a Research Fellow at the Henry Jackson Society think tank in London and a professor of political science at the National University of Kyiv Mohyla Academy. His book Russian Nationalism and the Russian-Ukrainian War is published next month by Routledge.


Our aim is to uphold the law not to make the judges serve certain people – Gegham Manukyan

Panorama, Armenia
Dec 17 2021

“After the change of power in Armenia and the staff cleansing, the state administration in Armenia has been filled with unexperienced people,” opposition lawmaker Gegham Manukyan stated during a protest outside the the Supreme Judicial Council on Friday. 

The participants demand the Council stop lawlessness in the country amid political persecutions  launched against number of heads of communities who claimed victories during the recent local elections. 

Manukyan stressed that the policy adopted by authorities is not aimed at attracting young and prospective specialists to work at the public service but occupying the state institutes by proponents of the current authorities of Armenia. 

The lawmaker referred to constant legislative changes which are often adapted to ongoing needs of the ruling force, thus turning the state administration into a field of experiments. He stressed public keeps exercising pressure on members of the Supreme Judicial Council. 

“The aim of this protest action is to uphold the law not to make the judges serve certain people,” Manukyan stated, adding their actions would continue.

Azerbaijani forces shell Armenian positions in Gegharkunik border section – Defense Ministry

Panorama, Armenia
Dec 9 2021

The Azerbaijani troops opened intense fire at Armenian combat positions in Gegharkunik Province on Thursday afternoon, the Defense Ministry of Armenia said in a statement.

“The Azerbaijani army units resorted to yet another provocation, intensively shelling Armenian combat positions deployed in the Gegharkunik border section starting from 4:25pm,” the ministry said, adding Azerbaijani forces used various caliber firearms.

The Armenian side took retaliatory measures, but the firefight continued as of 5pm.

The Defense Ministry promised to provide updates on the border situation.

Breaking the Culture of Discord

From Gndevank Monastery, Armenia (Photo: Flickr/Raffi Youredjian)

One often hears Armenians declare in a playful self-criticism “If you gather four Armenians in a room, you will hear at least five opinions” or “there are two Armenians on an island and they will build two churches.” On the positive side, it does speak to the resourcefulness of our people to have passionate views on important issues. It also exposes our penchant for endless debate and often a lack of consensus. As Armenians, we have many admirable attributes, but a moment of candid self-reflection will reveal ample evidence of suboptimal effectiveness due to an inability to work in a truly collaborative manner. The diaspora in America was established with a strong component of commonality. The indiscriminate nature of genocide made survival a unifier. As we are all painfully aware, the history of the diaspora continued on a different path in 1933 with the administrative division of the church. What followed were tragic schisms of families, walls of isolation and institutional redundancy. Ironically for several decades, the pseudo competitiveness did inspire the community to expand and prosper. Thousands of American Armenians from prior generations, however, were victims of artificial barriers despite living in the same community simply because they were born into this unnatural state. 

As the expansion leveled off in many communities, a thaw prevailed that opened up new possibilities. Those early days of interaction between divided brothers and sisters in the 70s have evolved into what we call today the pan-Armenian movement. As a new generation experienced the irrelevance of the division and Armenia became an independent nation, the diaspora found common ground and the will to increase collaboration. Old problems faded, and new ones emerged. The traditional query of “what church do you go to?” has been rhetorically replaced with “do you go to church?” The vestiges of the division, however, still exist. We still have two dioceses in each North America region, and the organizational alignment has a more traditional affiliation. The Prelacy adherents are generally affiliated with the Armenian Revolutionary Federation (ARF), Armenian Relief Society (ARS), Armenian Youth Federation (AYF), Hamazkayin and Homenetmen. The Diocese is traditionally a reflection of ACYOA, Tekeyan and AGBU. Of course, there are thankfully a growing number of exceptions, but the lines are still evident. The good news is the cooperation between these groups has become common…something unheard of a generation earlier. There was a time when those associated with the Tashnagtsagan community would generally not be in the Knights of Vartan. Today, thankfully, it is commonplace.

In today’s American diaspora, the emerging cooperation from a pan-Armenian culture has replaced the passion for true church unification. Our leaders lack the will for resolution, so institutional cooperation has replaced church unity. Most Armenians associate the disunity of our American diaspora with tragic events of 1933. The seeds of discontent actually reared their ugly head shortly after the fall of the First Republic in 1921. It is quite ironic that the status of the Armenian state has been both a cause of division and also the emergence of pan-Armenian collaboration. The period from the 1920s until the start of the Cold War was filled with unrelenting attacks between Armenian political parties. It was a classic “blame game” while little changed. During the height of the east/west tensions, an awkward perception grew within the Armenian community as the Soviet Union, a former ally of the US during World War II, was now a bitter adversary. Even in my youth, I remember hearing elders refer to other families as “Bolsheviks” or “fascists.” Thankfully, those days seem to be buried deep in the past as a new era of cooperation has emerged with the independence of Armenia. But has the culture of dissension simply been transferred to other vehicles?

One of the current challenges in our communities is finding the balance between our commitment to an organization and the mission itself. At times, our intense loyalty to an organization can overshadow the mission which may be commonly held by the community at large. This has the potential of creating unhealthy intra-competitiveness. A collaborative environment driven by commonality will bring that balance. It is worth a moment of personal reflection. Our affiliation with a certain group is admirable, but the emphasis should always be the mission…not the organization. The lay relations between Apostolic, Protestant and Catholic denominations can range from non-existent to tolerant. Many Apostolic adherents were raised with the perception that our Protestant brethren were “converted” or “assimilated.” Apparently, our common faith in the teachings of Jesus Christ has not been enough to truly embrace each other. Judging each other on our ethnic identity was more fashionable. This type of behavior has contributed to undermining our strength. The evolution of the Prelacy and the Diocese reflects the difficulty in unifying our church. While our leaders continue to rationalize their failure to unite our church with rhetoric about our “administrative differences but spiritual unity,” deep-rooted loyalties have encouraged a “happy medium” of cooperation. 

In its infancy in the 1950s and 60s, loyalty to the Prelacy reflected a respect for organizing the “unaffiliated” churches. As the infrastructure here matured and migration from Antelias jurisdictions in the Middle East occurred, a genuine loyalty to the See of Cilicia emerged. The Diocese meanwhile was driven by its traditional affiliation with the Mother See, although few had an actual relationship with Holy Etchmiadzin due to the political climate in Soviet Armenia. Different versions of our recent history have become our reality. I remember conversing with several fellow delegates at the diocesan assembly just a few years ago. We were talking about the split of the Diocese in the fall of 1933 and the events that happened. I will never forget the astonishment of one veteran delegate who revealed that he recently became aware that it was the pro-Etchmiadzin delegates who walked out of the Assembly in 1933 to the Hotel Martinique. That gathering was later sanctioned by Holy Etchmiadzin over the delegates who remained in a purely political move. This honorable man looked at me and said, “and we have been calling the Prelacy people the ‘separated brethren’ for years when it was us.”

Perceptions become reality in a separated state. When we lose track of the core mission (the teachings of Our Lord and Savior Jesus Christ according to the traditions of the Armenian Church), we substitute it with subordinated values. The result is an unnatural state. Our misguided loyalties help confuse our direction.

The existence of the Republic of Armenia has made our common interests more visible which has been applied to our intra-diaspora relations. A sovereign state has been a rare gift in modern Armenian history. It is an opportunity on a world stage to display our core values. Visitors to Armenia marvel at the incredible history, warmth of the people and the very essence of our civilization. Yet many are puzzled why a nation with education, strong values and an active diaspora has struggled to shed the remnants of its Soviet past. The inability to utilize its human capital effectively has been both troubling and frustrating. There are those who believe that our lack of collaboration is as much part of our culture as our faith and language. In my view, this is the downside of a nation run by a series of organizations, parties and other partisan interests. It is similar to the Armenia run by nobles and princes during the centuries of subordination to foreign powers. It builds a survival state that also reflects a subordinated and victim mentality. Our “decentralized” society prevented extinction but also limited collaboration. Our Armenian world was defined as the organizations and groups we were affiliated with. In Armenia, the citizens were left to the ability of the Soviet carryovers and a motivated but inexperienced infrastructure. With the exception of a few umbrella groups for fundraising, the diaspora relations with Armenia (post 1991) were a free-for-all of countless organizations establishing their presence. They are all well-intended but reflect our disunited culture. After 30 years, we are still talking about how to organize the diaspora more effectively to assist Armenia. Armenia is in desperate need of experienced professionals, yet we continue to underutilize these assets. The causesmistrust, power and fearare all part of this culture of discord. 

The stakes haven’t been this high since those fateful days of 1918-21. In our current reality, the rare gift of a sovereign nation is on the table. Do we have the will to overcome our history of a troubling lack of collaboration? Do we really see the larger picture, or will we continue to view this situation through a cynical lens and business as usual? One hundred years ago, marriages were prevented because they weren’t from the same region or village. In the diaspora, you didn’t talk to someone because they were a Ramgavar or Dashnak. Eventually that evolved into whether you were from the Prelacy or from the Diocese. Now we have transitioned to the homeland or the diaspora. What will it take for us to realize that our survival as an ethnic group and a sovereign state will rely on our ability to capitalize on our collective resources and to accept each other as brethren? It doesn’t need to be perfect. Democracy can be a messy process. Diversity of thought is an advantage, but we need to be on the same team. It is time to reduce our dependence on needless power plays, endless squabbles and divisive interaction. It is a drug that offers short-term relief to our egos but has disastrous consequences for our nation. The natural state of a common vision of a prosperous united Armenia is a better alternative. I pray that we have the will to embrace this future.

Columnist
Stepan was raised in the Armenian community of Indian Orchard, MA at the St. Gregory Parish. A former member of the AYF Central Executive and the Eastern Prelacy Executive Council, he also served many years as a delegate to the Eastern Diocesan Assembly. Currently , he serves as a member of the board and executive committee of the National Association for Armenian Studies and Research (NAASR). He also serves on the board of the Armenian Heritage Foundation. Stepan is a retired executive in the computer storage industry and resides in the Boston area with his wife Susan. He has spent many years as a volunteer teacher of Armenian history and contemporary issues to the young generation and adults at schools, camps and churches. His interests include the Armenian diaspora, Armenia, sports and reading.

Armenpress: NK conflict should be resolved in the framework of the OSCE Minsk Group. Eduard Aghajanyan

NK conflict should be resolved in the framework of the OSCE Minsk Group. Eduard Aghajanyan

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 20:28, 6 December, 2021

YEREVAN, DECEMBER 6, ARMENPRESS. The resolution of the Nagorno-Karabakh issue should take place in the framework of the Co-chairmanship of the OSCE Minsk Group, ARMENPRESS reports Chairman of the Foreign Relations Committee of the National Assembly of Armenia Eduard Aghajanyan told the journalists.

“Armenia will not step back from its position, in particular will be loyal to the resolution of the issue in the framework of the OSCE Minsk Group Co-chairs’ format. This circumstance must also be highlighted in our domestic political discourse, because it is a position, which is shared by almost all important subjects of the international community, in particular the Co-chair countries of the OSCE Minsk Group, OSCE Member States. This is an important factor” said Eduard Aghajanyan.

Referring to the border situation of both Armenia and Artsakh, killings of civilians by the armed forces of Azerbaijan, Eduard Aghajanyan mentioned that the Government of the Republic of Armenia uses all possible instruments to reach de-escalation and exclude such cases.