Author: Emil Lazarian

“I should like to see any power of the world destroy this race, this small tribe of unimportant people, whose wars have all been fought and lost, whose structures have crumbled, literature is unread, music is unheard, and prayers are no more answered. Go ahead, destroy Armenia . See if you can do it. Send them into the desert without bread or water. Burn their homes and churches. Then see if they will not laugh, sing and pray again. For when two of them meet anywhere in the world, see if they will not create a New Armenia.” - WS

Film: Oscars shortlists: France, UK, Mexico, Finland, Armenia among international feature contenders B

Emil Lazarian
 SCREENDAILY 
Dec 21 2023

BY JEREMY KAY

The Academy has announced shortlists in 10 categories for the 96th Oscars in March 2024, with The Taste Of Things (France), Fallen Leaves (Finland), The Zone Of Interest (UK), Totem (Mexico), and Amerikatsi, Armenia’s first entry on the shortlist, among those making the cut in the international feature film category.

The international contest also sees Pawo Choyning Dorji’s drama The Monk And The Gun becomes Bhutan’s second film to make the shortlist after his Oscar nominee Lunana: A Yak in the Classroom from two seasons ago.

A strong showing by European films besides the aforementioned comprises J.A. Bayona’s Society Of The Snow representing Spain; Leonie Benesch’s The Teachers’ Lounge for Germany, Nikolaj Arcel’s Danish entry The Promised Land, Matteo Garrone’s Io Capitano for Italy, Mstyslav Chernov’s Ukrainian documentary 20 Days In Mariupol, and Hlynur Pálmason’s Godland (Iceland), which premiered in Cannes 2022.

Asmae El Moudir’s Moroccan documentary The Mother Of All Lies and Kaouther Ben Hania’s Tunisian documentary hybrid Four Daughters fly the flag for Africa.

Wim Wenders’ Japanese submission Perfect Days starring Cannes best actor winner Koji Yakusho is the other Asian representative alongside Amerikatsi, Michael A Goorjian’s Armenian comedy drama which premiered in Woodstock Film Festival.

Lila Aviles’s Mexican entry Totem is the only film from Latin America to advance.

In total six shortlisted films premiered in Cannes: Jonathan Glazer’s grand prix winner The Zone Of Interest; best director winner Tran Anh Hung’s The Taste Of Things; Perfect Days; Un Certain Regard entry The Mother Of All Lies; Aki Kaurismäki’s Fallen Leaves; and Four Daughters. 

Three premiered in Venice: Silver Lion winner Io Capitano, Society Of The Snow, and The Promised Land.

Lila Avilés’s Totem and The Teachers’ Lounge premiered in Berlin. 20 Days In Mariupol premiered in Sundance, and The Monk And The Gun debuted in Busan.

Shortlists were announced for documentary feature, documentary short film, international feature film, makeup and hairstyling, music (original score), music (original song), animated short film, live action short film, sound and visual effects.

Documentary titles advancing to the nominations voting stage include 20 Days In Mariupol, American Symphony, Still: A Michael J. Fox Movie, Beyond Utopia, The Eternal Daughter, and Four Daughters.

Barbie secured five places on shortlists overall on Thursday, more than any other film. It has three in contention for music (original song) category, while there are two in that category from The Color Purple, two from Flora And Son, and one each from Asteroid City, Killers Of The Flower Moon and Past Lives, among others.

Films moving forward in the visual effects category include Poor Things, Mission: Impossible – Dead Reckoning Part One, Napoleon, Society Of The Snow, Guardians Of The Galaxy Vol. 3, and Rebel Moon – Part One: A Child Of Fire.

Nominations voting runs January 11-16, 2024, and nominations will be announced on January 23, 2024.

The 96th Oscars will take place on March 10, 2024, at the Dolby Theatre at Ovation Hollywood and will be televised live on ABC and in more than 200 territories worldwide.

Fifteen films will advance in the category. There were 167 eligible films. Members of the documentary branch vote to determine the shortlist and the nominees.

The films, listed in alphabetical order by title, are:

American Symphony
Apolonia, Apolonia
Beyond Utopia
Bobi Wine: The People’s President
Desperate Souls, Dark City And The Legend Of Midnight Cowboy
The Eternal Memory
Four Daughters
Going To Mars: The Nikki Giovanni Project
In The Rearview
Stamped From The Beginning
Still: A Michael J. Fox Movie
A Still Small Voice
32 Sounds
To Kill A Tiger
20 Days In Mariupol

Fifteen films will advance. There were 114 eligible films. Members of the documentary branch vote to determine the shortlist and the nominees.

The films, listed in alphabetical order by title, are:

The ABCs Of Book Banning
The Barber Of Little Rock
Bear
Between Earth & Sky
Black Girls Play: The Story Of Hand Games
Camp Courage
Deciding Vote
How We Get Free
If Dreams Were Lightning: Rural Healthcare Crisis
Island In Between
The Last Repair Shop
Last Song From Kabul
Nǎi Nai & Wài Pó
Oasis
Wings Of Dust

Fifteen films will advance to the next round of voting. Films from 88 countries and regions were eligible in the category.

Academy members from all branches were invited to participate in the preliminary round of voting and must have met a minimum viewing requirement to be eligible to vote in the category.

In the nominations round, Academy members from all branches are invited to opt in to participate and must view all 15 shortlisted films to vote.

The films, listed in alphabetical order by country, are:

Armenia, Amerikatsi
Bhutan, The Monk And The Gun
Denmark, The Promised Land
Finland, Fallen Leaves
France, The Taste Of Things
Germany, The Teachers’ Lounge
Iceland, Godland
Italy, Io Capitano
Japan, Perfect Days
Mexico, Totem
Morocco, The Mother Of All Lies
Spain, Society Of The Snow
Tunisia, Four Daughters
Ukraine, 20 Days In Mariupol
United Kingdom, The Zone Of Interest

Ten films will advance category. All members of the Academy’s makeup artists and hairstylists branch will be invited to view excerpts and interviews with the artists from each of the shortlisted films on January 14, 2024. Branch members will vote to nominate five films for final Oscar consideration.

The films, listed in alphabetical order by title, are:

Beau Is Afraid
Ferrari
Golda
Killers Of The Flower Moon
The Last Voyage Of The Demeter
Maestro
Napoleon
Oppenheimer
Poor Things
Society Of The Snow

Fifteen scores will advance. There were 148 eligible films. Members of the music branch vote to determine the shortlist and the nominees.

The scores, listed in alphabetical order by film title, are:

American Fiction
American Symphony
Barbie
The Boy And The Heron
The Color Purple
Elemental
The Holdovers
Indiana Jones And The Dial Of Destiny
Killers Of The Flower Moon
Oppenheimer
Poor Things
Saltburn
Society Of The Snow
Spider-Man: Across The Spider-Verse
The Zone Of Interest

Fifteen songs will advance in the category. There were 94 eligible films. Members of the music branch vote to determine the shortlist and the nominees.

The original songs, along with the motion picture in which each song is featured, are listed below in alphabetical order by film title:

“It Never Went Away” from American Symphony
“Dear Alien (Who Art In Heaven)” from Asteroid City
“Dance The Night” from Barbie
“I’m Just Ken” from Barbie
“What Was I Made For?” from Barbie
“Keep It Movin’” from The Color Purple
“Superpower (I)” from The Color Purple
“The Fire Inside” from Flamin’ Hot
“High Life” from Flora And Son
“Meet In The Middle” from Flora And Son
“Can’t Catch Me Now” from The Hunger Games: The Ballad Of Songbirds & Snakes
“Wahzhazhe (A Song For My People)” from Killers Of The Flower Moon
“Quiet Eyes” from Past Lives
“Road To Freedom” from Rustin
“Am I Dreaming” from Spider-Man: Across The Spider-Verse

Fifteen films will advance in the category There were 93 eligible films. Members of the short films and feature animation branch vote to determine the shortlist and the nominees.

The films, listed in alphabetical order by title, are:

Boom
Eeva
Humo (Smoke)
I’m Hip
A Kind Of Testament
Koerkorter (Dog Apartment)
Letter To A Pig
Ninety-Five Senses
Once Upon A Studio
Our Uniform
Pachyderme
Pete
27
War Is Over! Inspired By The Music Of John & Yoko
Wild Summon

Fifteen films will advance in the category. There were 187 eligible films. For the first time, Academy members from all branches were invited to participate in the preliminary round of voting and must have met a minimum viewing requirement to be eligible to vote in the category.

In the nominations round, Academy members from all branches are invited to opt in to participate and must view all 15 shortlisted films to vote.

The films, listed in alphabetical order by title, are:

The After
The Anne Frank Gift Shop
An Avocado Pit
Bienvenidos A Los Angeles
Dead Cat
Good Boy
Invincible
Invisible Border
Knight Of Fortune
The One Note Man
Red, White And Blue
The Shepherd
Strange Way Of Life
The Wonderful Story Of Henry Sugar
Yellow

Ten films will advance. All eligible members of the sound branch vote to determine the shortlist and the nominees. Academy members will be invited to view excerpts from each of the shortlisted films beginning January 11, 2024, in the San Francisco Bay area, followed by London, Los Angeles and New York. Branch members will vote to nominate five films for final Oscar consideration.

The films, listed in alphabetical order by title, are:

Barbie
The Creator
Ferrari
The Killer
Killers Of The Flower Moon
Maestro
Mission: Impossible – Dead Reckoning Part One
Napoleon
Oppenheimer
The Zone Of Interest

Ten films remain in the running. The visual effects branch executive committee determined the shortlist. All members of the visual effects branch will be invited to view excerpts and interviews with the artists from each of the shortlisted films on January 13, 2024. Branch members will vote to nominate five films for final Oscar consideration.

The films, listed in alphabetical order by title, are:

The Creator
Godzilla Minus One
Guardians Of The Galaxy Vol. 3
Indiana Jones And The Dial Of Destiny
Mission: Impossible – Dead Reckoning Part One
Napoleon
Poor Things
Rebel Moon – Part One: A Child Of Fire
Society Of The Snow
Spider-Man: Across The Spider-Verse.

Former Armenian President Sargsyan Weighs In On Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict

Emil Lazarian
 bnn 
Dec 22 2023

In a recent statement, Serzh Sargsyan, former President of Armenia, took to Twitter to articulate a profound assertion regarding the ongoing Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. The crux of his message affirmed that the resolution of such a deep-seated conflict cannot be enforced with a single person’s proclamation.

Amidst this political turmoil, Armenia’s relations with Russia have deteriorated significantly. The Russian embassy in Yerevan condemned the temporary suspension of the local branch of Russian broadcaster, Sputnik. The Armenian commission responsible for television and radio imposed a 30-day suspension on Sputnik Armenia’s license, sparked by offensive remarks made by a Russian TV personality. Sputnik, a state-run Russian media organization, has been accused of disseminating Kremlin disinformation.

The Nagorno-Karabakh conflict’s resolution sparked a wave of contrasting reactions. The announcement triggered jubilations in Azerbaijan, while Armenia was plunged into a political crisis. Angry protestors stormed government buildings and the parliament, leading to injuries and hospitalizations.

The Nagorno-Karabakh conflict escalated in 1988 when the Karabakh Armenians demanded the region’s transfer from Soviet Azerbaijan to Soviet Armenia, leading to the First Nagorno-Karabakh War. The recent conflict in 2020 led to a significant Azerbaijani victory, resulting in thousands of casualties and an armistice established by a tripartite ceasefire agreement. Azerbaijan’s blockade of the Republic of Artsakh has led to a humanitarian crisis for the population of Artsakh, violating the 2020 ceasefire agreement and international legal rulings.

Nagorno-Karabakh Leader Retracts Dissolution Proposal Amid Tensions

Emil Lazarian
 bnn 
Dec 22 2023

By: Momen Zellmi

The leader of the Armenian separatists in the disputed region of Nagorno-Karabakh has recently reversed his earlier statement regarding the dissolution of the local government. This unexpected turnaround has emerged amidst escalating tensions and ongoing territorial disputes. The region, although internationally recognized as part of Azerbaijan, has been predominantly populated and governed by ethnic Armenians since the fall of the Soviet Union.

The separatist leader had initially proposed the idea of dissolving the local government as a response to increasing political and military pressures from Azerbaijan. This suggestion, however, was met with significant backlash from both the local population and the Armenian government. Concerns were raised about the potential ramifications of such an action on the already fragile situation in the region.

The leader’s retraction of the plan to dissolve the government comes as an apparent attempt to maintain a semblance of stability and self-determination in the face of these external challenges. The decision has been seen as a critical move to reassure the local population and the Armenian government. It also sends a signal to Azerbaijan and the international community that the Nagorno-Karabakh leadership is determined to uphold its governance and resist external pressures.

Despite this development, the situation in Nagorno-Karabakh remains precarious. International efforts to resolve the conflict continue, but without a clear and definitive solution in sight. The region remains a hotspot of tension, where any misstep could potentially lead to a severe escalation of the conflict. As such, the decisions of the separatist leader and the reactions of the involved parties will continue to be closely watched.

https://bnnbreaking.com/politics/nagorno-karabakh-leader-retracts-dissolution-proposal-amid-tensions/


Dismantling of Armenian Genocide Monument in Germany: A Shift in Recognition?

Emil Lazarian
 bnn 
Dec 22 2023

By: Momen Zellmi

Germany has witnessed the dismantling of a monument dedicated to the Armenian genocide, a historical event that remains a sensitive issue for many nations. The monument, located in the city of Cologne, has been removed by the local municipality, a move that may signify a shift in local or national attitudes towards recognizing the Armenian genocide.

The term ‘Armenian genocide’ refers to the mass killings and forced deportations of Armenians by the Ottoman Empire during World War I. This event is still a subject of intense debate and political sensitivity, with countries and political groups holding divergent views on its recognition and implications.

The removal of the monument could suggest a change in Germany’s stance on the recognition of the Armenian genocide. It may also point towards the influence of diplomatic pressures or agreements, potentially involving Germany, Armenia, and Azerbaijan. The nuances of these diplomatic relations are often reflected in how nations approach the topic of the Armenian genocide.

Given the contentious nature of the topic, the dismantling of the monument is likely to elicit reactions from different communities and stakeholders. The Armenian diaspora, in particular, may view this as a denial or diminution of historical atrocities. The incident could also impact the diplomatic relations between the countries involved, potentially influencing future policy decisions and diplomatic negotiations.

Russia accuses Armenia of non-compliance with Karabakh agreements. Pashinyan responds sharply

Emil Lazarian
Dec 19 2023
AUTHOR: NATALIA DIREYEVA

Russia has begun accusing Armenia of allegedly violating the agreement on Nagorno-Karabakh. Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan responded to these accusations, reports News-Armenia.

He pointed out that he would advise representatives of the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, who started accusing Armenia, to read "who did not fulfill their obligations."

"In other words, in the trilateral statement of November 9, it is written that Azerbaijan should attack Nagorno-Karabakh, and Russian peacekeepers should be in shelters at that time?" Pashinyan added.

He also noted that Russia deployed its peacekeeping contingent based on the decision of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation.

"And in this decision of the Federal Assembly, it is stated that the peacekeeping contingent is there to protect the civilian population. Where is the civilian population of Nagorno-Karabakh now?" the Prime Minister emphasized.

Russia's accusations

Recall that earlier, Russian Foreign Ministry spokesperson Maria Zakharova claimed that the agreements within the trilateral deal with Azerbaijan and Armenia regarding Nagorno-Karabakh were not fulfilled primarily because of Armenia.

These accusations are not the first from Russia against Armenia. Previously, Zakharova stated that Yerevan is trying to "sit on two chairs" as it builds relations with the West.

Additionally, a Russian Foreign Ministry representative criticized Armenia for participating in a meeting regarding the Ukrainian peace formula, referring to such actions as anti-Russian gestures.

Armenpress: Angola announces exit from OPEC

Emil Lazarian

 21:43,

YEREVAN, DECEMBER 21, ARMENPRESS. Angola is leaving the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) because membership is not serving its interests, oil minister Diamantino Azevedo said on Thursday, reports Reuters.

Angola, which joined OPEC in 2007, produces about 1.1 million barrels of oil per day, compared with 28 million bpd for the whole group.

"CSTO technically cannot create a unified air defense system": Opinion from Yerevan

Emil Lazarian
Dec 19 2023
  • JAMnews
  • Yerevan

CSTO Unified Air Defense System

On December 19 a meeting of the Parliamentary Assembly of the CSTO military bloc under the leadership of Russia will be held where the issue of creating a unified air defense system will be discussed. However, Armenia stated that it will not participate in the session. Recently, the country’s authorities have refused to participate in all events organized within the framework of pro-Russian integration structures.

The Russian Foreign Ministry responded to another boycott by saying that Armenia’s absnece at the CSTO assembly will not affect the decision on the creation of the organization’s air defense system. The Armenian Foreign Ministry has not yet commented on whether Armenia is going to join the system if the decision on its creation is made.

Meanwhile, political scientist David Harutyunov told JAMnews that it is technically impossible to create a unified air defense system within the CSTO. According to him, this means cooperation in the format of “CSTO member country-Russia”.

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The speaker of the Armenian parliament was supposed to take part in the CSTO Parliamentary Assembly session. However, in late November, Alen Simonyan announced that he would not participate in the event.

“I have informed my CSTO colleagues that I will not participate in the event. There is no response from them yet and, I think, there will be none. I’m sure they understand the reasons for non-attendance.”

At the same time, the Speaker of the National Assembly emphasized that lack of parrticipation does not mean “freezing of relations” and that Armenia has no intention to withdraw from the CSTO.

“Simply participation in this event is not expedient in the current situation. And the situation is such that the CSTO does not fulfill its obligations [towards Armenia] and did not fulfill its obligations earlier,” Simonyan said, commenting on the issue at the request of journalists.

The Russian side said that the absence of the Armenian delegation would not affect decision-making on the creation of a unified air defense system.

“Their physical non-appearance for participation does not significantly slow down the processes of harmonization by other member states of the adoption of collective here documents, to which in many cases they join,” Russian Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs Alexander Pankin told reporters.

Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu also touched upon the creation of a joint air defense system. He noted that it is actually already in operation, as there are relevant bilateral agreements with each state. And in the case of the CSTO, all that remains is to document the existence of the system.

The agreement on the creation of a unified air defense system between Armenia and Russia was signed on December 23, 2015, three months before the April 2016 four-day war. The situation at that time was tense both on the line of contact with Nagorno-Karabakh and on Armenia’s border, in the Tavush region. After the end of hostilities at the end of June, the agreement was submitted for parliamentary approval.

Armenian media are now reminding their audiences of these events, including quoting and clarification from the Defense Ministry from 2016 on what capabilities this agreement will provide Armenia:

“The agreement provides an opportunity to use the capabilities of the Air and Space Forces of the Russian Armed Forces, up to the use of nuclear weapons. The Air and Space Forces of the Russian Armed Forces have a satellite system that can be used on the territory of Armenia in the interests of the Armenian Air Defense Forces. The Russian side also has surveillance systems that can be used in the interests of Armenia.”

However, there is no information about the practical application of the points of this agreement signed seven years ago, despite the fact that after 2016, the Armenian authorities have twice appealed to Russia and other allies in the CSTO bloc to help protect the country’s sovereign territory — the advance of the Azerbaijani Armed Forces deep into the territory of Armenia in May 2021 and September 2022.

Political scientist David Arutyunov says that it is not clear what kind of unified air defense system we can talk about. He believes that it is impossible to create it within the CSTO:

“The countries that are members of the bloc are located in different geographical zones – in Europe, Central Asia, and the South Caucasus. First of all, it is impossible to combine all this. And secondly, it simply does not need to be done. Each of these countries is only interested in protecting its own borders.”

He explains that cooperation in the field of air defense is achieved on a bilateral basis, i.e. between a CSTO member country and Russia. According to him, Armenia’s cooperation with Russia in this sphere began even before the signing of the agreement. In particular, one of the main functions of the Russian military base stationed in Armenia was to create air defense:

“A significant part of Armenia’s air defense, along the entire border with Turkey is provided by the Russian side. And this is one of the reasons why Armenia still exists.”

Arutyunov recalls that many Armenian-Russian agreements were signed in the 90s, when in parallel with the war in Karabakh there was a threat of an attack on Armenia by Turkey. At the same time he emphasizes that there were no documents and it was not assumed that the RF would defend the territory of MK:

“As for the sovereign territory of the Republic of Armenia, the lack of reaction and non-interference was a political decision of the Russian Federation, as Russians do not want to enter into a conflict with Azerbaijan.”

The political scientist considers this problematic, but notes that since 2010 Armenia’s role in Russia’s foreign policy priorities has declined, mainly because of its “presence in Crimea and military base in Syria, as well as the development of Russian-Turkish relations”.

As for the CSTO, according to Arutyunov, the bloc “was not a very effective structure from the beginning.” For Armenia, membership in the organization was just an opportunity to buy cheap weapons. In addition, the CSTO reinforced the guarantees that Armenia already had within the framework of agreements with Russia.

“Perhaps there was some sentiment in Armenia that the bloc would immediately respond and rush to save Armenia. But I don’t know where they came from. There are very few real cases when this structure did anything,” he said.

It is not clear to the political analyst what Armenia will get as a result of leaving the CSTO as there are no alternative guarantees offered by the West:

“A certain diversification in the security sphere is simply inevitable. We see that Russia is not ready to provide at least part of the guarantees that it was initially supposed to provide.”

According to Arutyunov, Armenia has “maneuvering resources” in order not to break ties with Russia and, at the same time, to develop them with the West.

https://jam-news.net/csto-unified-air-defense-system-will-armenia-join/

Armenia Suspends License of Russian Broadcaster Sputnik

Emil Lazarian
Dec 21 2023
By AFP

Russia's Embassy in Yerevan denounced Thursday the temporary suspension of Russian broadcaster Sputnik's local branch over "offensive" comments a presenter made about Armenia on air.

The commission responsible for television and radio announced late Wednesday that the license of Tospa, the broadcaster of Sputnik Armenia, was being suspended for 30 days after remarks by the Russian TV personality Tigran Keosayan in November.

His opinions do not befit what a "political commentator, presenter and citizen of another country" has the "moral right" to say, it said.

Keosayan also encouraged "illegal acts," the commission said without elaborating.

The pro-Kremlin presenter is married to Margarita Simonyan, editor-in-chief of the RT broadcaster and a loyal supporter of President Vladimir Putin.

The Russian Embassy in Yerevan criticized the decision, saying the measure was being taken to push Armenia further from Russia.

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"This step cannot but look like a concession to those who are increasingly vociferous in favor of severing the long-standing, mutually beneficial and respectful allied relations between Russia and Armenia," the embassy said in a statement.

Sputnik is a state-run Russian media organization operating in several countries through radio channels or websites, and has been accused of spreading Kremlin "disinformation."

The European Union, Britain and Canada banned it shortly after Russia sent troops to Ukraine in February 2022.

In a separate case, the commission inflicted a fine of $1,200 on the channel for comments that "did not correspond to reality" and were likely "to cause panic" in Armenia.

The Caucasus country is a traditional Russian ally but relations have soured since its historic enemy Azerbaijan seized the disputed territory of Nagorno-Karabakh in September.

Yerevan says Moscow did not do enough to stop the lightning Azerbaijani offensive, where Baku seized territory it had not controlled for decades from Armenian separatists.

A Russian ally’s purchase of French and Indian weapons is another sign Moscow is losing influence in its neighborhood

Emil Lazarian
Business Insider
Dec 21 2023
Paul Iddon
  • Armenia has been ordering more weapons, turning to France and India for air-defense systems.
  • Armenia is a longtime ally of Russia, but it has leaned away from Moscow in recent years.
  • With its focus on Ukraine, Russia has offered Armenia little help in its conflicts with Azerbaijan.

In recent weeks, Armenia has ordered air-defense systems and radars from France and was reported to have ordered anti-drone systems from India.

Those orders come amid heightened tensions with neighboring Azerbaijan, with which Armenia has fought several conflicts, including a short clash in September that ended with Azerbaijan conquering the enclave of Nagorno-Karabakh, causing its 120,000 ethnic-Armenian residents to flee.

The acquisitions are notable not only for their timing but also because they show Armenia is taking tangible steps to lessen its dependency on military hardware from Russia, a longtime ally that has offered Yerevan little support against mounting pressure from Azerbaijan.

Armenia's six-week war with Azerbaijan in 2020 captured worldwide attention for Azerbaijan's use of aerial drones. At a press conference to announce the sale in October, France's defense minister said air defenses were "absolutely key" and that Paris was aiding Yerevan with sales of three Thales GM 200 radars and an agreement on the future delivery of short-range Mistral air-defense missiles.

"Armenia's choice to order air-defense systems from France is a significant one," James Rogers, an expert on drones and precision warfare, told Business Insider. "Not only does it highlight to Russia that Armenia has options when it comes to defense cooperation, but it marks a major leap forward in Armenia's attempts to modernize its military."

Reports in early November indicated Yerevan was also buying more weaponry from India, including Zen anti-drone systems, which are designed to detect and bring down enemy drones. Armenia previously bought four Indian-made Pinaka multi-barrel rocket launchers in 2022, the first foreign order of that system.

Nicholas Heras, the senior director of strategy and innovation at the New Lines Institute, told Business Insider that Armenia was advancing its foreign and national security policies on two tracks.

"One track is to build defense alliances with more powerful outside actors in Eurasia, and the second track is to improve the Armenian military's ability to defend against Azeri airpower in tactical engagements," Heras said. "India, in particular, is a prized defense partner with Armenia because India has a large defense industry that can also arm and improve Russian weapons platforms which Armenia deploys."

Armenia's military arsenal has long been predominantly Russian, but Yerevan has attempted to change that as its relations with Moscow have soured, especially after its devastating defeat in the 2020 war, during which Azerbaijan used Israeli- and Turkish-made weapons.

Russia has failed to aid Armenia despite Yereven's membership in the Moscow-led Collective Security Treaty Organization. In addition to being tied down by the war in Ukraine, Russia is most likely irked by Armenia moving closer to Washington and the West under Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, who has long questioned the value of CSTO membership.

"Armenia's partnership with Russia is at a low ebb, and Pashinyan is pushing forward, slowly but surely, to bring Armenia closer to NATO, including the prospect of normalizing Armenia's relations with Turkey," Heras said.

Heras added that over the past two years, the US had been sending "a strong signal" that it "would like to test out the prospect for a more strategic US-Armenian security relationship."

Washington and Yerevan seemed to demonstrate mutual interest in closer defense relations in September when Armenia hosted a bilateral exercise focused on training for peacekeeping operations.

Eighty-five US troops trained alongside 175 Armenia personnel during the drill, which was "a testament to our longstanding partnership with Armenia and builds upon decades of successful peacekeeping and security cooperation," the US Embassy in Armenia said in a statement.

Russia, predictably, opposed the exercise, and Yerevan has kept its distance since then. Pashinyan skipped the organization's summit in mid-November, a move Russia accused the West of orchestrating.

Armenia under Pashinyan has tried to move away from Russia "by building a web of strategic partnerships," Heras said. "Fundamentally, Pashinyan does not want to depend on Russia to ensure Armenia's territorial integrity and security, and his effort to build the relationship with the United States works toward this goal."

Acquiring weaponry from other countries serves a similar purpose, but Armenia's recent purchases also reflect the sensitivity of its international position.

The Mistral missile has a relatively short range of 4 miles, suggesting the sale is meant to bolster Armenia's arsenal but was made with potential political backlash in mind. Turkey has criticized French arms sales to Yerevan. (Azerbaijan has also criticized the recent French and Indian arms sales to Armenia.)

Rogers said that "range is important in war" and that it enabled strikes on a wider set of targets. "In order not to destabilize the region or risk an outbreak of hostilities, therefore, Armenia and France have agreed to these short-range yet effective air-defense systems."

Heras said that the main quandary facing Armenian foreign policy was it could not afford to sever ties with Russia despite recent tensions, but it also could not trust Russia to intervene on its side if there's another war with Azerbaijan. The need to strike a balance between Russia and new partners while bolstering its small military with limited resources complicates Armenia's task.

"Armenia needs to purchase weapons that improve its ability to pursue a 'porcupine strategy,'" making itself a more threatening target for Azerbaijan if the two countries go to war again, Heras said.

Buying French and Indian short-range air-defense weapons that could be used by small infantry units is "a potentially cost-effective way to impose higher costs on Azerbaijan's drone airpower," Heras added.

Paul Iddon is a freelance journalist and columnist who writes about Middle East developments, military affairs, politics, and history. His articles have appeared in a variety of publications focused on the region.


Russia to revamp Armenia’s nuclear power plant

Emil Lazarian
eurasianet
Dec 21 2023
Lilit Shahverdyan 

On December 15, Armenia and Russia signed a contract on modernizing and extending the lifespan of Armenia's Metsamor Nuclear Power Plant (NPP) until 2036. 

The renovations will be carried out by Rustatom Service JSC, a subsidiary of Russia's state nuclear energy company Rosatom, and will cost the Armenian government $65 million.

The deal is another reminder of the vast extent of Russia's influence over Armenia's infrastructure and economy amid Yerevan's efforts to politically distance itself from Moscow. 

Metsamor plays a significant role in Armenia's energy landscape, contributing an average of 31 percent of the country's yearly electricity output.

It is the only nuclear power plant in the South Caucasus, located about 30 kilometers west of Yerevan. It consists of two units, Metsamor-1 and Metsamor-2, activated in 1976 and 1980, respectively. In 1989, the plant was shut down due to safety concerns after the devastating earthquake in Spitak in December 1988. In 1995, Unit 2 was reactivated due to energy shortages in Armenia, and since then has been the only nuclear unit in operation.

In 2021, Rosatom repaired and upgraded the NPP to operate until 2026. The modernization was implemented under a loan agreement signed between Armenia and Russia in 2015. 

Under the new agreement, Rosatom will help to extend the lifespan of Unit-2 until 2036, after which it will be decommissioned. 

The upgrading operations will be financed in the form of a "budgetary loan" provided by the Armenian government to the state-owned plant's management, which will subsequently enter into a contract with Rosatom. In 2023-2026, Rosatom will modernize Metsamor NPP in close cooperation with Armenian specialists.

As the reactor will be decommissioned in 2036, the Armenian government intends to build a new nuclear unit at Metsamor. Different estimates assert that the construction of a new nuclear power plant or unit will take 6-10 years, which means that construction works must be started in the next couple years.

It appears those construction works will be implemented by Rosatom, judging by Russian Deputy Prime Minister Alexey Overchuk's remark on December 15 that negotiations were underway regarding new nuclear power units. 

Overwhelming energy dependence on Russia 

The new Metsamor deal comes at a complicated time in Armenian-Russian relations. Resentment against Russia is high in Armenia Azerbaijan's military takeover – apparently with Moscow's blessing – of Nagorno-Karabakh in September.

Despite persistent efforts to diversify its political alliances and build closer ties with the West, Armenia's economy remains overwhelmingly dependent on Russia. Russia is Armenia's largest trade partner, and Armenia is a member of the Russian-led Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) and Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO). 

And then there's energy dependence.

Russia supplies 87.5 percent of Armenia's gas (the rest comes from Iran), and Gazprom Armenia, the local subsidiary of the Russian state gas company, owns all of the country's gas distribution infrastructure. 

Armenia says it generates 98 percent of the electricity it needs but that claim hides even more dependence. 

That electricity is generated by hydropower and thermal plants and by the Metsamor NPP. Metsamor is entirely fueled by uranium imported from Russia while thermal power plants depend on (largely Russian) natural gas. 

"Our self-sufficiency depends on the countries from which we import the gas and the uranium that operate our thermal and nuclear power plants. And when our government officials speak about our self-sufficiency, why do they forget to say how we maintain it?" energy expert Armen Manvelyan told the Institute of War and Peace Reporting (IWPR), stressing that over 70 percent of Armenia's electricity depends on Russia.

And Armenia's energy demands keep growing. In 2022, Armenia's imports of Russian natural gas increased by 6.1 percent from the previous year, reaching 2.6 billion cubic meters. 

Iran's ambassador to Armenia, Mehdi Sobhani, recently mused about the possibility of tripling or quadrupling Tehran's gas exports to Armenia. But such a move would require Russia's consent and facilitation, as Gazprom controls the gas pipeline to Iran.

Armenia is exploring the possibility of obtaining small modular nuclear reactors from the United States, France, and South Korea as part of its efforts to diversify its energy sector. But so far concrete progress on this front remains elusive.

Lilit Shahverdyan is a journalist based in Stepanakert.