Turkey’s historic path towards EU membership

Times of Malta, Malta
Oct 9 2005

Turkey’s historic path towards EU membership

by Anthony Manduca

The European Union has finally opened membership talks with Turkey,
paving the way for this huge Muslim country to eventually join the
bloc. Last-minute objections by Austria, which wanted Ankara to be
offered a “privileged partnership” as an alternative to membership,
should negotiations fail, were overcome. The opening of accession
talks is a truly historic event and presents the EU with its biggest
ever challenge – how to integrate such a huge, poor, Muslim country
with a mixed human rights record into the club.

Should Turkey successfully conclude its accession negotiations –
perhaps in about 15 years’ time – it will be the Union’s most
populous member with the biggest number of votes in the Council of
Ministers, so one can understand the preoccupation in certain
European quarters. However, Turkey has been waiting 42 years to join
the EU, it has been a faithful friend and ally of the West, as well
as a loyal NATO partner, it played a major role in the Cold War
containing Communism, and at the December 1999 Helsinki summit it was
finally accepted as an EU candidate country.

The last-minute wrangling, therefore, just a few days before Turkey’s
accession negotiations were scheduled to open last Monday, was
unfortunate and sent the wrong signals to the Turks, namely that
Europe would always find an excuse to keep them out. This can only
fuel anti-EU sentiment in Turkey, which is exactly what we do not
want to happen. Opinion polls in Turkey already show a shift against
membership, and that is not good news.

Austria’s initial objections were partly tactical – they wanted to
ensure parallel accession negotiations with Croatia – and this was
accepted by the Union. However, it is also true that suspicions of
Turkey run deep in Austria – and the Austrians seem to have long
memories – they saved Europe from the Turks who were assembled at the
gates of Vienna in 1683.

Nevertheless, the world has changed since then and that episode is
very much part of history. After all, as Prime Minister Lawrence
Gonzi very correctly pointed out during his meeting with the members
of the Maltese community in Michigan: “In 1565 Malta and the Knights
saved Europe from the Ottoman invasion. Yet today we support Turkey’s
bid to join the EU – provided they improve their track record and
fulfil all entry requirements.”

There are certainly valid arguments on both sides of the debate about
whether the EU should accept Turkey as a member, but I have always
maintained, and continue to maintain, that the advantages – both for
the EU and for Turkey – certainly outweigh the disadvantages. Yes,
there is concern that the economic cost of Turkish membership will be
very high, that the overwhelmingly Muslim population could change the
character of the EU, that Turkey still has a lot to do to improve its
human rights record and treatment of minorities and that the Cyprus
problem has remained unresolved.

However, just think of the many advantages. EU membership for Turkey
would mean a consolidation of a secular, Muslim democracy, it would
be a catalyst for economic and political reform in the country,
Turkey would become a natural bridge between Europe and Muslim
countries and it would act as a model for the Muslim world.
Furthermore, Turkey has a very fast growing economy, a young
workforce, a huge army and more than half of its trade is already
with the EU. The strategic role played by Turkey in both Central Asia
and the Middle East would be a huge benefit in the EU.

So I have no doubt at all that in the long run Turkish EU membership
will be very beneficial to both sides – there are clearly both
political and economic advantages.

Of course, the accession talks will not be easy for Turkey, which has
to give solid proof of its commitment to European values, both
political and economic. One must acknowledge that Turkey has already
made tremendous progress in political and economic reform but this
trend must continue, as the EU will definitely be standing firm
during the negotiations. Human rights and equal rights for minorities
still need to be improved as does full freedom for other religions.
The scenes of police beating women demonstrators a few months ago,
for example, certainly did Turkey’s image no good. In addition, it is
important that certain social and economic reforms, which are on the
statute books, are properly enforced.

A solution will also have to be found over Cyprus – it is
inconceivable for Turkey to join the bloc without recognising one of
its members. It is true that a UN-sponsored plan for Cyprus was
approved in a referendum by the Turkish Cypriots but rejected by the
Greek Cypriots, but eventually a way out will have to be negotiated.

It is also essential that Turkey comes to terms with its past – it
must do some serious soul-searching about the Armenian question and
acknowledge its past role in this terrible episode in history. There
is nothing wrong in admitting such a role – it is in fact a sign of
democratic maturity and of being at ease with one’s self. And the
Kurdish question must continue to be tackled – a Turkey in the EU has
to give full rights to and respect for this minority, there can be
absolutely no argument about this.

European governments now have a very important role to play in
convincing their electorates that Turkey’s membership of the bloc is
in the EU’s interest. They must convince voters – especially those in
countries such as Austria, Germany France and The Netherlands, that
this will bring increased security and prosperity for everyone.

Unfortunately, the ‘EU15’ failed to adequately convince many of their
voters that the previous enlargement was a success – although it
clearly has been – and this was partly responsible for the French and
Dutch rejection of the EU Constitution. A huge public relations
campaign is needed to win the hearts and minds of Europeans over
Turkey’s EU bid.

Turkey’s membership will be positive for Europe as a whole – and it
is important that both sides enter the accession negotiations with an
open positive mind and with a view that if handled correctly this is
a win-win situation.

Armenian-Azeri Trade

Panorama

15:45 07/10/05

ARMENIAN-AZERI TRADE

`There is lack of energetic recourses in Armenia, but here there is product
that azeris can be interested in’, said the USA ambassador in Armenia John
Evans concerning to the future expectations of Armenian-azeri economic
cooperation.

During NATO PA seminar the ambassador voiced the following opinion, ‘When
the economic situation improves, the conflict risks will reduce’.

J. Evans also talked about the USA policy in Armenia. According to him there
are three directions. `Firstly, we are anxious for security and stability
consolidation. Here the assistance of Yerevan and Baku is very important for
the conflict resolution in Nagorno Karabakh. The second direction is, that
we want the strengthening of economics not only in Armenia but also in three
countries of South Caucasus. The last one is, to strengthen the democratic
institutions. I think at least in Armenia we have invested huge recourses in
this field’,- added Mr. Evans. /Panorama.am/

NATO Exerts Big Effort to Prevent Escalation of Karabakh Conflict

Pan Armenian

NATO Exerts Big Effort to Prevent Escalation of Karabakh Conflict

07.10.2005 11:02

/PanARMENIAN.Net/ Armenia has fixed considerable progress in cooperation
with NATO, Romualdas Razuks, NATO Officer-Coordinator for South Caucasus
stated during the `Security in the South Caucasus’ Rose-Roth NATO PA seminar
that started October 6 in Yerevan. He reminded that the South Caucasus has
been announced a priority zone for NATO and the implementation of the
Individual Partnership Action Plan in the states of the region is the
evidence of it. In his words in autumn 2005 the plans will be discussed and
the elaboration process will be completed by the end of the current year.
The NATO Officer noted that the level of cooperation mostly depends on the
internal processes in the states of the region. He stressed that the IPAP
provides for conformity of the partner Armed Forces with the NATO standards.
In this view, representative of the Russian delegation Victor Ozerov
expressed opinion that urging the partners to bring the military and
technical basis to the NATO standards, the `Alliance as if artificially
incites them to retrofitting and purchase of armament from the NATO
member-states.’ When touching upon the Nagorno Karabakh conflict settlement
Mr. Razuks noted that however the organization exerts every effort to
prevent the escalation of the conflict and resumption of hostilities. He
also informed that NATO is going to open a scientific and technical center
in Armenia, reported IA Regnum.

An Irishman’s Diary

AN IRISHMAN’S DIARY
by Kevin Myers

The Irish Times
October 6, 2005

The European Parliament, perhaps twisting in the wind of doubt over
other issues, last week demanded that Turkey acknowledge the 1915
Armenian massacres as “genocide”.

Why should Turkey do that? Turkey did not exist as a state when the
massacres occurred. The Turkish people, as a people, are innocent of
the bloodshed.

Moreover, the massacres occurred as part of a series of ethnic
slaughters reaching from the Balkan Wars before the Great War until
several years afterwards: why should the Turks alone be expected
to accept blame for events in which all the great powers were to a
greater or lesser degree involved?

One of the great disasters of world history was the failure of the
Western democracies to cherish the enormous virtues of the Ottoman
Empire. Instead, that wretched Gladstonian cliche about it being “the
sick man of Europe” became the myth that governed policy. Churchill
promulgated this with all the foolish and deceitful energy at his
command as he drove us (and I mean us) into the catastrophic Gallipoli
campaign. But even before that calamity, the Tsar’s armies, especially
his Armenians, had fallen ruthlessly on Ottoman Muslim communities
during the winter 1914-15, massacring thousands.

The allies were simultaneously conniving with Ottoman Armenian
separatists, and the UK-French invasion of Turkey in April 1915
triggered a convulsion of insanity through an already neurotically
insecure Anatolia. Hundreds of thousands of Armenians were rounded
up by their Kurdish and Turkish neighbours for translocation. Vast
numbers were killed. But so too were vast numbers of ethnic Turks
killed by Russian armies, by Greek armies and by Franco-British armies
in the coming years.

So it is morally and historically absurd to identify one part of
that human catastrophe as demanding modern political culpability,
but no other. So let non-political, academic fingers sift through
the melancholy ashes of history, looking for bones. Modern politics
is not about disinterring the past but transmuting its legacy into
the future through the prism of the present.

And it is in the present that we judge things, not on some glorious
past, be it in Alhambra 50 years ago, as some letter-writers to
this newspaper have been rather fatuously doing, or in the extinct
Ottoman Caliphate. We must decide upon the future of Turkey within the
European Union because of what Turkey is today. Once I was ardently in
favour of full Turkish membership of the EU, but now I am sceptical,
primarily for the reason which is shared by much of Europe: concern
about the mass movement of Turks from eastern Anatolia into our cities.

Western Europe has experienced two post-war examples of large-scale
Turkish immigration: one to Sweden, the other to Germany. The former
was open and generous about civil and electoral rights; the latter
was not. The outcome has been much the same: both countries now have
enclosed, inward-looking Turkish communities, whose young people
marry out, back into Anatolia, and who often have little personal
contact with the indigenous peoples. And whereas Turks at home, under
the stern eye of their army, have for decades been secular in their
expression of Islam, many Turks in non-martial, democratic exile have
embraced more fundamentalist strains.

No doubt such concerns will be called “racist”. But it has nothing to
do with race, and everything to do with culture. Are the cultures of
eastern Turkey and Western Europe mutually assimilable? Could Erzurum
take 10,000 Swedish immigrants? Could Dundalk take 10,000 Anatolian
Turks? Moreover, almost every report we hear from Turkey speaks of
the rise of a dynamic and conservative Islam. When I was first there
20 years ago, headscarves and burkas were non-existent; now they are
common even in Istanbul. Can secular, post-Christian Europe cope with
large numbers of Muslim immigrants from those economically backward
Turkish regions alongside Iran and Iraq, who believe that peace and
freedom exist only in domains ruled by Islamic law?

On the other hand, there remains one sound reason to admit Turkey.

The old EU now really is the sick man of Europe. Sclerotic, over-taxed,
over-regulated, over-pensioned, it lies uncomfortably in bed with
its boisterous new companions from Eastern Europe. What will it make
of the vast energies and vaster population of Turkey? How will it
inflict its ludicrous health and safety regulations, and 80,000 pages
of fatuous Euro-law, on a vibrant Middle-Eastern culture of enterprise
and individualism? It can’t. The Titanic of Brussels would merely need
to skim its hull against the cheery anarchy of the bazaar of Istanbul,
and the wretched vessel would founder.

Moreover, as matters stand, the EU is a criminal conspiracy against
Turkey, our friend and neighbour. I say friend, because for decades,
Turkey held the southern flank of Nato against totalitarian Soviet
communism. And that the EU still has tariff barriers against Turkish
produce, while it has admitted former enemies of the Warsaw Pact,
is a bloody disgrace.

And though it is ludicrous to suppose that the megalomaniac madmen in
Brussels are actually capable of creating a superstate reaching from
the Arctic almost to Arabia, this doesn’t mean they won’t continue to
try. So we should welcome both Austria’s frank concerns about Turkey
and the Franco-Dutch rejection of the European Constitution – which
anyway was more like a detailed manual for running a nuclear power
station than a political document.

What the EU needs now is a little more sceptical honesty, a lot more
of the rigours of a Turkish marketplace, and a great deal less of the
flabby and sclerotic Franco-German welfare dependency. In other words,
it is time to re-invent the dear old Common Market, with controlled
population movements the key

NATO May Play Large Role In Southern Caucasus – Minister

NATO MAY PLAY LARGE ROLE IN SOUTHERN CAUCASUS – MINISTER

ITAR-TASS, Russia
TASS
Oct 6 2005

DUSHANBE, October 6 (Itar-Tass) – Armenian Foreign Minister Vartan
Oskanyan said NATO may play a large role in establishing peace in
southern Caucasus and induce countries in the regions to a peaceful
dialogue.”

Oskanyan said so at a seminar on security in southern Caucasus,
organized by the Armenian parliament and NATO’s Parliamentary Assembly.

“It matches Armenia’s efforts and wishes;” this task can be viewed
within the context of the program of individual partnership between
Armenia and NATO, the foreign minister said.

The implementation of the individual partnership program will help
Armenia to attain three goads: to institutionalize the dialogue with
NATO on border security and the fight against terrorism and illegal
weapons-trafficking.

It will also facilitate the country’s army reform, whose objectives
envision civil control over the armed forces, and ensure Armenia’s
participation in NATO-led peacekeeping operations.

“We can achieve all this with NATO’s assistance,” the minister said.

Armenia is a member of the Collective Security Treaty Organization
/CSTO/, it has Russian military bases in its territory, but at the
same time, the republic closely works with NATO, in accordance with
Yerevan’s principle of “complementary foreign policy.”

Moscow Delegation To Arrive In Yerevan

MOSCOW DELEGATION TO ARRIVE IN YEREVAN

Pan Armenian
05.10.2005 14:08

/PanARMENIAN.Net/ Prefect of the Moscow Central Administrative
Okrug Sergey Baydarkov, who serves on the delegation of the Moscow
government, will take part in festivities dedicated to the Days of
Moscow and the Day of Yerevan to be held in the Armenian capital
October 7-9, 2005. During the visit the delegation members will
lay a wreath to the memorial to the Armenian Genocide victims, take
part in the ceremony of laying a capsule to the foundation of the
House of Moscow in Yerevan, meet with the Mayor of Yerevan. Sergey
Baydarkov will grant office equipment and 1200 books on History and
Philosophy. To note, in December 2005 the executive bodies of Yerevan
and Moscow signed an agreement on cooperation for 2005-2007. The
program provides for CAO-Yerevan wide cooperation in trade and economy,
architecture and town planning, culture, education and health, IA
Regnum reported.

European Elites Can’t Ignore The Views Of Their Peoples

EUROPEAN ELITES CAN’T IGNORE THE VIEWS OF THEIR PEOPLES
Jonathan Freedland

The Guardian, UK
Oct 5 2005

Opening the door to Turkey was right, but EU expansion is bound to
fail if the dreamers ignore the majority

One of the least noticed political deaths of recent times was the
demise of Britain in Europe. Launched with great hoopla in 1999, at
a glossy event attended by Tony Blair, Charles Kennedy and the Tory
titans Ken Clarke and Michael Heseltine – a gesture for which Clarke
may yet pay a high price – the organisation was quietly put to sleep
in August. Cause of death: the no votes in France and the Netherlands,
which sealed the fate of the European constitution.

“Campaign operations have ceased because there is no campaign,”
says a spokesman, still manning the phones in what used to be HQ.

Britain in Europe’s founding purpose was UK entry into the euro. At
the time, our national politics seemed to revolve around the issue.

The Conservative party drove itself crazy over it, as rival factions
subjected every utterance to almost theological scrutiny. Differences
over the euro were held to be the defining gulf that separated Blair
from Gordon Brown. The most eminent political commentators in the
land swore that an eventual referendum on the single currency would
be the most significant decision today’s generation of Britons would
ever face.

That all seems a long time ago now. At last week’s Labour party
conference, neither Blair nor Brown so much as mentioned it. On Monday
in Blackpool, Clarke referred to the euro – but only to say it was
“paranoid” to imagine he would ever try to lead Britain into it.

It is the deadest of dead letters.

The constitution briefly served as a surrogate goal for British
euro enthusiasts, but the French and Dutch killed that off too. To
complete the process, economic lethargy on the continent has erased
the europhiles’ longest-serving argument – that basket-case Britain
needs to learn from its successful neighbours – so that now Blair
lectures the other Europeans on what they might learn from us. When
the prime minister did address the theme last week, it was only to
diss the EU’s big beasts. “Not for us the malaise of France or the
angst of Germany,” he said, with acid in his voice.

On Monday, there came a moment when this downward trend seemed poised
to reach its logical conclusion. If Austria’s objections had been
heeded, and the union’s 25 member states had blocked talks aimed at
Turkish entry, the sense of gloom would have been all-consuming. With
Germany paralysed and government-less and France gazing at its own
navel, the defeat of the EU’s latest grand design – eastward expansion
beyond Christendom – would have marked 2005 as the year the wheels
finally came off the great Euro-train. That outcome was avoided
and that is surely welcome. Advocates of Turkish entry were right
to argue that the admission into the EU of a large Muslim democracy
would represent the best possible proof that there need be no clash of
civilisations: no longer will the jihadists be able to speak of the
Christian west pitted against the Muslim rest. Instead the EU, that
quintessentially western club, will count as one of its biggest members
– with a projected population of 80 million in 2015, the earliest
possible year of entry – a nation now ruled by an Islamist government.

So opening the door to Turkey was the right move. And it is just an
opening. If Turkey does not improve its appalling record on human
rights, the door should stay closed. Optimists say the country
has already passed eight key packages of constitutional reforms,
abolished the death penalty and changed its stance on Kurdish rights –
recently establishing Kurdish-language TV services. Pessimists say the
mentally-ill continue to be punished rather than treated, that last
week Ankara moved to outlaw the country’s leading gay rights movement
and that dissent is still criminalised: witness the prosecution of the
novelist Orhan Pamuk for daring to challenge Turkey’s state denial of
its 20th-century crimes against the Armenians. As for the Kurds, say
the worriers, let’s see what happens if Iraq breaks up and the north
of the country becomes independent Kurdistan. Then we’ll discover
how relaxed Turkey really is.

The optimists reckon the carrot of EU membership will persuade Turkey
to keep on changing. For Mark Leonard of the Centre for European
Reform this is where the EU’s bureaucratic style comes into its own.

Submit Turkey to a decade of Brussels “nit-picking” and Ankara
will have to clean up its act – not just passing liberal laws but
implementing them. “It won’t be good enough to do it for 10 minutes,”
says Leonard. “It’s got to be for 10 years.”

This is what Europhiles mean when they speak of the “soft power” of
the union, the capacity to draw countries towards democracy through
the magnetic pull of EU-style prosperity and stability. How much
better, and more effective, than the “hard power” of George Bush:
democracy delivered by bombs from the sky and boots on the ground.

Yet Europhiles should not be too smug too soon. Monday’s decision
may have averted a train wreck, but the course ahead is hardly smooth.

For one thing, to admit Turkey is to repeat the very behaviour
that has created the union’s crisis of legitimacy. Once again, the
governments and elites have pressed ahead with a step that their
peoples loudly oppose. Europe-wide polling shows a clear majority
against Turkish membership, with unambiguous opposition in Germany,
France and the Netherlands, rising to 80% in Austria. One can shake
one’s head at the xenophobia or even Islamophobia that might lurk
behind those numbers, but it won’t do any good. If this year’s
referendum defeats said anything, it was that Europeans were fed
up with their views being pushed aside by a political class that,
time after time, insists it knows best. To press ahead blithely with
Turkish admission, waving aside the concerns of these majorities,
would be to have learned nothing.

Instead, those who believe Turkey belongs in the EU will have to
spend the next decade making a case for it. That means explaining
how a country where income per head is a tenth of the UK’s – and
which will instantly become the EU’s poorest member – can fit into
a club dominated by wealthy, industrialised nations. And how the
poorest workers in the union will be able to withstand competition
from migrants ready to work for even lower wages.

There are answers to these questions. The Turkish economy is growing,
so that the gap between it and the rest of the EU should be narrower
by the time entry comes around. And there could be a transition period,
delaying the day when Turkish workers are able to offer their services
anywhere in the union.

Whatever the specifics, answers there will have to be. Because the old
European way of doing business – act first, worry about legitimacy
afterwards – is surely over. The people won’t put up with it any
longer. France and Austria, for example, have reserved the right
to refuse any further EU expansion in a referendum. In other words,
Turkish membership could be vetoed on the whim of Lille and Linz.

The European dreamers still have grand plans – eyeing the Balkans,
Georgia and the Ukraine as potential recruits – as if they have
replaced one driving goal with another. The obsession used to be ever
deeper, federalist integration; now it is ever wider expansion. But
if they pursue the new ambition the way they chased the last one,
with scant regard for the people they claim to represent, it will
meet the same fate: failure.

TBILISI: Akhalkalaki’s Armenian Population Demanded Autonomy

AKHALKALAKI’S ARMENIAN POPULATION DEMANDED AUTONOMY

The Messenger, Georgia
Oct 4 2005

Press Scanner

As reported in Akhali Taoba, Armenian population of Javakheti region
prepared a big surprise for the central government as well as for the
whole country this fall. The paper notes that separatist organization
“Virk” held a forum with the Armenian population of Javakheti region.

According to the article, about 800 Armenians took part in this
forum and demanded that the government create an Armenian autonomy
in the region.

According to Akhali Taoba, the government thinks that Russian
special services are behind this demand of the Armenian population,
although “Virk” and close friends of this organization are reportedly
insulted by those allegations. The paper reports that at the forum
the participants expressed their complaints toward the government.

According to them, “Virk” hopes Georgian society will correctly
understand their demand for autonomy.

However, according to the article, Georgians have been less than
sympathetic to their demands; Virk has reportedly received obscene
messages from Georgian citizens. After the forum, the paper noted
that Georgian Prime Minister Zurab Noghaideli visited Yerevan and
met with his colleague Andranik Margarian , and informed him about
the Akhalkalaki Armenians’ demands.

Akhali Taoba reported that Margarian promised Georgia that the
official Yerevan does not stand behind this demand of Akhalkalaki
Armenians. The paper notes that Margarian added that the creation of
the Javakheti autonomy should never be included in the agenda.

WORLD VIEWS: Turkey’s Bid To Enter EU Has World-Shaping Significance

WORLD VIEWS: TURKEY’S BID TO ENTER EU HAS WORLD-SHAPING SIGNIFICANCE
Edward M. Gomez, special to SF Gate

San Francisco Gate
Oct 4 2005

As the 25-member strong European Union gets ready to begin direct
negotiations with Turkey over its bid to join the political and
economic Euro-club, debate over the predominantly Muslim country
has become more heated than ever. At issue, opponents of Turkey’s EU
bid argue, are “the consequence[s] of welcoming in[to the EU group]
a poor, culturally alien nation whose population of 70 million could
one day make it the largest [European] Union state” — drastically
changing Europe’s historic character. On the other hand, as the mayor
of one Turkish Mediterranean resort put it, both the EU and Turkey
“stand to benefit from each other in equal measure. We are a young,
secular Muslim country that offers to help broaden Europe.”

(Telegraph)

Governments of all but one of the current EU member states had
officially shared that optimistic outlook and had backed Turkey’s
bid to eventually be allowed to join the group. Until late yesterday,
the only holdout was Austria.

Vienna had insisted that, instead of being weighed for full-fledged
membership, Turkey should be considered only for a lesser, “privileged
partnership” in the EU. (Der Kurier/Independent) Austria’s adamant
position threatened to prevent long-anticipated direct talks between
the EU and Turkey on its membership bid from moving forward.

Finally, by yesterday evening, the Austrian government had pulled back
and appeared to be on the same page as its 24 EU partners, making
it possible for negotiations with Turkey to proceed. But just hours
before the diplomatic breakthrough, with the EU-Turkey talks on the
verge of collapse, British Foreign Secretary Jack Straw warned that
the EU was “standing on the edge of a precipice.” (Britain holds the
EU’s rotating presidency.) (Guardian)

Like Straw, Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan, who has
championed his country’s EU-membership bid, feels strongly that
Turkey’s inclusion in the European organization “would help to build a
bridge between Christian and Muslim countries.” During the final days
of the Austrian impasse that had threatened to hold up yesterday’s
scheduled start of direct EU-Turkey negotiations, Erdogan told his
ruling Justice and Development Party that the debate over Turkey
was “a test for the E.U.” He said: “The E.U. will either decide
to become a global actor or it must accept that it is a Christian
club.” Erdogan “said Turkey’s future did not depend on membership,
but he claimed that the future of relations between Christianity and
Islam did.” (Financial Times)

Erdogan also emphasized that no matter how Austria’s original
demand that Turkey only be allowed a diminished EU membership status
ultimately played out, his country would not “deviate … from its
course” of further democratization and reform. The Turkish leader
added that his people would, “however, be saddened that a project
for the alliance of civilisations [would] be harmed.” (Independent)

Europe and Turkey Weigh In

Officially — now that Austria’s position appears to have changed —
the governments of all 25 EU member countries support Turkey’s bid
to join the continental club, but dissent is still palpable — and
even widespread — across Europe and among some Turks, too.

Prominent opponents of Turkey’s accession to the European Union include
former French President Valery Giscard d’Estaing, who spearheaded the
effort to write the draft EU constitution that referendum voters in
France and the Netherlands rejected earlier this year.

In Austria, where the government, until yesterday’s change of position,
had insisted that it was “speaking for those across the E.U. who
[did] not support [Turkey’s] accession,” a new Austria Press Agency
poll published last Sunday indicated that 54 percent of EU citizens
now “oppose Turkey joining the bloc,” with “[t]he figure ris[ing]
to 73 percent in Austria, where a historical antagonism towards
Turkish Ottoman imperialism combines with modern-day fears of Muslim
immigration from the poor east.” (Guardian)

If admitted, “Turkey would become the E.U.’s first Muslim member”
and “the [group]’s second-largest country after Germany. It would
also be the bloc’s poorest country, with gross domestic product per
person at a quarter of the E.U. average.” (ADN Kronos International)

On the plus side, Turkey’s supporters in Europe have argued that “the
lure of E.U. membership has already brought great improvements —
notably, the abolition of the death penalty — in its human-rights
record.” However, opponents of Turkey’s EU-membership bid “say it
has not sufficiently improved its human-rights record. It has not yet
recognized Greek Cyprus, an E.U. member, and it disputes the general
view that its campaign against the Armenians in 1915 was a genocide.”

(The Age)

It is significant, too — bearing in mind centuries-old cultural
differences between what are now Turkey and Europe, and the fact
that only a small portion of Turkey’s territory lies geographically
in what is normally thought of as the European continent — for those
who oppose Ankara’s EU bid that “this is not merely an argument about
Turkey. It is an argument about the identity of Europe.” Many Europeans
who oppose Turkey’s EU bid feel that they will be sacrificing their
collective identity if the modern state that emerged from the ashes
of the Ottoman Empire is allowed to join the group. Their “anxiety
was best summed up in Denmark, where a Muslim headscarf was recently
placed on the ‘Little Mermaid’ statue in Copenhagen with the words:
‘Turkey in the EU?'” written on an accompanying sign. (The Age)

Turkey’s bid to join the EU isn’t without controversy at home, either:
This past weekend in Ankara, thousands of supporters of the Nationalist
Movement Party took to the streets to protest the plan.

(EFE/Terra España)

“[U]ltra-nationalists from all around the country” came to hear party
leader Devlet Bahceli assail Erdogan’s government for making Turkey
have to face “an environment of enmity from outside and an environment
of treason from within. …” Bahceli pointed out, critically, “that
Turkey was being insulted at every E.U. gathering.”

(Turkish Daily News; registration required)

In reaction to Austria digging in its heels and not yielding on
its anti-Turkey position, and other criticism from Europe, Turkish
President Ahmet Necdet Sezer and Speaker of the Parliament Bulent
Arinc had noted that their country had been on the receiving end of
discrimination by some Europeans.

Nevertheless, Sezer asserted that, eventually, Turkey’s “E.U.

[membership-accession] process would be completed” without his
countrymen having to give up any of their “national interest” or
“self-esteem.” He said: “It is to no one’s benefit to build walls of
prejudice around Europe. Every obstacle that will be put in front of
us will be the stones of a wall that will block Europe.”

“Arinc indicat[ed that] the E.U. sets irrational and illogical
conditions [and] said: ‘This is not a country [that] is helpless and
obliged to Europe.'” He said Turkey would not “sacrifice everything,”
including its self-esteem, to join the EU. (Zaman Online)

Meanwhile, Britain’s Times noted (as did EFE/Terra Españ), “Support
for joining the E.U. is falling in Turkey, from three-quarters [of
the overall population] a year ago to two-thirds now.”

Many Turks have been deeply offended by what they’ve perceived as
“foot-dragging by some European countries” with regard to their
country’s EU bid. At the same time, “there is a growing body of
nationalist and traditionalist opinion, angered by the abrupt changes
in Turkish society, that would rather pull out of accession talks
altogether [rather] than [have to] submit to the … straitjacket”
of rules and regulations issued by the EU’s central bureaucracy,
which is based in Brussels. (The Times)

Will Turkey Face Its Past — and Its Present?

Serious consideration of Turkey’s desire to join the European Union
means that some of the most controversial aspects of its modern
history and politics, whose impacts are still being felt today,
will be coming up for open and, for some Turks, unsettling discussion.

Among them: Turkey’s treatment of its ethnic Armenian population and
its ongoing occupation of the northern part of the island of Cyprus.

“Territorial disputes with neighboring countries, rule by the military,
a record of repression of minorities and human-rights violations,
economic underdevelopment and low indicators of human development
render Turkey unable to match up to E.U. member countries and
unsuitable for membership.” So notes Hratch Varjabedian, an Armenian
journalist based in Lebanon, in the op-ed pages of the Daily Star
(Beirut) — and those are some of his milder criticisms.

Pointing to issues which, inevitably, the European Union’s current
member states will have to examine when considering Turkey’s accession
bid, Varjabedian also notes that “Turkey continues to be an invader of
Cyprus’s territory, a neighboring country and a member of the E.U.,”
and “[d]espite pressures from E.U. leaders … still refuses to
officially recognize the Republic of Cyprus. …” Worse, Varjabedian
suggests, is Turkey’s ongoing “repression of its Kurdish population
and other minorities … despite some reforms.” He points out that,
in Turkey, “[f]reedom of expression is often curbed; recognition of
the Armenian Genocide [which began in 1915] and statements in favor
of Turkey’s withdrawal from Cyprus are considered punishable crimes
under the newly reformed Turkish Penal Code.”

What critics of modern Turkey’s whitewashing of its history do not
respect is the way the government’s hear-no-evil, see-no-evil view
of the nation’s past is expressed in official policies. Varjabedian
notes that Ankara “threatens” countries that “recogniz[e] or [plan] to
recognize the Armenian Genocide,” and that “lands rightfully belonging
to Armenians, namely Western Armenia, are still occupied [by Turks].”

“In an attempt to conceal the Armenian identity of these lands and
erase traces of Armenian existence on them,” Varjabedian writes,
“Turkey regularly destroys centuries-old Armenian monuments.” (Daily
Star)

Positive Signs

As dark as some aspects of modern Turkey’s past may appear and, as
some critics claim, as oppressively as its government may sometimes
act today, some observers find signs of positive change in events like
a recent — and historic — conference at Istanbul’s private Bilgi
University, at which, for the first time ever in Turkey (Turkish Daily
News), speakers dared to publicly address the controversial subject
of the Ottoman Turks’ treatment of the Armenians (ArmeniaNow.com).

Although “[n]ationalist demonstrators hurled eggs and tomatoes
at participants as they arrived” for the gathering 10 days ago
(Reuters/Aljazeera.net), the twice-delayed confab went ahead (Turkish
Daily News). During the event, “[p]rotesters waved Turkish flags and
chanted slogans accusing the conference participants of betraying the
nation,” but the liberal Turkish newspaper Radikal proudly noted that
at the conference, where free speech and open discussion prevailed,
“the word ‘genocide’ was uttered … but the world is still turning,
and Turkey is still in its place.” Likewise, the daily Milliyet noted:
“Another taboo is destroyed. The conference began, but the day of
judgement did not come.” (Reuters/Aljazeera.net)

Indeed, notes Jean Gureghian, an architect, author and editor of the
newsletter of the Armenian Democratic Liberal Party, “[t]he debate over
Turkey’s entry into the European Union creates favorable conditions
under which to pressure it to recognize [the] genocide [of Armenians
during World War I], which it has denied up until now.”

Gureghian argues that no matter how hard Turkey officially tries to
deny this chapter of its modern past, “the Armenian question still
exists.” “Every crime deserves punishment, and the crime of genocide
.. deserves even more to be punished. … [T]he contemporary heirs.

of the Ottoman Empire must respond, sooner or later, to the crime
that was committed against the Armenian people and make reparations
[for it].” (Le Figaro)

Meanwhile, the internationally acclaimed Turkish author Orhan Pamuk
is set “to stand trial for writing about the [Armenian genocide]
in a recent newspaper article.”

“[A]ccording to many historians,” the Armenian genocide “claimed the
lives of some 1.5 million Armenians.” Turkish Prime Minister Erdogan
“has defended … Pamuk … but … argues [that] his hands are tied”
and that the media have “to understand that this case … does not
involve the country’s executive and legislative powers, but [rather
that of] the judiciary. It’s up to the magistrates to evaluate the
facts, and we have to respect their decisions.” (La Repubblica,
cited by ADN Kronos International)

**** Maybe, in some small ways that do not make international
headlines, some Turks have begun to acknowledge their disturbing
past — and to atone for it, too. The Times’ Ben Macintyre writes,
for example, that on “a tiny island in the middle of Lake Van,
on the far eastern edge of Turkey, a team of architects is working
feverishly to restore one of the most beautiful religious buildings
in the world.” There the correspondent for the British daily found
“Holy Cross Church, on Akdamar Island,” which “was built by the
Armenian King Gagik in [A.D.

921] and was once the spiritual focus for more than a million Armenian
Christians.”

Today, the church remains empty, for Akdamar Island’s “entire
Armenian population … was killed or driven away by Turks and Kurdish
militias during the First World War. …” Recently, though, Macintyre
reports, Muslim stonemasons began “rebuilding this church without a
congregation.” “The scaffolding-clad church is proof that attitudes
are changing but it is also a poignant symbol of how much work —
economic, political, cultural and historical — still needs to be
completed,” he writes.

–Boundary_(ID_ng6Pin/7gA8wOxCB5qZCIg)–

EU Deal Enables Start Of Turkey’S Accession Talks

EU DEAL ENABLES START OF TURKEY’S ACCESSION TALKS

Irish Times
Oct 4 2005

The EU narrowly averted a crisis last night when foreign ministers
finally agreed a historic deal to enable the start of accession
negotiations with Turkey, writes Jamie Smyth in Luxembourg.

The negotiations, which will take at least 10 years to conclude,
formally began early this morning when the Turkish foreign minister
Abdullah Gul arrived in Luxembourg.

The agreement followed 30 hours of intense discussions at a council
of ministers meeting in Luxembourg to overcome Austrian objections
to the start of the talks.

Austria, which was the only member state to formally object to
starting accession negotiations, had sought to change the text of
the negotiating framework to include a reference offering Turkey
alternatives to full EU membership.

However, after marathon discussions between British foreign secretary
Jack Straw and his Austrian counterpart, Ursula Plassnik, Vienna
dropped its insistence on a rewording of that aspect of the framework
text for the accession negotiations.

Announcing the deal, Mr Straw said it was important to begin
negotiations as planned with Turkey, a European, secular and Muslim
country.

“We are all winners: Europe, the existing member states and the
international community,” said Mr Straw, who chaired the talks as
Britain holds the EU presidency.

The agreement enabled Mr Gul to board a plane for Luxembourg to attend
an official ceremony to mark the start of the accession talks.

He had earlier refused to travel until Turkey had agreed the framework
text for the start of negotiations.

Despite expressing concern over a paragraph in the framework
stipulating that Turkey would not block EU members from joining
international organisations, Ankara signed off on the framework for
the talks.

Turkish ministers were fearful this could force them into having to
agree to allow Cyprus, which it does not recognise, into Nato. But US
Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice telephoned Turkish prime minister
Tayyip Erdogan to assure him that the proposed EU negotiating framework
would not impinge on Nato.

Austria was the only EU member to formally object to starting accession
talks with Turkey, which with 70 million people may have the biggest
population of any EU state if it eventually joins.

A recent opinion poll found that 80 per cent of Austrians do not want
Turkey to join, with just 10 per cent in favour.

Several other EU member states such as France, the Netherlands and
Denmark, are also concerned about allowing Turkey to join the EU.

Meanwhile, EU foreign ministers also signalled yesterday that they
were ready to begin accession talks with Croatia, which is likely to
join the EU well before Turkey.

Minister for Foreign Affairs Dermot Ahern said Ireland had been a
strong supporter of Croatia’s bid to join the EU.

He welcomed the deal to start talks with Turkey and said it would
have been bad faith not to stick to the date for the start of talks,
which was initially agreed last December.

“Turkey is a bridge between the Middle East and Europe,” said Mr Ahern.

“This will send a strong signal to Islam and moderate countries and
people [ that] the EU is not just a Christian club.”

Asked if there had been enough debate in Ireland about the question
of Turkey’s accession to the EU, Mr Ahern said there would be at
least 10 years to educate people.

The deal with Turkey was not welcomed by several hundred Armenian
protesters gathered outside the council meeting to protest at the
start of accession talks.

“Turkey is not yet a democratic country and has not recognised the
Armenian genocide in 1915,” said Michael Cazarian, chairman of the
Armenian Socialist Party, which helped to organise the protest.

Turkey still refuses to accept responsibility for the murder of more
the one million Armenians in 1915.