Hidden price increase blow on Armenian consumers

Hidden price increase blow on Armenian consumers

tert.am
21:35 – 14.08.12

A hidden price increase is accompanying the increase in bread prices
in Armenia, Armen Poghosyan, Chairman of Armenia’s Union of Consumers,
told Tert.am.

Various technologies are applied. `I have raised the problem hundreds
of times. We must study the problem, compare the real weight with what
is indicated in the invoice,’ Poghosyan said.

As a rule, the difference is 180 to 190 grams. Four years ago
Poghosyan presented results of a survey that showed a 30% loss on
bread weight. `I do not think the situation has changed since,’ he
added.

Armenia’s State Commission for Protection of Economic Competition
reported an increase if flour price in Armenia this July as compared
with June. An AMD 10-20 rise in bread prices was reported as well.

The manager of one of the flour-importing companies told mass media
about a 16% increase in flour price in the international market. This
is the reason why an increase in flour price should be expected in
Armenia this September.

MoD implements professional component expansion steps in armed force

Armenian Defense Ministry implements professional component expansion
steps in the armed forces

18:58, 14 August, 2012

Yerevan, August 14, ARMENPRESS: The Armenian armed forces recruitment
mixed principle continues to be the main. As `Armenpress’ reports the
Armenian Minister of Defense Seyran Ohanyan noted about this during
the meeting with the hawk participants on August 14.

To his word although all the states are rapidly moving towards the
formation of professional armies, `however, because of our
geographical conditions, we still take steps to expand the
professional component and try to gradually increase the contractual
service’.

`Officers, warrant officers, as well as professional sergeants and
contract divisions are accounted in the professional staff’, the
minister noted.

Touching upon the information about closing the Chambarak military
unit, Seyran Ohanyan stressed that no unit is going to be closed. `We
are just switching from the principle of mandatory term service into a
principle of contractual recruitment services. It is particularly used
in the border areas also solving social problems’, the minister
briefed adding that such a system stopped a great number of people to
leave their areas. `People have started to not only protect the
border, their village, but also started to get engaged in
agriculture’, Ohanyan mentioned.

As the Minister of Defense informed other structural changes are also
being implemented in the system.

ANC activist sentenced to 6 years of imprisonment demands justice

ANC activist sentenced to 6 years of imprisonment demands justice

arminfo
Tuesday, August 14, 17:10

Tigran Arakelyan, an activist of the oppositional Armenian National
Congress, who was sentenced to 6 years in prison and has been in
custody for already a year, has disseminated an open letter. The
letter contains facts proving that the criminal case against ANC
activists was fully fabricated.

He says that the testimonies of police officers and other witnesses
were fabricated. Arakelyan tells that activists were treated violently
on the way to the police office.

In his letter, Arakelyan says that such incidents in Armenia will
continue unless those guilty in the incidents of March 1 2008 and in
the murder of military doctor Vahe Avetyan are punished.

To recall, the first instance court of the administrative communities
of Yerevan, Center-Nork-Marashmade a verdict regarding the activists
of Armenian National Congress, Tigran Arakelyan, Artak Karapetyan,
David Kiramijan and Sarkis Gevorkyan. Tigran Arakelyan was sentenced
to six years, Artak Karapetyan to three, Sargis Gevorgyan and Davit
Kiramijyan to two years in jail. Tigran Arakelyan was arrested with 6
other ANC activists for a fight with police officers on August 9 2011
in Yerevan. Later 6 activists were dismissed provided they do not
leave the country. Tigran Arakelyan was charged with hooliganism and
violence to power representative. ANC considers the verdict as a
political order.

World Armenian Congress provides Armavia with $43,000 for special fl

World Armenian Congress provides Armavia with $43,000 for special
flight Yerevan-Aleppo-Yerevan

arminfo
Tuesday, August 14, 17:14

World Armenian Congress has provided $43,000 to Armavia airline for
a special flight Yerevan-Aleppo-Yerevan. WAC told ArmInfo the special
flight on August
14 transported 149 children from Syria.

Earlier on August 9 a total of 120 children were transported to
Armenia via special fights. Prime Minister of Armenia Tigran Sargsyan
promised assistance for another two Yerevan-Aleppo-Yerevan flights to
transport 300 more children to Armenia on August 23.

At present, the children who have already arrived from Syria are
having a rest at various resorts in Armenia.

For the Minorities in Syria Even Neutrality is Unsafe

Fisk: For the Minorities in Syria Even Neutrality is Unsafe

hetq
23:43, August 5, 2012

By Robert Fisk

So today, amid Aleppo’s torment, let us remember minorities. The
Palestinians of Syria, more than half a million of them, and the 1.5
million Christians – the largest number of whom live in Aleppo – who
are Syrian citizens and who now sit on the edge of the volcano.

Neither wish to “collaborate” with Bashar al-Assad’s regime. But
remaining neutral, you end up with no friends at all. You didn’t have
to sell a loaf of bread to a Nazi in occupied France to be a
collaborator. But you were, to use an old German expression, “helping
to give the wheel a shove”. No, Bashar al-Assad is not Hitler, but God
spare the Palestinians and the Christians of Syria during these
terrible times.

Lessons to be learned. The half million Palestinian refugees in
Lebanon fought on the Muslim-leftist side in the 1975-90 civil war.
They were rewarded with hatred, mass murder and final imprisonment in
their own camp hovels. Palestinian refugees in Kuwait supported
Saddam’s invasion in 1990; hundreds of thousands were evicted to
Jordan in 1991. Palestinians housed in Iraq since 1948 were
slaughtered or driven from the country by the Iraqi “resistance” after
America’s 2003 invasion.

So neutrality in Syria is the Palestinians’ only hope of salvation as
another civil war engulfs them. Yet their camps are visited regularly
by the Free Syrian Army. Fight for us, they are told. And their camps
are infested with the Syrian government’s “muhabarrat”. Fight for us,
they are told. Alas, two military Palestinian units, Saiqa – one of
the most venal militias after Syria’s military intervention in Lebanon
in 1976 – and the Palestine Liberation Army, are under the direct
control of the regime. Two months ago, 17 of these Syrian-trained PLA
soldiers were assassinated. Then last week, in Damascus, another 17
PLA were murdered.

“Some say the Free Syrian Army killed them to warn them away from the
regime,” a middle-aged Palestinian cadre from the DFLP tells me.
“Others claim the regime murdered them to warn them off the Free
Syrian Army. All we can do is cling to our neutrality. And you have to
remember that some Palestinians in the Syrian camps are themselves
‘muhabarrat’ intelligence men for the Syrian government. The Popular
Front for the Liberation of Palestine – General Command have
themselves said they would fight for the regime.”

Most of the Palestinians in Syria are Sunni Muslims – like the
majority of the Syrian population and most of the resistance.

The Christians are citizens of Syria whose religion certainly does not
reflect a majority in any anti-Assad force. Bashar’s stability –
somewhat at doubt just now, to be sure – is preferable to the ghastly
unknowns of a post-Assad regime. There are 47 churches and cathedrals
in the Aleppo region alone. The Christians believe that Salafists
fight amid the rebels. They are right.

Lessons for them, too. When that famous born-again Christian George W.
Bush sent his legions into Iraq in 2003, the savage aftermath smashed
one of the oldest Christian communities in the Middle East – the Iraqi
Christians – to pieces. The Christian Coptic Pope Shenouda of Egypt
supported his protector Mubarak until just two days before the
dictator’s downfall; Egypt’s Muslims remember this. So what can the
Christians of Syria do?

When the Maronite patriarch of Lebanon, the uninspiring Bechara Rai,
said after the start of the Syrian uprising that Bashar should be
given “more time”, he enraged his country’s Sunni Muslims.

But watch Syrian television and it’s easy to cringe at the Christian
performance.

Last week, it was the turn of the Maronite Bishop of Damascus to
address Syrians. His first words? He wished to thank Syrian state
television for allowing him to speak. He said how much Christians
honoured Ramadan, how they learned to reinvigorate their own faith
from that of Muslims in their holy month – a perfectly reasonable
statement, though one clearly made when most of the good bishop’s
flock stand in fear of those very same Muslims.

And then came the killer line. At the end of his sermon, the bishop
gave his blessing to all Syria’s “civilians, officials and soldiers”.
The “officials”, of course, were Bashar’s officials. And the soldiers
were the regime’s soldiers. I suppose we might turn to the old
Christian advice of rendering unto Caesar the things which are
Caesar’s and unto God the things that are God’s. Another reminder:
Bashar al-Assad is not Caesar.

But a Lebanese Christian writer got it right when he suggested that
Syria’s Christians were probably following the advice of Saint Paul (1
Timothy 2:1): “Therefore I exhort first of all that supplications,
prayers, intercessions, and giving of thanks be made to all men, for
kings and all who are in authority, that we may lead a quiet and
peaceable life…” And who but Bashar, for now, is the “authority” in
Syria?

The INDEPENDENT, July 30, 2012

Pastures for Angora flocks

Osservatorio Balcani e Caucaso, Italy
Aug 13 2012

Pastures for Angora flocks

Paolo Martino
13 August 2012

Desolate lands, where the mountains of the Caucasus descend towards
the Anatolian plateau in big steps, and names come from politics
rather than history. The sixth episode of our report `From the
Caucasus to Beirut’

The customs officer unwillingly opens a cleft in the window of the
sentry box. On the floor, a carpet of fresh snow swallows my
footsteps, while daylight falls shines through the flakes. `Your car?’
Where the Iron Curtain was standing up to twenty years ago, now what
is left is only a cold customs officer. `No car’. With his fingertip
on the glass, the soldier traces the distance from the border post to
the first village: POSOF, 14 KM. A fourteen-kilometre march. He
inidicates to sleep there, his hands joined under his cheek. `No,
thank you’. The stamp is bangs down deafly onto page 34 of my
passport. VALE BORDER POINT, 6/11/2011. `Welcome to Turkey, Mister’. I
shake his hand before he withdraws it back into the warmth of his box
and, until the dead of night, I am left alone with the crackling of
virgin snow under my boots. It is the belated cry of the Iron Curtain.

North-Eastern Turkey. The mountains of the Caucasus descend with big
steps towards the Anatolian plateau, the immeasurable pasture of
angora flocks, kingdom of the Kurdish dynasties, a corridor and valve
between confronting continents. The road from Yerevan to Beirut winds
through snowy lands to which politics, more than history, is busy
giving names. Eastern Turkey, as shown on the atlas; Kurdistan, as the
men and women living there call it; Western Armenia, according to the
word of the Armenian diaspora. The scrupulous toponymy reveals
aspirations to dominating a land that only belongs to the wind.

Kars appears at the end of a straight stretch of tarmac, the only
pattern in the plateau’s monotonous morphology. Under Russian control
until 1917, the Kars Oblast attracted a constant flow of Armenians,
many of them survivors of the genocide. When the October Revolution
withdrew the contingents stationed in the Empire’s suburbs, the
Armenians took over the city, integrating it into the Democratic
Republic of Armenia. Up to 1920, when the Turkish advance swallowed up
half the newborn Armenian State, Kars was the capital of the Armenian
province of Vanand. Today, high on the fortress a huge red flag with
half moon and star on it flutters in sky breaking its metallic grey
colour.

From my journal

A railway track runs steadily through the prairie towards the East,
without ever curving for about 70 kilometres up to Armenia. A 1-hour
trip, if the border between the two Countries had not been closed for
the past 20 years. On July 6th 1993, when the Turks shut it, the
railway workers of both Countries wondered what to do with the
locomotives left trapped on the wrong side of the barbed wire. Built
in 1899, this was, for the rest of the following century, the only
railway between NATO and the Soviet Union, the throbbing artery of men
and freight between the two blocks sharing the world. To get here from
Yerevan, it took me three days on buses, taxis and forced marches
through solitary passes and snowy gorges of the Caucasus.

A slam on the brakes and the bus stops at the entrance of Kars. Eight
soldiers stare the passengers straight in the eye, their fingertips on
the triggers of the rifles pointed at eye level. The officer checking
the documents shouts out a name, articulating each syllable clearly.
The name echoes on the bus like an electric shock. A young boy walks
down the aisle meeting compassionate looks. Handcuffed on his back, he
meekly disappears on the prison van along with other prisoners. The
bus starts again and the man beside me shrugs: `Turkish Jandarma’.
Indeed, that name still resounding in my head. I.M. A Kurdish name.

>From the top of the fortress, the camera has trouble focusing on Kars’
suburbs, suspended between fog and the prairie. But at the foot of the
castle, clear is the image of the Armenian Cathedral of the Holy
Apostles. Turned into a museum in the `60s, then into a mosque and
then abandoned, the church is intact, despite its neglect. Rafi, my
Armenian friend and child of the diaspora’s words come to mind:
`Armenians build schools and churches everywhere, then they
disappear’. Uttered in Beirut, the sentence betrayed admiration for
the Kurdish cause in Turkey, for their determination not to leave, for
this people’s tenacious claims for autonomy. Before history turned its
back on the Armenians, a century ago, the two minorities lived side by
side in this region, part of a multi-ethnic empire that extended from
the Balkans to the Persian Gulf. `Sooner or later – Rafi added – the
Kurds will have their own State in Anatolia. With the passing of time,
we are disappearing from the Middle East’

Days go by without talking, as the Kurdish winter starts. Among stands
of spices and dried fruit at the bazaar, shepherds, hand labourers,
merchants and farmers loiter, along with elders in traditional
clothes: Kurdish alvars and dark vests on white shirts, Persian
caftans, felt féz, tarbush streaked with gold. The variety of clothes
and human features in this bordering strip of land recalls the
linguistic richness of old times. Armenian, Turkish, Zazà, Kurmanji,
Russian and a pentagram of languages cut back by Ankara’s fierce
politics of centralization based on Turkish monolingualism.

Ani. The walls of the largest Armenian capital of all time surround
nothing now. The pointed-arch door in the ramparts, shaped by the wind
more than man, is the trompe l’`il in the constant recurring of the
plateau. Gradually abandoned since the 16th century, with its 150,000
inhabitants, Ani competed, by splendour and fame, with Baghdad,
Istanbul and Beijing. Persian and Arab caravans exchanged goods in its
squares; Byzantine, Armenian and Russian pilgrims prayed in its
sanctuaries; Caucasian and Asian routes changed course just so they
could cross its doors. Today, among these cold ruins, the only traces
of life are big oxen pasturing on the Armenian history and a young
Kurdish shepherd tending to them with a stick and creative cries.

The apparent continuity of the land is broken as I proceed on what was
the city’s trade axis. While the horizon is shaped by the mosque of
Menüçehr, the Cathedral, the Redeemer and Saint Gregory Churches, the
plateau is suddenly swallowed up by windy gorges. Down below, like an
enormous scar, the bed of the Arax river marks Ani’s Eastern border.
Beyond the canyon, again flat but at an altitude, from afar Armenia
observes the open-hearted ruins of its ancient capital. Since 1920,
the river has marked the border between the two Countries. After the
Turkish-Armenian war, the prayers to leave at least that square
kilometre to Armenian control were to no avail. Today, as then,
sovereignty is not a matter of courtesy.

At this point of the plateau, where the sky is no less concrete than
the earth, it is the vault of heaven that gives shape to things.
Beaten by wind and solitude, Ani does not easily give up its remains.
How can this be the land that nourishes the diaspora’s myth of return?
But when the sun disappears behind the low profile of the horizon,
leaving behind it a secretion of red, the steel sky starts melting and
Ani changes colour, going from grey to crimson. Somehow, the monuments
go back to the eternity they were first thought for, before the
age-old human work went missing. In this frozen moment, the ghost of
the deported people populates this land again, fulfilling Sarop’s
prophecy. And solitude turns into a privilege.

The bus to Igdir veers South. At night, the plateau throbs with its
own light, a white warmth that from the snowy profile of the mountains
drops down to the valley warming up the plane. The road unwinds in
this meadow of light. Tonight Beirut is still far, but I miss it less
and less.

http://www.balcanicaucaso.org/eng/Dossiers/From-the-Caucasus-to-Beirut/From-the-Caucasus-to-Beirut/Pastures-for-Angora-flocks-120935

Lettre d’un Arménien d’Alep

SYRIE
Lettre d’un Arménien d’Alep

On dit que la centrale électrique a partiellement été attaquée. Il
n’est pas minuit et le courant vient juste d’être rétabli il y a 1
heure. Je suis sorti la nuit dernière à 10 heures.

Les rues sont pratiquement vides jusqu’à 11 heures minuit. On entend
toujours des explosions au loin. Nous y sommes habitués. Mais ce qui
est arrivé hier de 6 heures à minuit dans la rue Jallaa a vraiment
frappé les Arméniens de Alep qui ont ressenti la férocité des
événements à fleur de peau. Avant cela, de nombreux incidents ont eu
lieu aux abords de New Kyugh (le quartier du Sourp Kevork) , se
rapprochant des secteurs arméniens.

95 % des magasins sont fermés. Vous ne trouverez qu’un ou deux
magasins ouverts au marché Aziziyeh. Les taxis ont augmenté leurs
tarifs et il n’y a aucun bus public autour. Les mini-vans à 14 places
travaillent toujours mais ils ne vont pas partout. Par exemple, on
peut seulement aller à pieds de Nor Kyugh à Aziziyeh. Toutes les
autres rues de l’autre côté de Kapriyeh sont fermées et les voitures
ne passent pas

Un litre d’essence coûte maintenant 250 livres syriennes, une hausse
vertigineuse comparée aux 35 livres pratiquées. Le gaz coûte
maintenant 6000 livres (le prix officiel est 450). Le gouvernement
donne du mazout aux boulangeries (un fioul épais de mauvaise qualité)
et de la farine. La plupart des boulangeries travaillent toute la nuit
jusqu’ à 8-9 heures du matin. Mais le pain ne suffit pas car on vient
de loin pour en acheter beaucoup. De nombreuses boulangeries du
voisinage ne travaillent pas.

De nombreux vendeurs de fruits ne se sont pas montrés. Ils n’ont
certainement pas eu la possibilité d’arriver ici depuis les villages.
Tout est cher. Les épiceries sont ouvertes. Le développement le plus
intéressant est l’énorme augmentation de vente de cigarettes de
contrebande dans les rues. On peut trouver pratiquement toutes les
marques. Même les cigarettes locales ont vu leur prix augmenter. Les
Arméniens ne sont encore démunis d’argent. Les riches ont déjà un pied
hors du pays. La classe moyenne résiste toujours mais la proportion
des classes sociales est difficile à déterminer. Ceci deviendra
évident quand les écoles rouvriront en septembre et que les dépenses
devront être payées.

Les écoles ouvrent officiellement le 16 septembre, mais nombreuses
sont celles occupées par les réfugiés et ceux qui n’ont plus de
domicile. On peut voir des gens dormir dehors dans les parcs et les
squares. La situation des Arméniens est meilleure que celle des
résidents des quartiers du voisinage. Les Arméniens ont peur que le
gouvernement les force à accepter dans leurs écoles des personnes de
l’ extérieur et il y a une peur cachée que des quartiers arméniens se
vident comme une partie de Nor Kyugh.

Un organisme central s’est formé, qui a ponctionné 700 $ de chaque
organisation arménienne pour acheter des stocks de nécessités de base
(2 t de farine, 2 t de blé, 2 t de sucre, etc.)

Chaque organisation doit proposer cinq bienfaiteurs prêts à aider les
Arméniens indigents d’une assistance globale de 35 $ pour leurs
besoins.

On voit des groupes de trois à cinq personnes`battre le pavé`,
commentant les événements de la journée. Ce sont des commerçants,
debout devant leur rideau partiellement baissé, attendant un ami ou
des relations venus pour bavarder. Même un étranger peut devenir
l’interlocuteur attendu.

Mais il domine une atmosphère de peur et d’inquiétude. Les enfants
sont gardés à l’intérieur surtout en raison des coupures
d’électricité. Les enfants n’ont rien à faire,. Ce qui rend la
situation générale encore plus irritante. Les soirs, les rues sont
sombres et silencieuses. Sulimaniye est la dernière rue à se vider de
ses gens. Ceci est encore plus surprenant car, dans le passé en
période de Ramadan, les rues d’ Alep étaient pleines de gens visitant
tout au long de la nuit les commerces qui restaient ouverts jusqu’au
matin. Les commerçants qui ont eu l’intuition de ne pas remplir leurs
étagères pour ce Ramadan sont dans une meilleure situation que ceux
qui n’ont pas vu venir le tournant économique.

La vie économique a atteint son plus bas niveau. Seul l’essentiel est
acheté et vendu.

Le 10 août 2012

Source :

Traduction : Gisèle Garabédian

lundi 13 août 2012,
Ara ©armenews.com

http://hetq.am

Yurtseven Tekiner, la voix de la communauté kurde d’Alsace

REVUE DE PRESSE
Yurtseven Tekiner, la voix de la communauté kurde d’Alsace

Les Kurdes d’Alsace sont plutôt actifs. Ils défendent une identité et
un mouvement, le PKK, considéré comme terroriste par l’Union
européenne. À leur tête, souvent, une jeune femme : après avoir rêvé
de devenir chanteuse, Yurtseven Tekiner a choisi d’exprimer la «
douleur » des siens. Un jour gris d’hiver. Le consulat turc de
Strasbourg garde prudemment ses volets baissés. De l’autre côté de
l’avenue des Vosges, derrière une petite haie de policiers, une
centaine de Kurdes manifestent. Au milieu d’eux, une grande jeune
femme, aux longs cheveux bouclés. C’est elle qui dirige la man`uvre.
Elle qui empoigne le mégaphone, qui lance « Halte aux massacres ! »,
dénonce la « guerre du gouvernement turc contre ses citoyens kurdes »,
compare la situation des siens au génocide arménien. Elle qui a décidé
d’organiser cette manifestation, après des bombardements turcs sur un
village kurde. Et cette petite foule, où se mêlent jeunes et moins
jeunes, femmes et hommes, filles et garçons, semble lui faire
entièrement confiance.

Depuis deux ans, Yurtseven Tekiner, 31 ans, est la porte-parole
officieuse de la communauté kurde d’Alsace. Elle ne se dit « pas
militante, mais sympathisante » du PKK, le parti des travailleurs du
Kurdistan, organisation considérée comme terroriste par (entre autres)
la Turquie, l’Union européenne et les États-Unis. « Les Occidentaux
disent “terroriste” parce que ça les arrange. Moi, je dis que c’est
un mouvement populaire. Ce sont des gens qui résistent à une
répression. Bien sûr qu’il y a des morts, parce que c’est une guerre.
Mais le PKK, c’est le peuple, et on ne peut avoir de doutes sur le
peuple ».

Dans l’Histoire, les appels mystiques au peuple n’ont pas laissé que
de bons souvenirs… Pasionaria exaltée ? Dangereuse révolutionnaire ?
En tout cas, quand elle s’exprime, là, dans le tête-à-tête d’un café
strasbourgeois, Yurtseven n’est pas fanatique, mais douce. Convaincue,
déterminée, mais tranquille. Volontiers séductrice. « Est-ce que j’ai
l’air d’une terroriste ?… Je suis patriote, c’est tout. La
communauté m’a choisie comme porte-parole naturellement, parce que je
suis intégrée et que je maîtrise la langue. Quand il y avait une
manif, on me disait toujours : “Parle, prend le micro !” Eux, ce
sont en majorité des réfugiés politiques, ils ont une sorte de
complexe. Mon père, qui est un grand monsieur et a de grandes idées, a
encore des difficultés pour bien parler en français. Manifester me
permet d’évacuer les choses. Quand je crie “Liberté au peuple
kurde”, j’essaye de mettre des mots sur leur douleur. La souffrance
de mes parents et de milliers de Kurdes, c’est ce qui me motive. J’ai
l’impression d’être leur voix… »

Yurtseven a ainsi trouvé sa voie en devenant la voix de sa communauté.
Mais pour y parvenir, il lui a fallu passer par une série de
révélations. Son histoire, au fond, c’est celle d’une petite fille qui
se demandait pourquoi ses parents étaient toujours tristes. « Pourquoi
maman pleurait tous les jours, pourquoi papa avait cette amertume dans
les yeux, pourquoi on ne partait pas en vacances comme les autres… »

Longtemps, elle a porté leur histoire sans vraiment la connaître.
Yurtseven arrive en France en 1983, quand elle a moins de deux ans.
Instituteur dans la région de Dersim, en Turquie, son papa a reçu «
une balle dans le bras, parce qu’il revendiquait son identité ». Il
devient réfugié politique, « comme plus de 700 000 Kurdes en Europe ».
La France l’accueille plutôt bien, mais il a la bougeotte. Il
multiplie métiers (bûcheron, marchand forain, restaurateur…) et
déménagements : Lorraine, Champagne-Ardenne, Territoire-de-Belfort et
enfin Alsace.

Yurtseven garde un excellent souvenir de Delle, où elle a passé une
partie de son enfance et de son adolescence. Notamment de Raymond
Forni, maire socialiste de la petite ville et personnalité politique
d’envergure nationale. « Il m’aimait bien, monsieur Forni… J’avais
fait un discours lors d’une manifestation patriotique, au lycée, et il
était venu me voir pour me dire que j’avais une voix. Il me voyait
devenir avocate, chanteuse ou comédienne ! »

Elle essaiera les trois… Elle a arrêté le droit en deuxième année de
Deug, et est montée à Paris, à 22 ans. Elle y a suivi des cours de
thétre, rencontré quelques producteurs. Ça n’est pas allé plus loin.
Peut-être parce qu’elle portait autant de bonheur que de douleur.
Parce que, dit-elle aujourd’hui, « je voulais exprimer des choses,
mais je ne savais pas encore lesquelles. J’avais un problème
identitaire profond, un poids en moi… Je me sentais inexistante.
Mais je ne voulais pas ouvrir le truc, car je savais que ce serait
difficile… »

Elle l’a « ouvert » il y a quatre ans seulement, lors de son retour
auprès de ses parents, alors installés à Mulhouse. « J’étais prête à
affronter le récit ». Elle s’imprègne de la fin tragique de son
arrière-grand-mère, victime du massacre de Dersim, des galères de ses
parents et de celles de ses oncles, proies de passeurs mafieux. Elle
débute sa vocation de militante à plein temps en devenant bénévole au
centre culturel kurde. Elle réapprend sa langue maternelle. Et
parachève la découverte de son identité profonde en allant « là-bas »,
en août 2010. « Mon père, je l’ai compris au Kurdistan, dans la maison
de son enfance. Je pleurais, parce qu’il n’était pas là alors que
c’était sa place, mais je comprenais tellement de choses… Je
m’attendais à voir un paradis, et j’ai vu un paradis ! Mes
grands-parents cultivaient leur jardin, je trouvais ça génial ! Mes
parents, eux, ne pouvaient pas le faire : il faut être en harmonie
pour prendre le temps de faire pousser des fleurs… »

dimanche 12 août 2012,
Stéphane ©armenews.com

http://www.lalsace.fr/bas-rhin/2012/08/06/un-jour-gris-d-hiver

La commission anti-trust sanctionne la société Natalie Pharm d’une a

ARMENIE
La commission anti-trust sanctionne la société Natalie Pharm d’une
amende de 50 millions de drams

La commission anti-trust d’Arménie a décidé de sanctionner la société
pharmaceutique Natalie Pharmdans d’un montant de 50 millions de drams
pour abus de position dominante sur le marché. ` Neuf autres
entreprises pharmaceutiques et 29 hôpitaux et cliniques qui avaient
été également examinées par la Commission, ont été mis en garde`, a
déclaré Artak Shaboyan, le président de la Commission d’État pour la
protection de la concurrence économique (SCPEC).

Il a déclaré que des examens ont révélé que dans certains cas, les
structures médicales n’ont pas lancé d’appels d’offres pour l’achat de
médicaments ce qui est une exigence de la loi. Il a aussi dit que de
nombreuses offres sont formels parce que le gagnant était connu bien
avant.

Il a dit que tous les 29 dispensaires, hôpitaux et centres médicaux
sont des propriétés du gouvernement et outre les violations des règles
de concurrence loyale, elles ont gaspillé l’argent du budget et c’est
pourquoi leurs dossiers seront envoyés aux procureurs.

dimanche 12 août 2012,
Stéphane ©armenews.com

BAKU: Next batch of helicopters bought from Russia brought to Azerba

APA, Azerbaijan
Aug 10 2012

Next batch of helicopters bought from Russia brought to Azerbaijan

[ 10 Aug 2012 18:59 ]

Baku. Rashad Suleymanov – APA. Next batch of Mi-35 M helicopters
bought by Azerbaijan from Russia were brought to the country, APA
reports that the helicopters were sent to Baku by Rosvertol Company’s
plant in Rostov-on-Don.

Consequently, half of helicopters ordered by Azerbaijan to Russia in
2010 were brought to the country. The state Border Service and Russian
`Rosoboroneksport’ company signed an agreement in 2010 on sales of 24
Mi-35M helicopters.

The first 4 Mi-35M helicopters were sent to Azerbaijan on December 12,
2011. The presentation of helicopters were held in April this year.

Mi-35 is a modernized version of Mi-24, which is considered for
destruction of armored vehicles. These helicopters are also
implemented in airlift delivery and evacuation of wounded and
providing fire air support. These helicopters now have Russian-made
NVGs, a new countermeasures system, Garmin GPS 115 with VPS-200
interface, and a turret-mounted IRTV-445MGH thermal imaging system.