Armenian Military delegation visits Kansas

KSNW Wichita

WINFIELD, Kan. (KSNW) — Representatives from the Armenian Ministry of Defense were in south-central Kansas Friday.

They were guests of the Kansas National Guard touring the Kansas Veterans’ Home and Kansas Veterans’ Cemetery in Winfield. The group was there to learn about the Kansas Commission on Veterans Affairs Office (KCVAO) and its mission to serve Kansas veterans.

The group learned how the facility operates and the services they provide. They also attended a presentation from the KCVAO Mobile Services Unit, which travels across Kansas to assist veterans with VA benefits and claims.

Wichita Army veteran oversaw parts and equipment in Afghanistan

“The KCVAO was privileged and proud to share information about how we continue to pay tribute to and honor our Veterans through the many services we provide here in Kansas,” says Agency Director, Retired Brigadier General William Turner in a news release.

The delegation has spent the past four days in Kansas including a visit with Kansas Secretary of Agriculture Mike Beam; Kansas State University Research and Extension, Kansas AgrAbility Project; and several area Veterans Service Organizations. For more information about the Kansas – Armenia State Partnership Program, click here.

https://www.msn.com/en-us/news/us/armenian-military-delegation-visits-kansas/ar-AA1bKtqw

Archaeologists in Armenia Unearth a Bakery—Complete With 3,000-Year-Old Flour

Cool Finds

Originally thought to be ash, the ancient powdery substance helped researchers identify the building’s purpose

Teresa Nowakowski

Daily Correspondent

4:58 p.m.

Last fall, when researchers unearthed the remains of a 3,000-year-old structure in the western Armenian town of Metsamor, they faced two mysteries: First, they didn’t know what purpose the structure had served. Beyond that, a strange powdery substance covering the area left them stumped.

“We knew it was something organic and collected about four to five sacks worth of the material,” Krzysztof Jakubiak, an archaeologist at the University of Warsaw who led the excavation, tells Live Science’s Jennifer Nalewicki.

The team assumed, at first, the material was simply ash. After all, charred remnants of the building’s reed roof and wooden beams indicated it had met its end in a fire. 

But upon closer examination, the substance was “decoded and recognized as remains of wheat flour,” says Jakubiak to Artnet’s Vittoria Benzine. “The samples were examined by an archaeobotanist expert, who confirmed this preliminary supposition.”

These findings solved both of the team’s mysteries at once. The powder wasn’t ash, but wheat flour. They had unearthed an ancient bakery.

Archaeologists originally mistook the flour residue in the building for ash. Patrick Okrajek

Archaeologists estimate that the structure could have once held as much as 3.5 tons of flour, making it a site for mass production. They also found that furnaces were likely added after the building’s construction, indicating that the structure may have once served another purpose. Before becoming a bakery, perhaps it was “used for ceremonies or meetings, and then was turned into storage,” says Jakubiak to Live Science.

The bakery’s flour is now far past its prime. Still, the discovery remains important; the building is one of the oldest known structures of its kind from the southern Caucasus and eastern Anatolia, per Szymon Zdziebłowski of Science in Poland

The building appears to have operated between the late 11th and early 9th century B.C.E. as part of the fortified settlement established at Metsamor in the 4th millennium B.C.E.

An aerial view of Metsamor, where the bakery was excavated Patrick Okrajek

Little is known about the settlement, which covered 247 acres before being conquered in the eighth century B.C.E. by Argishti I, since its ancient inhabitants did not have a written language, according to Science in Poland. However, archaeologists continue to learn more about Metsamor through new discoveries, including a recently unearthed tomb filled with gold pendants. Jakubiak tells Live Science that his team plans to continue to examine the bakery, which is remarkably well-preserved, in order to gain more insight into Metsamor’s history.

“Because the structure's roof collapsed during a fire, it shielded everything, and luckily, the flour survived,” he adds. “It’s astounding; under normal circumstances, everything should be burned and gone entirely.”

https://www.smithsonianmag.com/smart-news/armenia-bakery-flour-discovery-180982247/

Syunik governor: border settlements have enough weapons for self-defense

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Armenia –

The border settlements of Syunik Province have an adequate amount of weapons for self-defense, governor Robert Ghukasyan told journalists on May 27, noting that he cannot open many brackets.

According to him, 50 residents of Tegh village had their land stolen by the Armed Forces of Azerbaijan.
"The general situation in Syunik continues to be tense and uncertain. Despite all that, local residents have not left their homes and have no such intention," he said.

The governor added that a part of those displaced from Berdzor and Aghavno received jobs in Syunik. They stay at hotels in the city of Goris and are provided with food and shelter. They also receive support from the International Committee of the Red Cross.


Armenia to host main EBRD event in 2024

The European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD) and government of Armenia have signed a Memorandum of Understanding, which lays the foundations for the 2024 EBRD Annual Meeting to take place in Yerevan on 14-16 May 2024.

The event will be the EBRD’s 33rd Annual Meeting and is the most important event in the Bank’s calendar. A central part is the meeting of the Board of Governors, the Bank’s highest decision-making body, assessing the Bank’s performance and setting future strategic directions.

The conference also includes the Business Forum, a gathering of business representatives, investors, government officials and media who engage in panel discussions and networking events. In addition, the Annual Meeting comprises a civil society programme, a donors’ meeting and other auxiliary events.

The event in 2024 is expected to attract up to 2,000 participants to Armenia.

The EBRD is one of the leading institutional investors in Armenia. It has invested around €2 billion across 206 projects, supporting private sector development and the energy, infrastructure, telecommunications, and financial sectors.

Find out more

Press release

ICRC resumes transportation of patients from Artsakh to Armenia

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 18:37,

YEREVAN, MAY 26, ARMENPRESS. On the initiative of the Red Cross, the transfer of patients from Artsakh to the medical centers of Armenia has been restored since May 26, Zara Amatuni, head of communication programs of the delegation of the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) in Armenia, told ARMENPRESS, noting that on May 26, 15 patients from the "Republican Medical Center" of the Artsakh Ministry of Health, along with their companions, with the mediation and escort of the International Committee of the Red Cross, were transferred to specialized medical centers of Armenia.

"Since May 17, we have also resumed the transportation of humanitarian cargoes. In general, we have transported various humanitarian supplies, especially medical supplies and medicines intended for local medical facilities. We have transported 16 trucks since May 17," said Amatuni.

PM Pashinyan, Louis Bono discuss issues related to the rights and security of the people of Nagorno Karabakh

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 19:07,

YEREVAN, MAY 26, ARMENPRESS. Prime Minister of Armenia Nikol Pashinyan received the U.S. Senior Advisor for Caucasus Negotiations and Co-chair of the OSCE Minsk Group Louis Bono, ARMENPRESS was informed from the Office of the Prime Minister.

The interlocutors discussed issues related to the process of normalization of relations between Armenia and Azerbaijan, the humanitarian crisis in Nagorno-Karabakh resulted by the illegal blockade of the Lachin Corridor by Azerbaijan, addressing the rights and security issues of the people of Nagorno-Karabakh under the internationally guaranteed dialogue mechanism.

The Prime Minister presented the approaches of the Armenian side regarding the settlement of existing key issues.

‘A suicide mission’: Anti-war activists explain the challenges of protesting in Azerbaijan

11:52 pm,
Source: Meduza

Story by Bashir Kitachayev for The Beet. Edited by Eilish Hart.

Two and a half years ago, the decades-long conflict between Azerbaijan and Armenia over Nagorno-Karabakh escalated into a full-blown war. Today, American and European officials are urging the two sides to seize upon recent diplomatic momentum and broker a lasting peace. Worryingly, however, international calls for Azerbaijan to offer security assurances to Nagorno-Karabakh’s mostly ethnic Armenian population have gone unanswered. Experts from Crisis Group warn that the unresolved Lachin Corridor crisis, which Meduza reported on in March, could not only be a potential flashpoint for “major violence,” but also put the entire peace process at risk. To wit, Baku’s recent decision to set up a checkpoint on the Lachin Corridor has renewed fears of ethnic cleansing. In Azerbaijan, meanwhile, the voices of those who oppose further aggression are all but drowned out. For The Beet, freelance journalist Bashir Kitachayev reports on Azerbaijan’s defanged anti-war movement. 

The following story is from the The Beet, a weekly email dispatch from Meduza covering Central and Eastern Europe, the Caucasus, and Central Asia. Sign up here to get the next issue delivered directly to your inbox. A version of this article was first published (in Russian) by the online magazine DOXA. 

In late September 2020, Azerbaijan launched attacks across Nagorno-Karabakh, reigniting a full-fledged war with neighboring Armenia. The hostilities lasted for six weeks and left nearly 3,000 Azerbaijani soldiers dead. But despite the large number of casualties, and the fact that Baku had declared a partial mobilization, popular support for the war remained incredibly high in Azerbaijan.

All major political figures praised the war. There were no anti-war rallies (in stark contrast to earlier pro-war protests), and people who openly opposed the fighting faced harassment and public condemnation. Even President Ilham Aliyev’s most uncompromising opponents had to refrain from holding demonstrations.

Among them was peace and human rights activist Giyas Ibrahimov, who became famous in 2016 for spraying protest graffiti on a monument of Heydar Aliyev, the ex-president of Azerbaijan and the father of the current head of state. For this, Ibrahimov was sentenced to 10 years in prison on a false charge of drug possession and spent three years behind bars. Following his release, Ibrahimov took part in anti-government rallies and even conducted solitary pickets.

During the 2020 war, however, he didn’t take to the streets. According to the activist, it was simply impossible, since society reacted negatively to any manifestations of pacifism. Had he gone out in protest, Ibrahimov said, he would have suffered not at the hands of police, but of ordinary people.

Nevertheless, Ibrahimov publicly spoke out against what became known as the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War: together with other activists, he signed an anti-war statement and expressed his opposition on social networks. In response, the Prosecutor General’s Office summoned him for an “educational talk.” “I was told that if I’m not a supporter of nationalism, then it’s better for me to leave, insinuating that people like me have no place in a society united by the idea of war,” Ibrahimov recalls.

Ibrahimov soon became the object of harassment and regularly received insults and threats in comments and private messages online. Though he considered them empty threats, he decided to leave the house as little as possible.

Murad (name changed) also opposed the 2020 war. In his words, he had no desire “to die for the sake of the ruling elites’ golden toilets.” But he didn’t dare take part in anti-war protests in person or online — primarily due to his ethnicity. 

Murad, who belongs to Azerbaijan’s Lezgin minority, says that protesting openly would have meant risking not just harassment or a lecture from the security forces, but being arrested and tortured. “Protesting in Azerbaijan would be a suicide mission for me,” Murad maintains. “In my case, the conversation would immediately turn to ethnicity, and then I would be accused of separatism, treason, or terrorism. The authorities are still carrying out reprisals against ethnic activists [belonging to] the country’s indigenous peoples.” 

Indeed, ethnic-minority activists have long been under pressure in Azerbaijan. The case of Talysh activist and historian Fakhraddin Abbasov (Aboszoda) is just one high-profile example. In 2019, Russia extradited Abbasov to Azerbaijan, where he was sentenced to 16 years in prison on treason charges. When Abbasov died in prison during the 2020 war, the Azerbaijani authorities declared it a suicide. Shortly before his death, however, Abbasov had released a statement warning that his life was in danger. 

Even the main opposition parties in Azerbaijan, despite the consistent repressions they have suffered at the hands of the current government, have supported the fighting in Nagorno-Karabakh and continue to do so today.

“The majority of the Azerbaijani opposition consists of people who would be regarded as far-right in the West. Their rhetoric is almost the same as that of the authorities,” explains sociologist Sergey Rumyantsev, whose research focuses on the peaceful transformation of conflicts in the Caucasus.

Rumyantsev is convinced that a strong anti-war movement has failed to emerge in Azerbaijan because no one has come up with an alternative to the government’s militant rhetoric. With the peace process now ongoing for decades, many in Azerbaijan have grown convinced that talks don’t yield results. The Azerbaijani authorities, meanwhile, have been able to write off the country’s problems as consequences of the conflict and rally society around the cause of avenging the “humiliation” of the First Nagorno-Karabakh War. 

“Ilham Aliyev very openly shared his ‘secret of success’ in the war at the recent Munich [Security] Conference. Aliyev said that it was necessary to educate the younger generation so that they would be ready to kill and die for the sake of their historical land. This is exactly what the Azerbaijani authorities did,” Rumyantsev explains.

According to the sociologist, the state’s war propaganda machine is all-encompassing and includes the education system. “History textbooks are written in a way that instills in children a belief that Azerbaijanis, as a nation, are much older than Armenians and have historical rights to these lands,” he says. The Azerbaijani media also portrays Armenians in a negative light, usually presenting them as Azerbaijan’s “historical enemy.” 

The way Rumyantsev sees it, decades of active propaganda have borne fruit. “Citizens and politicians can argue over different topics, but they agree on one thing: ‘Karabakh is ours, and it’s worth dying for.’ And killing people is not an issue (although the government doesn’t say this openly), because they aren’t killing people, they’re killing ‘enemies,’” the sociologist explains.

“[When] a soldier is taught all his life about Armenian atrocities [against Azerbaijanis], he himself already comes to the conclusion that, for example, it’s not a crime to cut off an old man’s head,” Rumyantsev adds. “Dehumanization is an important component of conflict.”

The absence of anti-war protests in Azerbaijan doesn’t mean that supporters of a peaceful settlement of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict have done nothing at all. In the 2000s, peace projects aimed to destroy the “image of the enemy” in Azerbaijan and Armenia, as well as in Nagorno-Karabakh. These projects were most often organized by researchers and independent journalists, with funding from international organizations. 

Hamida Giyasbayli, an Azerbaijani journalist and rights activist, has been involved in such projects for more than a decade. In 2012, Giyasbayli began to collaborate with the Imagine Center for Conflict Transformation, leading its work in Azerbaijan. The initiative was created in 2008 as a platform where Armenians and Azerbaijanis could speak openly about the most sensitive issues without hiding their true feelings from each other. Giyasbayli helped organize meetings between Armenian and Azerbaijani youths in neutral countries, most often in Georgia.

“The most interesting thing for me was to hold dialogues between Armenians and Azerbaijanis. We talked about the history of the conflict, and about what events influenced the relations between peoples,” Giyasbayli recalls. “I saw how people […] found the strength to say to each other’s face everything they felt, which of the conflict’s problems bothered them, and to discuss what could be done about it.” 

According to Giyasbayli, these meetings changed people and helped them to look at the conflict in a new way. A former participant named Arpi agrees. “I remember when we were discussing the Sumgait pogrom,” says Arpi, referring to the 1988 ethnic riots in a city just outside of Baku (according to the Soviet authorities, at least 30 people were killed; other estimates put the death toll in the hundreds). “One of the Azerbaijanis said that the Armenians committed it themselves. I asked her: ‘What is the logic in this? Are you so exposed to propaganda that you don’t even doubt this absurdity?’”

“After some time, we started talking about the Khojaly massacre,” she continues, this time referring to the 1992 mass killing of Azerbaijanis by Armenian troops in the town of Khojaly during the First Nagorno-Karabakh War (according to Baku, more than 600 civilians were killed). “I said that in Armenia, we believe that the Azerbaijanis committed these events themselves. And then I realized the irony of the situation. In Armenia, we were also lied to about the conflict.”

According to Giyasbayli, many projects had to close due to a lack of funding after Azerbaijan passed a law in 2013 that tightened restrictions on foreign donors. (The Imagine Center was able to continue operating, however). Around the same time, Aliyev’s government unleashed a wave of mass repressions against opposition-minded individuals.  

During the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War, Giyasbayli moved to Georgia to avoid potential persecution and to escape the widespread militaristic euphoria in Azerbaijan. She continues to hold meetings for Azerbaijani and Armenian youth in Tbilisi.

Despite the prevalence of militaristic propaganda in Azerbaijan and the ongoing conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh, more and more people appear to be getting tired of the war.

Azerbaijan is investing heavily in reconstruction projects in Nagorno-Karabakh, as well as in armaments, all while Azerbaijani living standards are falling drastically. According to official figures, food prices have risen significantly, and the real picture could be much worse. The population, meanwhile, is seemingly beginning to realize that the deaths of thousands of people haven’t made their lives any better.

The level of support for Azerbaijan’s attack on Armenia in September 2022 turned out to be much lower than for the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War. Some public figures and representatives of opposition parties who supported the 2020 conflict even spoke out against the attacks, which targeted Armenia’s sovereign territory. (Notably, the Lachin Corridor blockade, which brought about a humanitarian crisis in Nagorno-Karabakh earlier this year, hasn’t drawn similar condemnation.) 

The center-left youth movement Democracy 1918 (D18, for short) also condemned the hostilities. D18 chairman Ahmad Mammadli openly accused President Aliyev of military aggression. “Someday, Ilham Aliyev will definitely answer before the international court for the crimes committed not only against the Azerbaijani people but also against the Armenian people. The first task of democratic Azerbaijan will be to punish those who sow enmity between peoples,” Mammadli wrote on social media at the time of the attacks. 

The reaction from the authorities was not long in coming. “In the city center, I was attacked by five policemen in civilian clothes. They forced me into a civilian car. They wanted me to delete what I posted on social media. I refused,” recalls the politician.

A court sentenced Mammadli to 30 days in jail on charges of disobeying the police. “In the pre-trial detention center, they called me a ‘traitor to the motherland.’ I spent 29 days in solitary confinement for advocating peace,” Mammadli says.

After he was released, Mammadli learned that support for his movement had actually grown. D18 began to create working groups that cover problems in the regions, and it started developing a peace agenda, which they continue to broadcast on social networks to counter Baku’s aggressive foreign policy. The movement has even created a politics school that holds lectures and discussions on topics such as the peaceful settlement of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, women’s rights, LGBTQ+ rights, and developing a green economy. 

Mammadli remains optimistic about the future of the anti-war agenda and peace initiatives in Azerbaijan, but at the same time notes that society is not yet ready for mass protests. “We need to wait for people’s discontent to reach a peak,” he concludes.

AW: Ruins to Memories: Uncovering the Last Armenian Church of Sivas

The church services had ended, and with the customary repetitions of “Krisdos haryav i merelots” behind us, we made our way to my grandparents’ house since they weren’t able to attend the service. With each passing year, my grandfather had aged considerably, and it was physically demanding for him to make his way to church. Stopping by their home was a way of spending family time together and, indeed, a good excuse for all of us to have some nice tea, choreg, and, of course, to engage in the lively tradition of egg-breaking.

That day, my grandfather was a different man, lost in melancholy and silence, unlike his usual self. He was a storyteller who could bring the past alive with his anecdotes, but that day he sought solace in his cumbus, a banjo-like instrument. He then beckoned me with his notorious wink to come join him in his room. 

I sat across from him and listened to a couple of his tunes. Once he finished playing, he unhesitatingly asked:

“How was church?” 

“As usual,” I replied. “Don’t worry. You didn’t miss out on much,” I added to make him feel better for being unable to attend.

“You know, it’s the first Easter that I wasn’t able to attend since we moved to this country.”

“I’m sure,” I responded sorrowfully.

“But there’s a reason why I never missed Easter or any other holiday. A very good reason which I never like talking about is because it brings about accursed memories.”

It was obvious he was itching to share a story that he had never told before. Usually, the stories we would hear from him were cheerful and lighthearted, but when it came to gloomy ones, he would recount them only once.

“Just say it, Dede,” I implored. “Get it off your chest. It’s not good to keep all this inside you.”

He conceded and put down his instrument. He then released a heavy sigh and began to tell his story: 

“I remember that ill-fated day like it was yesterday. It was around sundown, and I was closing up my shop in Sivas’ city center. I remember how quiet everything was. Unusually quiet. In my heart, a feeling of unease was stirring, but I brushed it aside, eager to return home. And then, just as I was about to lock up, it happened.

An explosion. A thunderous loud noise ripped through the air. It was unlike anything I had ever heard before.

I felt the shock reverberate right down to my bones. Buildings trembled around me, and the screams of frightened people pierced the air, their voices joining together in a chorus of panic. In that moment, chaos erupted in the city, and people poured out of their homes and stores to bear witness to the disaster. A cloud of ash began to form, looming close to where I stood. Some fled in terror, while others, driven by a need to know, raced toward the epicenter of the catastrophe. I locked up my shop and joined the throngs of people running toward the source of the devastation.

As I drew closer to the scene of destruction, I was taken aback by the curious reaction of the crowd. They were not consumed by fear or despair, as I had expected. In fact, they appeared to be almost relieved, their faces displaying an odd sense of calm and solace. I wondered why until I reached the site and found out what was demolished.

It was the Armenian church.

The building had been completely obliterated, leaving behind nothing but a pile of rubble. As I stood there gazing at the ancient stones beneath my feet, I couldn’t help but ponder the many stories they held. The baptisms that occurred within those blocks of stone. The weddings. The many joyous occasions.

As people were approaching the site, they started to shout, ‘It’s the Armenian church!’ 

Another cried, ‘They’ve finally destroyed it!’

‘We’ll have more room in the city center now – something we’ve needed for so long.’

Another man, not knowing I was Armenian, said to me, ‘It was a useless building anyway.’ 

Even to this day, the name of that church in Sivas remains a mystery to me. The tragic aftermath of the Genocide left our community with nothing but ruins and ashes. There were no active churches or schools, no priests to guide us. The timeframe I speak of was the 1950s, and by that time, all that remained were the crumbling remains of institutions, which we referred to simply as ‘the old Armenian church’ or ‘the old Armenian school.’ Despite our proximity to these sacred spaces, we were disconnected from their history, and their names remained unknown to us. Our only connection to faith was the simple gesture of making the sign of the cross as we passed by. Without any formal education or guidance, many of us never learned to pray or read in Armenian. It wasn’t until we left Sivas and moved to Istanbul that I had my first encounter with an Armenian priest.

Regardless, there still existed a sizable Armenian community in Sivas, and word slowly reached each and every one of them about the church’s destruction. I encountered one of them on my way back home from the destruction site, and he told me plans had already been made to gather at a local Armenian’s house to discuss what happened. I agreed to join. Arriving at the home later that evening, I was met with a sight that will forever be etched in my memory. The spacious house was filled with many Armenians, all dressed in black, with the women in particular standing out. The discussion did not take place as planned. Everyone was mourning. All I heard was wailing and weeping. Amid the cries, I heard prayers. Some prayed in Armenian, others in Turkish. I then witnessed women lifting their hands in the air pleading for help from God or some sort of divine intervention. One particular moment that stuck with me was when an Armenian man who couldn’t speak Armenian or recite a prayer, instead prayed in the way of the Muslim faith by kneeling down on the floor. It was a subtle reminder that regardless of our different faiths or levels of assimilation, the devastating impact of the blast affected us all.

The small and forgotten Armenian community of Sivas never felt more neglected and alone that night. It seemed as though even God had forsaken us. We were alone in an ocean of a hostile environment that not only turned our community into ruin, but also destroyed those ruins. We struggled to come to terms with the enormity of our loss and the indifference of the world around us.

So with nothing left to say or do, the mourners were left with only their tears and prayers to offer. They cried and prayed, prayed and cried. It continued all throughout the night, and I could hear their voices till this very day.”

Overcome with grief, my grandfather ended his story just like that. Like a Siamanto poem with no happy ending in sight.

Part 2

Years went by and, after my grandfather passed away, I found myself still holding onto that story. I could recall every detail vividly, but I had always regarded it as just another family anecdote. Yet, as the old Russian saying goes, “trust but verify.” Although I trusted my grandfather completely and had no reason to doubt him, I knew that verifying the story would elevate it from the realm of family lore to academic inquiry. I wondered what I might discover if I were to investigate it fully and whether the truth might reveal new dimensions to the tale that I had never imagined.

Yet, I had no hope that I would find any piece of information about it anywhere. I first needed to find the name of the church, which I didn’t know. Even if I did know the name of the church, where would I find more information about it? Something inside me refused to give up, and I felt compelled to continue my search for the truth.

My “aha” moment came when I least expected it. I stumbled upon a book about Sivas that had been published by the Hrant Dink Foundation. As I flipped through the pages, one passage caught my eye:

The last of the Sivas churches, Surp Asdvadzadzin Cathedral was demolished by explosives in the early 1950s during a wave of cultural heritage destruction that struck central Anatolian cities. In that regard, Sivas city has no standing Armenian church.

This was it. I finally discovered vital pieces of information I had been searching for: the name of the church, the rough time of the bombing. Now, my only task was to delve deeper into my research to uncover more details.

The Surp Asdvadzadzin Church from afar (Source: Houshamadyan)

The church was originally part of the Surp Nshan Monastery complex, built in the 11th century during a period when King Hovhannes-Senekerim was forced by the Byzantines to move to Sivas (then Sepastia) as part of a territorial exchange intended to strengthen defenses against the Seljuks Turks in the east. The monastery was made up of three churches: Surp Khatch (Nshan), Surp Hovhannes Karapet and Surp Asdvadzadzinthe church that was demolished. The churches were located in different parts in and around the city. The complex included a large garden with fruit and willow trees and a renowned school called the Sanasarian Varjaran. The monastery also owned property throughout the city of Sivas including 47 fields, two mills and 19 stores. Its influence in the region was palpable.

A 1918 photo of an Armenian church in Trabzon, which was used as an auction site and distribution center of confiscated Armenian goods and belongings after the Armenian Genocide for the Liquidation Commission. The Surp Nshan monastery suffered a similar fate. (Photo: Public Domain)

Up until the Armenian Genocide, Surp Nshan served as the primary repository of medieval Armenian manuscripts in the Sepastia region, housing at least 283 manuscripts. Fortunately, the library was not destroyed during the Genocide, and most of the manuscripts survived the carnage. Afterward, around 100 of them were transferred to the Armenian Patriarchate in Jerusalem in 1918. Others can be found in the Matenadaran in Yerevan, as well as in various public and private collections. But not all were saved. Almost all the treasures and objects belonging to the monastery were liquidated through “Liquidation Commissions” (Turkish: Tasfiye Komisyonu) and are now lost forever. The depository was the most sought after item in the monastery and contained prized artifacts such as old books, jewelry, gold and silver items and chasubles. Writer Haygazn Ghazarian’s account in the 1929 edition of New York’s defunct Alis newspaper provides important insight into the fate of the depository. According to Ghazarian, Turkish authorities coerced local Armenians into opening the depository, despite not having the key. After much resistance, the Armenians were eventually forced to use hammers to break it open. The discovery of the items must have felt like stumbling upon a treasure trove for the Turkish authorities, who immediately registered each item they uncovered and subsequently sold them at auction through the Liquidation Commission. The most prized item, however, was the throne of Senekerim-Hovannes, which we will get to. 

The most recent information available about Surp Nshan indicates that in 1939, the traveler H. E. King visited the monastery complex, which was being used as a military depot and closed to the public. However, King observed that the monastery was still intact, and the main church appeared to be in excellent condition, complete with its distinctive dome. This was vital information, because it showed that given how well preserved the monastery complex was, the only way to bring down its churches would have to be with explosives. King, however, was most likely referring to the main church of Surp Nshan, which was outside the city center. 

The altar of the Surp Asdvadzadzin church featuring mother Mary holding Christ Child within a gilded frame

The church in question, Surp Asdvadzadzin, was the main focus of my inquiry. Turns out, it was a domed church that follows a “Hripsime-type” plan modeled after the church of the same name at the Varagavank monastery, according to the 11th-century historian Aristakes of Lastivert. The church had four monumental doors, four chambers and two chapels complete with a striking dome that was visible in much of the city. It was this very church that housed the throne of King Senekerim-Hovhannes. This magnificent throne, adorned with ivory, was brought to Sepastia in the 11th century by Senekerim-Hovannes after the Armenians struck a deal with the Byzantines to relocate their kingdom from Van. According to Ghazarian’s account, which provides previously undocumented details not found in English-language sources, the throne was taken from the church and given to Ahmet Muammer Bey, the Vali of the Sivas province who kept it in his living room as a personal possession. Unfortunately, the fate of the throne now remains a mystery, and it seems to have been lost forever. Muammer Bey died in 1928, and it may have been disposed of that year. The loss of the throne may not come as a surprise, as Turkish authorities may have viewed it as a threat due to its symbolic significance as a representation of the Armenians’ once independent kingdom and government. The throne provides irrefutable evidence of this history and perhaps why it has led to its destruction or disappearance, which is something especially plausible during the time of Turkey’s new nation-building project under Ataturk. The church also housed the graves of Armenian catholicoi, including Petros Getadardz, and featured a richly decorated main altar with a painting of Mary holding the Christ child. The image was framed by a stunning gold frame that resembled rays of light radiating from the image. The frame was topped off with an arch that contained the Bible verse John 10:9 in Armenian: “I am the gate; whoever enters through me will be saved.” The combination of the intricate frame and the meaningful verse added to the church’s overall grandeur and spiritual significance. Notably, the church underwent renovations during the mid-19th century, generously supported by local Armenians, and received further embellishments at the onset of the 20th century. Of all the churches in the complex, this particular one stood out as the only one located in the heart of the city. According to the Hrant Dink Foundation, during a brief period in the early Republican era, the church may have had some secret worshippers, which is surprising news. However, it was soon permanently blocked off. It’s also interesting to note that a group of Armenians actually petitioned the government to reopen the church, but their efforts were met with the demolition of the building. However, this surely cannot be the only reason for its destruction. 

Last known photograph of Senekerim-Hovhannes Artruni’s throne taken in the 1880s at Varagavank near Van. The throne was left vacated after Senekerim-Hovhannes surrendered his Kingdom to the Byzantines and was given land in and around Sepastia as compensation. Approximately 14,000 Armenians from Vaspurakan moved to Sepastia. The whereabouts of the throne are unknown, but it is believed to have been lost during the genocide. (Photo: Public Domain/Library of Congress)

The bombing of the church was carried out by Mayor Rahmi Günay, though it is believed he received an order from higher authorities. Günay was a loyal member of Ataturk’s Republican People’s Party and was the longest serving mayor in Sivas’ Republican history, eventually becoming a member of the National Assembly. In fact, Günay was so popular that he served two separate terms as mayor in Sivas’ municipality from 1942 to 1960 and 1968 to 1973. It is no surprise that one of the most famous streets in Sivas is named after him. 

Mayor Rahmi Günay

It should be noted that it is very likely that Sivas was undergoing a significant reconstruction project that required the demolition of the Armenian church due to its prime location. Initially serving as a military depot, the church’s dome was dynamited on June 21, 1949, with the fortified walls still standing. It took two years to destroy the rest of the building, with the final explosion occurring around 1951 under the pretext of ensuring “public safety.” Following the demolition, the stones of the church were sold and repurposed for building residences and making sidewalks. Some accounts even suggest that the stones were used to repair Sivas’ main mosque. Nevertheless, the preservation of many historical monuments, especially Seljuk ones, in the city center today raises questions about why the Armenian church was specifically targeted for destruction. The location of the church is now a shopping center called Arı (39.7494518, 37.0163831), and one can see that the church stood right beside Sivas’ main central square. All around the central square, one can encounter many historical monuments today, but the only one missing is the Armenian church. Hence, one can’t help but deduce that the deliberate bombing of the church suggests a more sinister motive behind its destruction. 

It is highly likely that an anti-Armenian agenda was also at play. According to the Hrant Dink Foundation’s book on Sivas, there was a widespread campaign of getting rid of Armenian churches during the 1950s throughout Turkey’s interior provinces. The mayor may have been merely acting upon orders of a larger and more systematic campaign to erase the vestiges of the once thriving Armenian community.

An Armenian wedding ceremony in Sivas, pre-1915 (Source: Houshamadyan)

When I revisit the brief sentence about the bombing, I’m struck by the realization that history has its limitations. It can capture events and facts, but it often fails to convey the true emotional impact on those involved. The words on the page didn’t mention the grief-stricken mourners who gathered late at night, nor did they capture the callousness of the local Turks upon seeing an Armenian church reduced to rubble. It brought to mind Napoleon’s famous quote, “History is a set of lies agreed upon.” I finally understood the sentiment behind his words. Historians consolidate their version of events and often leave out crucial details that help us understand how a tragedy affected the people who witnessed it. Instead, we’re left with dry and impersonal accounts that read more like science textbooks than a true depiction of history. However, in reality, history is full of half-truths, with the other half either left unrecorded or retained by those who experienced it, only to be revealed if and when they choose to share their stories.

The famed poet Czesław Miłosz once said, “The living owe it to those who no longer can speak to tell their story for them.” As Armenians who have suffered and continue to suffer from genocide and cultural erasure, this obligation weighs particularly heavily upon us. The loss of monuments like this church is not just a loss for the Armenian people, but a loss for all humanity. It serves as a stark reminder of the importance of preserving our shared cultural heritage, recognizing the injustices of the past and striving toward a more equitable future. By telling the story of this church and other similar sites, we not only honor the memory of those who built and maintained them, but also fulfill our duty to preserve and share the stories of those who came before us. In this way, we can ensure that their voices and stories are not lost to the sands of time, but rather continue to inspire and inform future generations. Indeed, it is the least we can do.

Author’s Note: This article is dedicated in memory of all those who were impacted by the tragic event, particularly my grandfather. Additionally, I want to express my deep appreciation to Robert Sukiasyan, a researcher of Armenian Studies at Yerevan State University, for providing invaluable information and insights about the church.

Born in Paris to Armenians from Turkey, Garen Kazanc moved to Los Angeles at a young age, where he attended and graduated from the Armenian Mesrobian School in 2006. He received a B.S. degree in sociology from Cal State Los Angeles. He has been an active member of Hamazkayin and the Armenian Poetry Project and has contributed articles to various Armenian newspapers and media outlets.


Addressee of 1 ton of cocaine was fruit importing company owned by fugitive ex- lawmaker, says Prime Minister

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 16:49,

YEREVAN, MAY 24, ARMENPRESS. The addressee of the 1 ton of cocaine that was seized by Armenian authorities was a well-known banana importing company, Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan told lawmakers in parliament.

“The National Security Service has made the first arrest in this case moments ago,” Pashinyan said. 

“The addressee of that 1 ton of cocaine was a well known banana importing company, owned by a former Member of Parliament, who is now a fugitive, if I’m not mistaken from the Republican Party,” Pashinyan said, emphasizing that the presumption of innocence shouldn’t be violated.

The NSS reported the first on May 24.

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