Wizard On The Web

WIZARD ON THE WEB
By Malcolm Pein

Daily Telegraph/UK
28/08/2007

The Armenian GM Tigran Petrosian was the winner of a qualifying
tournament staged on the Internet Chess Club and won an expenses
paid trip to the Mainz Chess Classic to play in the Ordix Open. As
reported last week this immensely strong tournament was won by David
Navara. Petrosian finished a very creditable fourth, half a point
behind the winner on 9/11

The young Tigran Petrosian is not related to his countryman and
namesake and their respective styles of play could not be more
different. The tenth world champion was very positional and tied his
opponents up in knots, occasionally he forced resignation with hardly
a shot being fired.

The young Tigran in contrast is a tactical wizard and is one of the
most successful players on the ICC where most the chess is played at
high speed.

Indeed one wonders what the late Tigran Petrosian would have felt
about chess on the internet which is almost entirely tactical and
where the favourite time limits are three minutes or five minutes per
game. I suspect he might have liked it for although Petrosian liked
to play quietly in Classical Chess games, when a tactical solution
presented itself he rarely missed it.

This position is from the end of a very long combination Petrosian
played during his successful title defence against Boris Spassky in
1966. How did Petrosian, white, to play, finish swiftly? (See below)

Spassky

Petrosian

White to play

The young Petrosian used a discredited line of the Pirc Defence to
topple the prodigy Sergey Karjakin although he had to turn round a
ghastly position from the opening.

S Karjakin (2678) – TL Petrosian(2613)

14th Ordix Open Mainz (9)

1.e4 d6 2.d4 Nf6 3.Nc3 g6 4.f4 Bg7 5.Nf3 0-0 6.Bd3 Nc6 7.e5 dxe5
8.fxe5 Nd5 (8…Nh5 intending Nxd4, Bg4 and f7-f6 is better)

9.Nxd5 Qxd5 10.c3! f6 11.Qe2 Kh8 12.Be4! Qd8 13.Be3 fxe5 14.d5! Nb8
15.0-0-0 (A rather sorry position for Black. 15.Ng5 was also good)

Petrosian

Karjakin

Position after 15.0-0-0

15…Nd7 16.Bc2 e4! 17.Bxe4 Nf6 18.Bc2 (18.Bd4)

18…Qd6 19.Bd4 Nxd5 20.Bxg7+ Kxg7 21.Rhe1 (21.c4 Nf4 22.Qe3 Nxg2! and
the resource Qf4+ gives Black the edge)

21…Bg4 22.Kb1 Bxf3 23.gxf3 Qc6 24.Be4 (24.Qe5+ Nf6 25.Be4!)

24…e6 25.h4 Qb6 26.h5?? Nxc3+ 0-1

Answer: 29.Bxf7+ Rxf7 30.Qh8+! 1-0 as 30…Kxh8 31.Nxf7+ wins.

ANKARA: FM disappointed with US Jewish group statement on Armenians

Anatolia News Agency
Aug 23 2007

TURKISH MINISTER DISAPPOINTED ABOUT US JEWISH GROUP’S STATEMENT ON
ARMENIANS

Ankara, 23 August: Foreign Minister Abdullah Gul has told Israeli
ambassador to Ankara of Turkey’s "disappointment" over remarks by
American-Jewish group Anti- Defamation League (ADL) which said that
it would acknowledge Armenian allegations regarding the incidents of
1915 in Ottoman Turkey, diplomatic sources said [on] Thursday [23
August].

Gul conveyed his country’s discontent during a meeting with Israel’s
top diplomat in Turkey, Pinhas Avivi, who paid a farewell visit to
him.

Israeli embassy has however released a statement in which it
expressed that there is no change in Israeli government’s stance
regarding the incidents of 1915.

ADL President Abraham Foxman indicated in a statement posted on the
group’s web-site on Wednesday that his organization had come to share
the view that the incidents "were indeed tantamount to genocide" but
added that the organization maintained its opposition against
bringing the issue to Congressional floor.

An EU muddle with global ramifications: Turkey and Europe

The International Herald Tribune, France
August 24, 2007 Friday

An EU muddle with global ramifications;
Turkey and Europe

by Kirsty Hughes – The New York Times Media Group

As Turkey emerges from its current political crisis, democratically
strengthened and most likely with a dynamic new president in Abdullah
Gul, one rapid consequence will be to put the European Union’s
foreign policy on the spot. Will the Union move rapidly to back
Turkey’s democratic modernization or will it continue to squander its
political capital in internal disputes over how to deal with Turkey?

It used to be said that EU enlargement was Europe’s most successful
foreign policy, giving it considerable political and economic
leverage over candidate countries in its region. But in the case of
Turkey, this risks being one of the Union’s clumsiest and potentially
most damaging foreign policy failures.

Almost as soon as the EU agreed to open membership negotiations with
Turkey just under three years ago, things turned sour on both sides.
The Union, bogged down in its own constitutional crisis, had a fit of
enlargement fatigue, with a gaggle of politicians – not least from
France and Austria – rushing to declare that Turkey could never join
the EU, no matter what the EU’s leaders had just unanimously agreed.

Turkey, whose rapid democratic, human rights and economic reforms
under Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan had opened the door to
talks at the start of 2005, did not help to keep tempers cool. Soon
the European Union and Turkey were clashing over the divided island
of Cyprus, which had joined the EU in 2004 despite the absence of a
peace deal.

At the same time, Turkish political reforms slowed, violence returned
to Turkey’s Kurdish south-east, and dozens of writers and journalists
were prosecuted under the notorious Article 301 of the Turkish penal
code, which forbids ”insulting Turkishness,” culminating at the
start of this year in the murder of the Turkish-Armenian journalist
Hrant Dink.

By the time Turkey’s generals issued their ultimatum at the end of
April implicitly opposing Gul’s presidential candidacy, both EU and
Turkish nationalists were rubbing their hands in glee at Turkey’s
spoiling of its own chances of ever signing up to the EU club.

Except that Turkey hasn’t spoiled its chances. In July, the country’s
political parties took part in a robust democratic electoral
campaign. Turnout was high. And Turkish voters showed what they
thought of the military’s clumsy intervention in politics by
returning Erdogan’s Justice and Development Party with an increased
majority with 46 percent of the vote.

Even before putting his cabinet in place, Erdogan announced that his
advisers are working on a new civilian constitution to replace the
military-inspired one of 1981. This bold move suggests that a
confident, strong new government will now move fast on political
reforms. A replacement for Article 301 can be anticipated. So can a
less-hawkish stance on the south-east and any incursion into northern
Iraq, supposedly much favored by Turkey’s generals. Meanwhile, the
economy is booming.

Where then is the European Union? Unfortunately, there is little sign
of it gearing up its foreign policy to support democratic
modernization of this key geostrategic neighbor and NATO ally. The
new president on the block, Nicolas Sarkozy, made clear before and
after his election his visceral opposition to allowing Turkey into
Europe. And at the end of June, France blocked the opening of
membership talks with Turkey on the euro – notionally on
”technical” grounds but essentially because Sarkozy wants Turkey to
have nothing more than a ”privileged partnership” with Europe,
never to be a full member of the club. Other member states shuffled
their feet and talked nervously in response, but did nothing.

This autumn, the European Commission is expected to issue a fairly
critical annual progress report on Turkey, given Turkey’s reform
standstill in the last year. But it is for Europe’s leaders, not its
bureaucrats to rise to the moment, and respond to the new positive
political situation in Turkey. Europe’s position should be clear: If
Islam and democracy can go hand in hand, then so can Islam and Europe
through Turkey’s bid to join the club.

But the EU is in a mess – there is no chance of it making a robust
restatement of Europe’s commitment to Turkey’s membership. France is
now publicly opposed. And Germany’s leader, Angela Merkel, though
standing by her coalition policy of support for Turkey, is known to
prefer a privileged partnership.

Meanwhile, the Greek Cypriots, stalling on any deal to reunite their
island, search for any means to take their specific dispute with
Turkey into the wider EU negotiations.

Many in the Union, both for and against enlargement, will admit off
the record, that bringing a divided Cyprus into the EU was a mistake.
But error or not, eight areas of negotiations with Turkey are
currently suspended, due to Turkey’s refusal to even allow Greek
Cypriot vessels into its ports. And EU membership has made the
chances of a Cypriot peace settlement much less likely, a serious
foreign policy failure both in itself and for Europe’s future
relations with Turkey.

Turkey does have some European supporters, not least the United
Kingdom. But Britain is increasingly seen as a semi-detached member
of the Union, having won a new raft of opt-outs from EU policies at
the June summit meeting. And while its new prime minister, Gordon
Brown, talks of an outward-looking EU, that means climate change and
globalization more than clever diplomacy on Turkey.

Spain has been positive. And Italy sees the foreign policy advantages
of bringing Turkey in, but its federalist prime minister, Romano
Prodi, is wary of anything that could weaken the drive towards a more
political Europe. Other member states, from Belgium to Slovakia, are
less than enthusiastic.

Greece has been an important supporter til now of Turkey’s membership
bid, but some Greek voices can be heard wondering what they get from
this policy and whether Sarkozy’s idea of a privileged partnership
might not be enough after all.

It’s an EU muddle, but one with global ramifications. The Union has a
choice. It can restate its high-level foreign policy commitment to
the membership talks with Turkey, backed by all its leaders. Or it
can continue its loud internal debate on whether its decision to open
talks with Turkey should be lived up to, while France, Cyprus and
others continue to undermine the talks, souring the atmosphere in
Turkey. The former looks unlikely. But if it is the latter, not only
will Europe be seen to have failed in its biggest foreign policy
challenge in the region, it will also carry little clout or
conviction anywhere else it intervenes.

*

Kirsty Hughes is a former senior fellow of the Center for European
Policy Studies in Brussels.

USAID Implements Second Stage Of Social Sector Reforms In Armenia

USAID IMPLEMENTS SECOND STAGE OF SOCIAL SECTOR REFORMS IN ARMENIA

Noyan Tapan
Aug 24, 2007

YEREVAN, AUGUST 24, NOYAN TAPAN. The 3-day seminar-meeting "Increasing
the Accessibilty of Services to Elderly and Disabled Persons" organized
by the RA Ministry of Labor and Social Issues and the USAID program on
strengthening of Armenia’s social protection systems ended in Yerevan
on August 24. More than 100 social employees from all Armenian marzes
(regions) participated in the seminar.

The key subject of discussion was the efficient application of the
RA government’s decision No 453-N of April 12, 2007 "on the order
of provision of prostheses, technical and other auxiliary means of
rehabilitation, the approval of terms of using prostheses, technical
and other auxiliary means of rehabilitation and on recognizing the
RA government’s decision No 1780 of December 24, 2003, as invalid"
by local bodies of the above mentioned social service. The seminar
is expected to improve the quality of the social service and to help
decentralize the provision of internationally accepted social services.

The new decision took effect in April 2007 and allows disabled persons
to get a permit for receiving a prosthesis gratis directly from
territorial bodies that provide social services in the place of their
residence. By the previous order, such prostheses could be obtained
only by a permit of the RA Ministry of Labor and Social Issues. The
new order allowes elderly and disabled persons to receive a permit
or advice on the necessary assistance and social service directly
from territorial bodies providing social services in the place of
their residence. This will help considerably improve the quality of
assistance to vulnerable groups and to increase its accessibility.

In the words of Karmen Petrosian, head of the Unit of Problems
of Disabled Persons of the Ministry of Labor and Social Issues,
thanks to the new policy of provision of social services, elderly and
disabled persons will get their right envisaged by the law, that is,
the right to receive a permit at local level.

The chairwoman of "Mission Armenia" NGO – seminar participant Hripsime
Kirakosian underlined the importance of taking an individual approach
to vulnerable groups and the urgency of developing community social
services in the country.

According to a press release submitted to NT by the RA Ministry of
Labor and Social Issues, the USAID program on strengthening Armenia’s
social protection systems is implementing the second stage of social
sector reforms in Armenia in 2007-2011. The purpose of the program
is to strengthen Armenia’s social protection systems, improve the
institutional and personnel capacities of the RA government, and to
extend the opportunities of NGOs providing social services.

The United States Could Deliver A Military Strike Against Iran Withi

THE UNITED STATES COULD DELIVER A MILITARY STRIKE AGAINST IRAN WITHIN THE NEXT SIX MONTHS

AZG Armenian Daily #152
24/08/2007

Middle East

In an interview Tuesday the U.S. TV channel asked Robert Baer, a former
CIA field officer assigned to the Middle East, whether the U.S. was
preparing for military action against Iran, citing Baer’s column
for Time Magazine on August 18, where he suggested that Washington
officials expect an attack within the next six months.

"I’ve taken an informal poll inside the government," Baer told
Fox. "The feeling is we will hit the Islamic Revolutionary Guard
Corps [IRGC]." He said the George W. Bush administration is convinced
"that the Iranians are interfering in Iraq and the rest of the Gulf,"
but what his sources anticipate is "not exactly a war."

"We won’t see American troops cross the border," said Baer. "If this
is going to happen, it is going to happen very quickly and it is
going to surprise a lot of people."

There were recent reports that Washington would put Iran’s Islamic
Revolutionary Guard – the largest branch of Iran’s military, separate
from the rest of the army – on the terrorism list. Baer said the U.S.

military suspects that the Revolutionary Guard is the main supplier
of sophisticated improvised explosive devices (IEDs) to insurgents
killing coalition forces in Iraq and Afghanistan. He also said there is
a belief among neo-conservative elements in the Bush administration
that the Revolutionary Guard is an obstacle to democratic and a
friendly Iran

Armenian Observers Delighted With Kazakhstan Elections

ARMENIAN OBSERVERS DELIGHTED WITH KAZAKHSTAN ELECTIONS

Panorama.am
19:32 22/08/2007

On August 18, the group of observers from Armenia returned from
Kazakhstan, where they oversaw the parliamentary elections…and
the observers were delighted with what they saw. Out of the 10
thousand voting places, the two groups of Armenians made it to five
stations. We remind that head of the legal method committee in Armenia,
Sevak Hovhannisyan, went on a short-term basis, as did Lusine Torosyan
and head expert Nune Karapetyan, from the same committee.

As Hovhannisyan informed panorama.am, no violations were registered
by the Armenian team.

Not only that, the population participated in the elections with
great enthusiasm. Also, of the 10 thousand polling stations, voters
were able to vote electronically in three thousand locations. The
Armenians were also enthralled by seeing the Kazakh flag and state
emblem in each of the polling locations.

Hovhannisyan stated that classical music was played during the entire
voting process, and that there was a ceremony after the voting,
which they did not participate in.

We point out that the president’s party won by 88.8% of the vote,
which was noted with displeasure by some foreign observers. This means
the opposition didn’t reach the required 7% needed to enter parliament.

ANTELIAS: Parliamentary speaker Nebih Berri Rep visit HH Aram I

PRESS RELEASE
Catholicosate of Cilicia
Communication and Information Department
Contact: V.Rev.Fr.Krikor Chiftjian, Communications Officer
Tel: (04) 410001, 410003
Fax: (04) 419724
E- mail: [email protected]
Web:

PO Box 70 317
Antelias-Lebanon

Armenian version: nian.htm

THE REPRESENTATIVES OF NEBIH BERRI VISITS HIS HOLINESS

His Holiness Aram I received the representatives of the Speaker of
Parliament, Nabih Berri, in the Bikfaya Monastery. The delegation included
the members of the Central Committee of the Amal Party. The delegation
visited Patriarch Nasrallah Sfeir earlier that day.

On behalf of Nabih Berri the delegation invited the Pontiff to attend the
ceremony dedicated to the memory of Mousa Sader on August 31. The delegation
members also informed the Pontiff of the Parliament Speaker’s viewpoints
regarding the upcoming presidential elections. The two sides also consulted
on a number of issues related to the political scene of Lebanon.

##
View photo here:
tos/Photos29.htm#2
*****
The Armenian Catholicosate of Cilicia is one of the two Catholicosates of
the Armenian Orthodox Church. For detailed information about the history and
the mission of the Cilician Catholicosate, you may refer to the web page of
the Catholicosate, The Cilician
Catholicosate, the administrative center of the church is located in
Antelias, Lebanon.

http://www.armenianorthodoxchurch.org/
http://www.armenianorthodoxchurch.org/v04/doc/Arme
http://www.armenianorthodoxchurch.org/v04/doc/Pho
http://www.armenianorthodoxchurch.org

"Armenian Theatre Cannot Exist Without Armenian Dramaturgy," Preside

"ARMENIAN THEATRE CANNOT EXIST WITHOUT ARMENIAN DRAMATURGY," PRESIDENT OF UNION OF THEATRE WORKERS OF ARMENIA IS CONVICTED

Noyan Tapan
Attention, You Are Introduced Supplemented Variant Of News
Aug 20, 2007

YEREVAN, AUGUST 20, NOYAN TAPAN. The greatest obstacle of the
development of the Armenian theatre art is the admiration of foreign
things. This statement was made by Yervand Ghazanchian, the President
of the Union of Theatre Workers of Armenia, at the press conference,
which was held on August 16.

According to him, one should be carefull in respect of national values
and should not wear foreign clothes. "It is time to understand that
the Armenian theatre cannot exist without the Armenian dramaturgy,"
the President of the Union of Theatre Workers of Armenia mentioned.

Yervand Ghazanchian declared that the second All Armenian festival
of young producers will be organized between October 21 to 25. The
performances of nine producers from Yerevan, as well as of those
under 30 from the theatres named after V. Achemian in Gyumri and
after P. Adamian in Tbilisi will be presented at the festival.

At the same time, the President of the Union of Theatre Workers of
Armenia expressed anxiousness with the fact that there are no young
producers in the other theatres of Armenia. He is of the opinion
that at present young Armenian producers have problems not with a
free stage but with a free way of thinking. Yervand Ghazanchian also
made assertions that all the Armenian theatres are ready to provide
stage to all the young people of talent.

Attaching importance to the fact that the cultural life in the capital
"has got rid of polirazation", Yervand Ghazanchian mentioned that
the festival will be held in the region of Kotayk in 2008, where no
theatre from Yerevan has had tours for already 15 years. "Theatres
should be saved from the subjection of prefecturas and municipalities
by returning them to the RA Ministry of Culture," the President of
the Union of Theatre Workers of Armenia declared.

Taboo tale of the Ottoman empire

Taboo tale of the Ottoman empire
Irish Times
Published: Aug 18, 2007

Fiction: Like Ireland, Turkey takes its writers seriously, but the
stakes can be higher there than here. Elif Shafak was already a
literary celebrity in Turkey when charges were brought against her last
year under a 2005 statute for the offence of "insulting Turkishness",
writes Richard Tillinghast .

If convicted, she could have served three years in prison. The charges,
like those brought earlier against Orhan Pamuk, though they were
eventually dropped, have made the 35-year-old Shafak’s name well-known
in the West.

It is not the case , as the publisher claims, that this charge was
brought "by the Turkish government", but rather by a group of ultra-
nationalist lawyers who have been responsible for the indictments
against Pamuk and others.

Death threats have been made against Pamuk and Shafak by extremists of
the same ilk that assassinated the Armenian-Turkish journalist Hrant
Denk last January. Turkish culture is fractious and volatile.
Nationalists, Islamists, the Turkish military, and liberals such as
Pamuk and Shafak are locked in a battle for the nation’s soul.
Ironically, prime minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s "moderate Islamist"
party have been strong backers of Turkish membership in the EU.
Shafak’s vision of a tolerant, pluralistic Turkey reflects the secular,
Europeanised atmosphere of a multicultural Istanbul, which now finds
itself under siege from reactionary forces.

Shafak divides her time between Istanbul and the US, and has written
her last two novels, The Saint of Incipient Insanities and The Bastard
of Istanbul, in English. I prefer to read her in Turkish, difficult as
that is because of her labyrinthine sentences and arcane vocabulary.
Despite great fluency, her English is not completely colloquial. Like
everyone, she writes more expressively in her native tongue.

Both her recent novels speak to today’s world of emigration,
trans-national identity and ethnic hybridity. Bastard tackles the
legacy of the forced migrations and massacres of Armenians in the chaos
surrounding the death throes of the Ottoman empire. The subject is
taboo in Turkey, yet it is hard to understand precisely why. Most
nations, particularly great powers, have something dark and vicious in
their histories.

Research into what actually happened is not complete; many scholars
feel that, terrible as these events were, "genocide" does not
accurately describe them. Nevertheless Shafak is courageous in raising
an episode in their history most Turks strenuously deny. Ironically,
Turks and Armenians have much in common. Most older Armenians speak
Turkish, often as their first language. Their cuisine is practically
identical. In the US there is a consortium of Armenian and Turkish
scholars seeking rapprochement.

The Bastard of Istanbul takes a while to decide what kind of novel it
wants to be. An insider-outsider, both in the US and Turkey, Shafak is
able to turn a satirical eye on both cultures, and the book starts out
like a satirical novel. Much of the satire is funny and pointed but
does little to advance the plot.

Many secrets come out when Armanoush, a young Armenian-American, flies
to Istanbul on impulse because she wants to see the home of her
ancestors. She stays with her mother’s second husband’s Turkish family,
and there she becomes friends with Asya, her young Turkish cousin.
Armanoush boldly tells her hosts about the forced migration and
slaughter of Armenians. She recites what her relatives in the US have
told her, and her stories are typical of Armenian refugee narratives.
Yet her new friends have never heard about these things.

IN THE END, the novel has an old-fashioned plot worthy of Dickens,
Sarah Waters, Michael Faber or Charles Palliser. Coincidence is at the
heart of it. Yet Shafak gives the narration a particularly Turkish
twist, commenting, "Life is coincidence, but sometimes it takes a
djinni to fathom that".

Asya’s Auntie Banu, a headscarf-wearing clairvoyant, has two djinns
(the word has been anglicised as "genie") at her command, Mrs Sweet and
Mr Bitter. Mr Bitter is a gulyabani, a sinister spirit who "had come
from places where the wind never stopped howling. Mr Bitter was very
old, even in terms of djinn years":

Ill-omened soldiers, ambushed and massacred miles away from their home,
wanderers frozen to death in the mountains, plague victims exiled deep
into the desert, travellers robbed and slaughtered by bandits,
explorers lost in the middle of nowhere, convicted felons shipped to
meet their death on some remote island . . . the gulyabani had seen
them all.

Mr Bitter has witnessed the forced marches:

"I was a vulture," he commented bitterly, the only tone in which he
knew to talk. "I saw it all. I watched them as they walked and walked
and walked, women and children. I flew over them, drawing circles in
the blue sky, waiting for them to fall on their knees."

"Shut up!" Auntie Banu bawled. "Shut up! I don’t want to know."

Despite the bitterness of the past it describes, this is a magical
novel of reconciliation and inclusiveness. At one point, Aram, an
Armenian Turk, Asya’s mother’s boyfriend, says to Armanoush:

"This city is my city. I was born and raised in Istanbul. My family’s
history in this city goes back at least five hundred years. Armenian
Istanbulites belong to Istanbul just like the Turkish, Kurdish, Greek,
and Jewish Istanbulites do. We have first managed and then badly failed
to live together. We cannot fail again."

If a Turk can write a novel like this, there is hope that Aram’s, and
Elif Shafak’s, vision of the future will come to pass.

Richard Tillinghast’s eighth book of poetry, The New Life, is due out
in 2008. He and Julia Clare Tillinghast have recently finished Dirty
August, a selection of translations from the Turkish poet, Edip Cansever

The Bastard of Istanbul, By Elif Shafak, Penguin Viking, 360pp. GBP16.99

Hunting Season Opens In Armenia On August 18

HUNTING SEASON OPENS IN ARMENIA ON AUGUST 18
By Marieta Makarian

AZG Armenian Daily #148
18/08/2007

On August 18 the hunting season starts in Armenia. The hunters will
not only have a chance to hunt but also to boast on their adventures
all year round. The president of the Union of Hunters of Armenia
Grigor Grigoryan says Prime Minister Serge Sargsyan is fond of such
talks. According to him, the head of the police Haik Harutiunyan is a
good shooter. In Armenia hunters certainly have to pay. A wild boar
is the most expensive, 50 thousand drams, said Arthur Beglaryan, an
inspector of the Ministry of Environment. He says 25 thousand hunters
are registered in Armenia. For breaching hunt regulations civilians
will be fined 30 to 80 thousand drams, officials will be fined 50
to 100 thousand drams. For his part, the president of the Union of
Hunters complained of restrictions on the hunt on wolves. He evoked
the Soviet times when the government encouraged hunt on wolves.