Azerbaijan May Blacklist Anna Chapman Over Karabakh Visit

AZERBAIJAN MAY BLACKLIST ANNA CHAPMAN OVER KARABAKH VISIT

August 27, 2013 – 16:00 AMT

PanARMENIAN.Net – Azerbaijan’s Foreign Ministry has instructed the
embassy in Russia to investigate information about the visit of a
number of Russian public figures to the Nagorno Karabakh Republic,
APA said.

Foreign Ministry Spokesman Elman Abdullayev told APA that if the
fact of the visit is confirmed, those who visited Karabakh , will be
included in the “persona non grata” list.

At the invitation of a Moscow-based Armenia-Russia cooperation
organization, a group of Russian journalists and public figures are
visiting Karabakh. The delegation includes former Russian intelligence
officer Anna Chapman, member of Russian Public Chamber Denis Dvornikov
and others.

As the members of the delegation told PanARMENIAN.Net commenting on
the info above, the news can cause nothing but laughter. “It’s not
even provincialism, it’s much worse,” they said.

Protest Action Near Police Building In Yerevan (PHOTO)

PROTEST ACTION NEAR POLICE BUILDING IN YEREVAN (PHOTO)

August 27, 2013 | 13:18

YEREVAN. ~V A protest action against police violence is being held
near the police building in the center of Yerevan.

The demonstrators are voicing their protest against the violence used
by police over the recent several days. They are carrying posters
~SOur country will have other policemen~T, ~SPolice officer breaking
the law must be punished~T and others.

The protesters will march to the building of Prosecutor~Rs Office
with the demands to hold police officers accountable.

Earlier activists said during the day over 40 people had been detained
with no legal grounds. Police officers were using violence against
the activists.

Live broadcasting on Azatutyun website

Photo by Arsen Sargsyan/NEWS.am

http://news.am/eng/news/168450.html

Des Centres De Jeunesse A Stepanakert Et Martakert En Cours De Repar

DES CENTRES DE JEUNESSE A STEPANAKERT ET MARTAKERT EN COURS DE REPARATION

KARABAGH

Le ministre des Affaires etrangères du Haut-Karabakh (Artsakh) Karen
Mirzoyan a rencontre vendredi 9 août des volontaires de l’Association
culturelle Serount de la FRA, qui sont arrives au karabagh dans le
cadre du programme de bienfaisance Yerkir.

Les Ministre Mirzoyan a salue leur contribution aux relations entre
l’Artsakh et de la diaspora et a souligne la necessite de poursuivre
des initiatives similaires.

Les jeunes, a leur tour, ont informe des details des projet mis en
~uvre, notamment la reparation des centres de jeunesse a Stepanakert
et Martakert ainsi que l’ouverture de centres pour enfants dans la
capitale de la Republique du Haut Karabagh.

mardi 27 août 2013, Stephane ©armenews.com

L’Armenie Se Dirige Vers Un Enseignement Integre

L’ARMENIE SE DIRIGE VERS UN ENSEIGNEMENT INTEGRE

ARMENIE

L’Armenie est en train d’equiper les ecoles ordinaires pour permettre
aux enfants handicapes de les frequenter au lieu d’etre eduques
separement.

La reforme decoule des obligations que l’Armenie a entrepris en 2010
quand il a ratifie la Convention relative aux droits des personnes
handicapees, qui oblige les Etats a prevenir la discrimination et
permettre l’accès egal pour tous.

Le changement ne sera pas terminee lors de la prochaine decennie car
les bâtiments scolaires de l’Armenie datent generalement de l’ère
sovietique et qu’il est difficile de les adapter pour les fauteuils
roulants et autres besoins particuliers.

Naira Harutyunyan, chef du departement de l’education inclusive dans
une ecole de la capitale Erevan, a declare que son institution a
accepte des enfants handicapes mentaux, mais ne pouvait pas encore
accueillir les elèves qui utilisent des fauteuils roulants, car il ne
disposait pas des fonds necessaires pour apporter des modifications
adequates.

” Pour la rampe nous avons un problème ” a-t-elle explique. ” Nous
l’avons experimente et avons decouvert que les fauteuils roulants
pourraient basculer dans la descente, nous avons donc cesse de
l’utiliser “, dit-elle. Azniv Manoukyan, psychologue a la meme ecole,
s’est felicite de la reforme, en notant le changement dramatique
qu’elle avait observe dans un garcon autiste au cours d’une annee.

” Un système inclusif est la bonne chose pour les enfants comme ca,
parce qu’ils ont une place dans un endroit qui leur sera benefique “,
dit-elle. ” Quand vous avez des cours face a face avec un elève, vous
obtiendrez toujours des resultats. En classe, les enseignants jouent un
rôle très important, et nous avons aussi des seances supplementaires “.

En octobre, le ministre de l’Education Armen Ashotyan a presente un
projet de loi fixant les principes de l’integration scolaire. Il a dit
que les 1347 ecoles en Armenie seraient ouverts a tous les elèves, et
a note que la reforme permettrait de reduire le coût de l’education
des enfants handicapes dans des ecoles separees. L’Armenie compte
actuellement 107 ecoles integrees, avec une augmentation du nombre
de 15 par an.

En cas d’opposition au regime, il se pose souvent la question ded
prejuges chez les parents.

” Il y a trois ans, quand j’ai commence a travailler dans cette ecole,
il y avait des parents qui ont demande a leurs enfants de ne s’asseoir
a proximite des enfants ayant des problèmes, ils ne veulent pas que
leurs enfants soient dans la meme classe que les enfants handicapes
” a dit Azniv Manoukyan. ” Mais je dois dire que de plus en plus de
parents maintenant veillent a enseigner a leurs enfants de se faire
ami avec les enfants handicapes “.

Naira Harutyunyan a dit qu’un autre obstacle a la reussite etait que
de placer les enfants handicapes dans les ecoles inclusives etait
toujours une question de choix parental. ” J’exhorte le gouvernement
a revoir la règle selon laquelle les parents peuvent eux-memes decider
quelle ecole leurs enfants doivent aller ” dit-elle.

Les pensionnats où les enfants gravement handicapes ont etudie
jusqu’a maintenant affirme que la justification de leur existence
n’a pas disparu.

” Nous avons encore des enfants avec la plus difficile des conditions ”
a declare Artsvik Arshakyan, le principal d’une telle ecole a Erevan. ”
Les enfants qui ont moins de handicaps doivent etre deplaces vers
le système d’education inclusif, mais notre ecole doit rester comme
point de depart. Il y a aura toujours des enfants souffrant de graves
handicaps, et s’ils n’ont nulle part où aller, ils finiront dans la
rue “.

Le ministre Ashotyan a confirme que certaines des ecoles de l’ère
sovietique seraient retenus.

” Nous ne pouvons pas eliminer ces ecoles speciales en Armenie, tout
comme elles ne peuvent pas etre elimines dans n’importe quel autre pays
” a-t-il declare au parlement. ” Mais leur nombre doit etre limite,
et les enfants ne doit pas etre place la-bas a moins qu’il n’y ait
une bonne raison “.

La règle de base est que les enfants qui pourraient frequenter les
ecoles ordinaires devraient le faire. ” La societe doit devenir plus
receptive et tolerante “, a-t-il dit. ” Il faut comprendre que ce
sont des membres de la societe, les enfants de cette societe “.

Arpi Beglaryan est journaliste pour emedia.am en Armenie.

Institute for War & Peace Reporting

mardi 27 août 2013, Stephane ©armenews.com

Sergueï Paradjanov, rouge comme la vie

Le Temps
Samedi 24 Août 2013

Sergueï Paradjanov, rouge comme la vie

Poète des toiles, le grand cinéaste géorgien a été victime de la main
de fer soviétique. Accusé d’anticommunisme, de trafic d’icônes, il est
condamné à 5 ans de travaux forcés. Un coffret réunit aujourd’hui ses
quatre longs métrages, autant de chefs-d’oeuvre

Par Antoine Duplan

Rouge, comme la grenade, le motif emblématique du cinéma de Sergueï
Paradjanov. Rouge comme le sang… Le premier plan de Sayat Nova
montre des fruits saignant dans de la gaze, ambivalence de la vitalité
et de la blessure. «Je suis l’homme dont la vie et l’art sont la
torture», disait Sayat Nova. Le film qui porte son nom (alias «Couleur
de la grenade») ne prétend pas être une biographie du poète arménien
(1712-1795), mais une traduction cinématographique de ses images.
Truites tressautant à l’air libre. Livres mis à sécher. Riches tapis
qu’on traîne parmi des habitations tumulaires. Une femme nue, le sein
droit caché par un coquillage. Un baladin présentant face à la caméra
des objets et des matières: la plume de paon et la nacre, le corail et
le safran, l’oud et le crne humain… Ces théories de symboles
permettent de pénétrer le sens d’un vers comme «Je suis un rossignol
en pays étranger et toi tu es ma cage dorée».

La mort du poète atteint des sommets d’étrangeté symbolique. A côté
d’une soutane noire étendue bras en croix, il s’est allongé, vêtu de
blanc, parmi les cierges. Une demi-douzaine de poulets décapités
viennent s’ébrouer, plumes et sang sur les flammes. Le poète suit les
anges dans l’au-delà, une longue bande de terre sèche entre les
labours. «Je ne serai plus là, mais rien de moi ne sera perdu.»

Sergueï Paradjanov (1924-1990) n’est plus là, mais ses quatre longs
métrages, réunis en coffret, témoignent de son génie singulier. Et du
sombre destin que le cinéaste géorgien endura.

Avec Les Chevaux de feu (alias Les Ombres de nos ancêtres oubliés),
Roméo et Juliette en terre gutsule, Paradjanov signe un éblouissant
manifeste d’un art poétique exprimant la puissance des sentiments et
des éléments. Ce premier long métrage lui vaut d’être arrêté en 1968
pour «nationalisme ukrainien». Le scénario de Sayat Nova semble
inoffensif. Pourtant la censure se déchaîne contre le film. Il est
attaqué pour «formalisme excessif», «antisoviétisme latent», «culte
excessif du passé». Accusé de trafic d’icônes, de marché noir,
d’homosexualité, etc., Paradjanov est condamné à 5 ans de travaux
forcés. Cette peine suscite un tollé en Occident. Cinéastes
(Antonioni, Buñuel, Fellini, Godard…) et écrivains (Aragon, John
Updike…) lancent des pétitions. La pression internationale se
traduit par un adoucissement de peine pour le poète. Mais ce n’est
qu’en 1982 qu’il est définitivement libéré. Epuisé, malade, il trouve
la ressource de tourner deux derniers chefs-d’oeuvre.

Dédié à la mémoire des guerriers de Géorgie, La Légende de la
Forteresse de Souram nousemmène au Moyen Age, autour d’un chteau qui
s’effondre tant qu’on n’y a pas emmuré un jeune homme. Achik Kerib.
Conte d’un poète amoureux, évoque les 1001 jours dont dispose un
pauvre ménestrel pour faire fortune.

Paradjanov refusait le principe de narrativité inhérent au cinéma. Ses
films se composent de tableaux fascinants, déconcertants, à
l’intérieur desquels des ellipses ressemblant à de faux raccords
suggèrent le passage des saisons de la vie. Il compose des plans
somptueux dont le symbolisme souvent hermé – tique n’empêche pas
l’émerveillement. Voir ce plan d’un bivouac, un paysage nimbé d’or
dans lequel des mamelons herbeux font écho à la bosse laineuse de
trois chameaux paisibles, ou ce funambule bondissant sur sa corde
au-dessus de voilures bleues ondulant comme la mer sous le vent.

Des intertitres annoncent les chapitres de ces films qui se lisent
comme des poèmes. Des plans fixes sur un détail de statuaire, le motif
d’un tapis ou une composition harmonieuse (un sabre couché en travers
d’une corbeille pleine de fruits rouges posés sur du blé) ouvrent
d’innombrables portes vers d’autres histoires.

Les sculptures géantes d’Harut Hekmalyan à la Maison du patrimoine

La Montagne, France
Mercredi 21 Août 2013
Vichy Edition

Les sculptures géantes d’Harut Hekmalyan à la Maison du patrimoine

Sculptures d’Harut Hekmalyan à Chtel-Montagne. Les sculptures
d’Harut Hekmalyan sont exposées à la Maison du patrimoine jusqu’au 8
septembre.

Ce sculpteur, d’origine arménienne, se fait plaisir avec des oeuvres «
grandes tailles ». Il s’attaque au bois et au marbre Installé en
France, depuis quinze ans, principalement à Chtel-Montagne, son lieu
de résidence, il parcourt tout le pays et même le monde.

L’artiste, qui a ouvert son atelier au Mayet-de-Montagne depuis peu,
participe à des festivals, des concours, des expositions et des
performances en public, sa préférence. Il a participé récemment à une
exposition au conseil de l’Europe, à Strasbourg ; il est aussi le
coordinateur de résidence d’artistes sculpteurs dans les Pyrénées et
propose des stages de sculptures sur pierre tendre, stéatite et
albtre.

è Contact. Maison du patrimoine, association Vitrine de Chtel, place
Alphonse-Corre, à Chtel-Montagne. Tél. 04.70.59.37.89 ou
[email protected]

Sculptures d’Harut Hekmalyan à Chtel-Montagne.

According to the activist, `the son of an oligarch’ cursed and spitt

According to the activist, `the son of an oligarch’ cursed and spitted
on the car

August 25 2013

Two participants of the sit-in, Vahagn Minasyan and Suren Sahakyan,
were arrested near the Yerevan City Hall. The only witness of the
event was an activist Arthur Chilingaryan. He told that the police
officers pulling two activists made them get into car only after when
they switched on the loudspeaker which on automatic mode was
continuously repeating, `We demand that the municipality removes the
criminal elements.’ Arthur Chilingaryan said that the police officers
have told that the voice of the loudspeaker was hindering the work of
the City Hall and this was the reason why the activists were taken to
the police station. He also said that the «Republican party
grandmother» was at the City Hall since morning, who continually
offended, insulted, and hit the activists with her walking stick. And
was constantly taking the posters installed in front of the City Hall
and throwing them into the street. Chilingaryan told that after
detaining the activists, a black car stood in front of the City Hall,
and `perhaps, the son of an oligarch came out of the car, began to
curse, and then spitted on the car and getting back into the car,
left. The police officers, as always during the important cases, were
not here.’ Arpine SIMONYAN

Read more at:

http://en.aravot.am/2013/08/25/156170/

Mapping music: Melodies that travelled across continents

The Sunday Guardian , India
August 24, 2013 Saturday

Mapping music: Melodies that travelled across continents

India

India, Aug. 24 — How do you define the Bhairav family of musical
notes whose route you have studied across various geographies?

A. I’m not trying to define a Bhairav family of musical notes. I am
referring to various associations between clusters of notes that are
seen in the Bhairav family. A lot of melodies in the areas that I am
talking about are in the Bhairavi raga and are a part of the Bhairav
family. It would be closest to the natural minor scale in Western
classical music, the Phrygian scale in ancient Greek music. It
corresponds to the Hijaz makam in Turkish, Persian or Egyptian
classical music systems.

There are variants of the Bhairavi in the Indian Subcontinent and
neighbouring regions, which travelled via West Asia, the
Mediterranean, Ethiopia, Nubia, Southern Europe and North Africa to
reach Mali, and there appears to be a common aesthetic constellation
defining these.

Q. How did “musicality” move over land and ocean?

A. It is important to note that there were fascinating connections
between far flung places through music and musicians, connections that
are not adequately acknowledged in historical or musicological work.
For instance, we can identify distinct sites of intense interaction
and ferment: Baghdad in the 8th-9th century, Kochi from the 7th
century onwards, Delhi from the 12th century, Cordoba in Southern
Spain from the 9th century onwards, Morocco and Tunis from around the
same period.

Q. How is it that the Flamenco music of the Gitanos is similar to the
music in Sindh, Rajasthan and Punjab? Is the same commonality found in
Andalusian music as well?

A. Between 800 and 900 AD, a large number of people believed to be
Chandalas, or the persecuted and shunned lowest castes from Sindh,
Rajasthan and Punjab, migrated across to Persia by 1100 AD, after
which they split into two migratory routes. One group went northwards
through Armenia and Byzantium into Europe. This group split further –
the Romas went to the Balkans while the Sintis went to Central Europe.
The other group went through Syria and Egypt and finally settled in
southern Spain. They came to be known as the ‘kale’ or ‘black’ Gitano
people. Their left the echoes of the Bhairavi all across the places
that they travelled through and settled in. The remarkable
similarities in the scale used in the Phrygian, as well as nuance and
mode of rendering is seen in the Soleares, Seguriyas and the Bulerias
within Flamenco forms that are associated with the Gitanos. The
Gitanos entered Spain by the late 14th and 15th centuries. By this
time the Andalusian music tradition had already become quite
established, but the Gitanos contributed their own metaphors of loss
and movement.

The music of the Gitanos is part of the Andalusian music tradition
which in turn consists quite heavily of the kinds of melodies that I
am talking about. Particular forms of the Flamenco, like the Bulerias,
Seguriyas and Soleares in fact, bear a close resemblance to the Heer
which is sung in many parts of north-western India.

Q. Keeping in mind the Bhairavi connection, how has the love story of
Shirin influenced the musical routes across the regions that it
travelled?

A. The history and the myth of Shirin are interesting in different
ways. She belonged to the Eastern Syriac or the ‘Nestorian’ church,
which, persecuted by the Byzantine church, spread eastward to India.
Notably, it reached Kochi through the Silk Road to China and Central
Asia and westwards and southwards to Ethiopia. Her own migration from
Armenia to be with Khosrow after he pursued and implored her to join
him was a distinct statement of autonomy, according to historical
sources. The myth of her life therefore necessarily carried with it
narratives of identity, loss and migration.

The original love story has many versions. In the twelfth century,
Azerbaijani poet Nezami wrote his epic Chosroes and Shirin in what
historian William Baum refers to as a distinct stage in the life of
the Shirin myth, inserting a love triangle through the character of
the carpenter Ferhad. Contemporary preoccupations with the Shirin myth
can be seen in Abbas Kierostami’s film, Shirin, which juxtaposes the
story against contemporary takes on separation, betrayal and
nationhood. The Turkish Communist poet Nazim Hikmet wrote a play
titled Shirin based on Nezami’s epic and this was choreographed into a
ballet at the Bolshoi by Azerbaijani director Arif Melikov.

We can hear renderings of the Shirin story and myth across Iran,
Azerbaijan, the Indian subcontinent, Turkey, Armenia and Iraq. Again,
many of these are minor note based melodies like the ones I have been
speaking about. The Shirin myth, it appears, is often invoked to
express loss, longing, separation, migration and these melodies are
associated with all these emotions.

Q. Are the Syriacs musically connected with Kerala in terms of the
minor-note based melody trail?

A. Except for the knowledge that Syrian Christianity came to Kerala
from the Middle East, there is no other narrative as such. Though the
relationship of Syriacs to Kerala is well researched, but questions
about musical connections have never been explored, except to note
that early Syrian Christian music bears a stylistic resemblance to
Arabic/Islamic music.

There is as yet no work that shows the connection directly except that
some of the Syrian Christian melodies are found to bear a resemblance
to Arabic music. In fact, if it does, it is likely to be part of the
minor note based melody trail that we are talking about.

Q. Is there a musicological work that solely deals with the routes
travelled by slaves in order to establish a comprehensive syncretism
between Abrahamic traditions and Indian musical traditions?

A. No, there is none as yet. In fact, except for fleeting references
to the Gitanos with their supposed origins from India, there is hardly
anything said about a relationship between the Abrahamic traditions
and Indian music.

Q. How did the rift between Zyriab, the black slave musician and
Ibrahim al Mawsili in Baghdad give birth to the predecessor of the
present day Spanish guitar?

A. It is said that Zyriab was the slave and student of
Ibrahim-al-Mawsili, the master theoretician and teacher of music in
Abbasid Baghdad in the 9th century. Zyriab had a difference of opinion
with his master and is said to have been banished from the Abbasid
empire by Ibrahim’s son, Ishaq. He went away first to Ifriqqiya, now
modern Tunis and then settled in Cordoba in Southern Spain. Zyriab
carried with him the Persian lute, added a string, changed its tuning,
introduced a plectrum with an eagle’s feather and this is said to have
been the precursor to the Spanish guitar.

Q. How did the interaction between musicians from India and Baghdad,
during the 12th -14th centuries, culminate and then adopt a new
identity?

A. From the late 12th century onwards, North Indian classical music is
known to have been influenced by Persian and ‘Islamic’ music
traditions, including traditions from Baghdad. This is referred to as
the Turko-Persian-Hindavi tradition in many works, which got
established by the 14th century and then underwent more elaboration
with Amir Khusrow and then the Mughals.

They continue to have a sense of fear from the dead Vazgen Sargsyan

`They continue to have a sense of fear from the dead Vazgen Sargsyan.’

August 25 2013

`Vazgen Sargsyan was giving an opportunity for people to work, but he
was drawing a borderline that should not be passed over. Vazgen
created a group around him, but the groups acted so that a lot of
people just left and went away. Andreassian left, Ter-Grigoryants
left,’- so expressed the hero of the Shushi and Artsakh war Arkady
Ter-Tadevosyan, Commandos, about Vazgen Sargsyan and his mistakes, in
the interview with `GALA’, recently. `Aravot’ talked to the former
First Deputy Defense Minister Andranik Kocharyan regarding the role of
Vazgen Sargsyan and his men gathered around him. – How does the belief
of Commandos meet the reality that the generals Norat Ter-Grigoryants
and Hrach Andreassyan have left just because of Vazgen Sargsyan? –
There was no military emigration during Vazgen Sargsyan’s period,
there was immigration. Vazgen Sargsyan succeeded to bring in a lot of
military servants from different place of Armenia, which had an
important role during the war, had a decisive role, had the
opportunities to be displayed, to participate in solution of key
issues for our country, i.e. to form an Armenian Army, and to reach
success through this regular structure, both in defense of Armenian
borders, and Artsakh. It was undeniable process that managed only
Vazgen Sargsyan. None of us could do it, and to forget what he did,
and humiliate is the biggest loss for further development of the
Armenian Army, today. Vazgen Sargsyan managed to mobilize all the
detachments and make it more manageable. Also after coming to power,
he managed to solve the issues of formation of the Ministry of Defense
in a short period of time. It is also a fact that is impossible to
ignore. The policy of MD personnel during Vazgen Sargsyan’s time, and
generally the then was implemented not only for making fidai
detachments more manageable, but also for the formation of a regular
army, and the involvement of a professional officer staff in the
establishment of the army was one of the most important basic
directions. At that time, not only Ter-Grigoryants, Andreassyan,
Ivanyan, Zinevich, Ghukasov, Khatchaturov, Harutyunyan, Abrahamyan
came to Armenia … everybody came, and they are so many: generals,
colonels, military personnel occupying once high positions in the
Soviet army, who came and had the opportunity to participate in the
forming the Armenian army. But the fact is that Andreassyan and
Ter-Grigoryants had left Armenia when Vazgen Sargsyan was not the
Defense Minister for a short time. Serzh Sargsyan at that time was
already the Minister of Defense. – Were there inconsistencies between
Norat Ter-Grigoryants and Vazgen Sargsyan? – I do not know of such
evidence that there were such disagreements with Vazgen Sargsyan that
could be a serious obstacle to further servicing of any military
servant, except for the inconsistencies that were obstacles in
establishment of the army. In other words, there were soldiers who had
done such deeds that Vazgen could never forgive. We all know that
Vazgen also had great skills to forgive. The strength of Vazgen was
not only making unmanageable manageable, but also give people a chance
to correct the mistakes. Therefore, a much larger number of people
gathered around him. There was no good or bad for Vazgen. Any person
involved in the war was a value for Vazgen. – Do you agree with the
Commandos that Vazgen Sargsyan is the person about whom it is
forbidden to speak now? I must say that what he did was right, no
matter how it is evident that he had done many wrong things. – I do
not understand why the topic about Vazgen Sargsyan is raised, and why
Arkady Ter-Tadevosyan, the once hero general of Artsakh, has assumed
the speculation of this theme, imported by various forces. I do not
understand it. Everyone have made errors, and Vazgen Sargsyan would
have made his mistakes. But to speak today about the mistakes that
were made in the past, and not to talk about errors that are present
in different sectors of the state, including in the structures of the
army, it is not clear to me. Vazgen’s strength, in fact, continues to
worry certain people or systems, which, for some reason, continue to
keep a sense of fear from the dead Vazgen. – Vazgen Sargsyan, as per
Arkady Ter-Tadevosyan, created such a group around him, which
destroyed him and then performed some theaters and brought Nairi
Hunanyan. Commandos told that Vazgen Sargsyan has done a favor to many
people, and also bad to many people, many people became rich due to
him, statues by his name were made. Was Vazgen Sargsyan really
surrounded by the kind of people and he had gathered such groupings
around him? – Huge masses were surrounded around Vazgen. Vazgen had
his circle of friends, he also had a circle of unfriends, but he was
the kind of person who was gathering vast layers in our country.
Vazgen can be compared only with the activities conducted by
Myasnikyan in the beginning of the century. The latter implemented the
most important issue for the state in the beginning of the century, in
the end of the century Vazgen solved a problem, within which all other
discussions are just senseless. Vazgen was the first Sparapet of
victorious army, and the foundations laid by him are so strong until
now that even after so much criticism our army is still a victorious
army. It was the trace left by Vazgen Sargsyan along with his
mistakes. The system, which was formed around Vazgen, was so powerful
that these errors did not dismantle the system, but despite these
errors, Vazgen Sargsyan continues to be the victorious sparapet.
Vazgen had suicide attackers. He found the most correct place to win
the war. Azerbaijan pays billions on arms, but it does not have
suicide attackers. But people were ready to die for Vazgen’s word.
Even 100 people, but Vazgen had those 100 people ready to die. Today,
no one has such a thing in Armenia to believe in him, who will gather
people around him ready to die. Vazgen’s power was just in this that
listening to him, people were going to die. Nobody was thinking about
making a heroic deed or building castle after it. There was no such
thing, therefore during Vazgen’s time the victory was viable. And it
should be remembered, and not to speak about Vazgen’s mistakes. We all
had made mistakes, also Vazgen. – Isn’t the said in the context that
as a minister of power he was known for his approaches to giving
preference to power solutions, and he became the victim of the
so-called `a group of romantics’, which at least were so introduced
that they were trying to change something with the method of power. –
Vazgen was so strong that he was neglecting all types of power
solutions of his or procedures to be implemented within the state.
Vazgen, if it were not so, he would also walked with such bodyguards,
which we see from morning till night as to how many people were
looking behind every official. Vazgen had Movses Geghangulyan, who was
the driver, bodyguard, everything and, in extreme cases, at least 2-3
security officers could go behind Vazgen, being such a great person
with highly political influence. Both, Vazgen and Karen Demirchyan,
they did not have the habit of constantly putting themselves in the
atmosphere of fear, and draw the state into the atmosphere. Vazgen was
such, therefore, people qualified as `a group of romantics’ could
implement a decisive action for the state, as a result of the coup
d’etat happened. – Who was mostly eager to see Vazgen Sargsyan’s
death? – The answer to that question has not yet been given. Our
country will begin to recover after disclosure of October 27. After
that, the event on March 1st would be revealed, afterwards such things
happened in our country would be revealed one after the other, which
would lead to such a recovery that we would speak not of mistakes
occurred or not occurred, but about the phenomena that hamper our
progress, about our prospective, which we have now set aside and
continue the battle with illusions. It simply cannot be as such.

Hripsime JEBEJYAN
Read more at:

http://en.aravot.am/2013/08/25/156164/

ANKARA: Are We Exporting a Regime?

Yeni Safak, Turkey
Aug 21 2013

Are We Exporting a Regime?

by Yasin Dogan

[Translated from Turkish]

One of the charges levelled by groups that did not like the Welfare
Party [RP] was that the party was “importing regimes”. Narratives were
formulated to suggest that the RP was planning to import regimes from
Iran or Saudi Arabia to establish an Islamic state and to introduce
sharia law. The Kemalist papers who came out with headlines such as
“Mullahs to Iran” at that time today operate as welcoming centres for
Iranians and report in prominent locations the views of every Iranian
who opposes the [Turkish] government.

Those who raised a clamour about the threat of reactionism in domestic
politics used to interpret foreign policy based on their “phobia of
Islamization.” The mindset that raised such totally unfounded
allegations was, over time, pushed to the margins of Turkish politics.
What are the concerns and phobias of this group today? What ideology
or regime is the AKP [Justice and Development Party] trying to export?

Turkey’s secular and democratic character did not change with the AKP
government. On the contrary, its democratic image was even more
enhanced. The only change was that the AKP turned Turkey’s face to
both the East and the West even as it emphasized Turkey’s character as
a Muslim country.

We know that some EU countries that cannot stomach Turkey’s
prospective membership in their union perceive Turkey’s Muslim
character as a problem. The wrongheadedness of these countries that
view the issue with religious fanaticism rather than the universal
values of the EU is already noted frequently.

European countries that wanted to exclude Turkey on charges that “it
is not democratic” [in the past] revealed their true intentions when
this problem vanished and pointed at the Muslim character of the
country.

Conversely, Muslim countries of the Middle East were accustomed to
rejecting Turkey because of its secular nature. These countries were
more perturbed by Turkey’s combined Muslim and democratic identity
than by the West. The truth is that Turkey has no intention of
exporting Islam to the West or secularism to the East. On the other
hand, it has an opportunity to make an appeal to the Muslim world with
a democratic image. Indeed, this is precisely the cause of uneasiness.
The reason for the intolerance for even the partial democratization of
Egypt is that a new parameter has entered the Middle East – in other
words the will of peoples has begun to be given importance.

Countries that are perturbed by Turkey’s regional influence initially
tried to create uneasiness by promoting Turkey as a “model” or
“exemplar” country with great fanfare. These portrayals, which
provoked Arab sensitivities and pride, were aimed at creating
antipathy against Turkey. This is why the AKP government constantly
reiterated that it does not see itself as a model or exemplar but that
it is open to friendly and fraternal collaboration. The circles that
in the past spread propaganda in Turkic republics to the effect that
“Turkey is acting as an elder brother” tried to deploy a similar
propaganda in the Middle East.

That was followed by attempts to arouse Arab concerns even more
through attributions of “neo-Ottomanism.” Turkey is obviously proud of
its past and cannot ignore the mission imposed on it by history.
However, it certainly has no romantic yearnings of carrying the past
to the present or to make other countries follow its lead. Attempts
were made to twist references to the historic nature of relations in
this context.

Allegations of an “axis shift” in foreign policy did not find much
resonance because of Turkey’s ability to maintain strong relations
with the United States and the EU.

Those who criticized the overtures formulated as part of the approach
of “zero problems” in foreign policy have taken the exact opposite
position today. Turkey’s efforts to deepen its relations with Russia
was seen as a problem. The overture to Armenia was seen as a problem.
Rapprochement with neighbours ranging from Georgia to Greece was seen
as a problem. Both cooperation and friction with Israel were seen as
problems. The overture to African countries was seen as a problem.
Efforts to establish relations with Libya and Egypt were seen as a
problem. The opposition saw every effort Turkey made to reach out to
any region of the world and to establish good relations with anyone as
a problem. The mindset that wanted to Turkey to become introverted
wanted a foreign policy of passivism, surrenderism, and zero
relations. Those who criticized Erdogan for meeting with Al-Qadhafi
subsequently censured him for issuing an ultimatum to Al-Qadhafi. The
truth is that Turkey was well-intentioned and right when it extended
its hand of friendship and it was right when it screamed the truth and
expressed its indignation. Those who criticize Turkish foreign policy
are unable to find fault with the correctness of Turkey’s narratives.

Those who criticize the evolution of the government’s foreign policy
must also see how the opposition has evolved. Turkey is acting out of
not romanticism or emotionalism but a sense of ethics that seeks
rationalism and that is mindful of realpolitik.