Role of Turkey decreases while that of Iran increases: Iran secialis

The role of Turkey decreases while that of Iran increases: Iran secialist

10:39, 18 August, 2012

YEREVAN, AUGUST 18, ARMENPRESS: Syria is Iran’s number one ally in the
Middle East and reportedly it is evident close cooperation has been
formed between Bashar al-Assad and Iran’s leadership.
Specialist on Iran studies Gohar Iskandaryan told Armenpress,
referring to Iran’s role pertain to events taking place in Syria.
`’ Iran’s leaders are high aware that in case of demise of Bashar
al-Assad ,external forces will care no efforts to nominate more
obedient politician who will lead closely cooperate with the West ,
either weakening or rupturing relations with Iran. Iran recognizes
that they will be followed by Bashar al- Assad” Iranian specialist
noted.
Dwelling on Iran Foreign Affairs Minister apparent criticism pertain
to Turkish policy on Syria issue, Iskandaryan stated though Turkey has
been trying to come forth with free `’player” role yet recent
developments clearly showed Turkey remains US main tool in the hand.
`’ I deem thus Tukey reduced its chances of being leader in the
region. Simultaneously Iran’s role increase has been observed in that
context” Iskandaryan told.
In accordance with Syrian Human Rights Defense Organization the
ongoing clashes have resulted in the death of over 17 thousand 192
people. By the info of Arab mass media 11 thousand 897 were peaceful
civilians, while 4348 were security officers. Among the victims there
were 7 Armenians, 2 of which were the Syrian Army militaries. Because
of lasting disturbances in Syria a number of people are leaving the
country, getting refugee status in other countries.

La Russie jouera le rôle de pivot entre l’Arménie et l’Azerbaïdjan

REVUE DE PRESSE
La Russie jouera le rôle de pivot entre l’Arménie et l’Azerbaïdjan

L’Azerbaïdjan, l’un des plus riches pays de l’espace post-soviétique
est en train de rééquiper activement ses forces armées avec un
armement moderne. Récemment, une nouvelle série d’hélicoptères russes
de combat Mi-35M a été envoyée dans ce pays. Les volumes des achats de
l’armement de Bakou impressionnent. Au cours de ces 10 dernières
années, l’Azerbaïdjan, dans le cadre du programme de développement de
son aviation militaire, a acheté à des pays différents 47 avions de
combat et 109 hélicoptères. Par ailleurs, les forces armées de
l’Azerbaïdjan ont reçu plus de 30 drones. Il s’agit principalement des
avions de construction soviétique, qui ont subi une révision et ont
été modernisés, mais quant aux hélicoptères, il s’agit uniquement
d’appareils neufs. Il est difficile d’avoir une image complète du parc
de l’armement azerbaidjanais, car une grande partie de l’information
reste cachée par le ministère de la Défense.

Et l’Azerbaïdjan achète l’armement non seulement à la Russie, souligne
Konstantin Makienko, le directeur adjoint du Centre d’analyse des
stratégies et des technologies.

« L’Azerbaïdjan a fortement augmenté les volumes d’acquisition des
armes et du matériel militaire non seulement à la Russie, mais aussi à
l’Israël, par exemple », explique-t-il. « Selon certaines sources, le
pays aurait passé des contrats pour l’achat des armes dont la valeur
totale s’élève à 3,7 milliards de dollars. Je pense que ce montant a
été abaissé, et très sérieusement ».

L’augmentation du parc militaire de l’Azerbaïdjan est devenue possible
grce à son statut de pays pétrolier. D’importantes ressources de sa
trésorerie sont dépensées pour renforcer l’armée du pays. En
perspective, ce potentiel pourrait être utilisé pour résoudre les
problèmes politiques de l’Azerbaïdjan et la Russie devrait déployer
tous ses efforts pour que l’Arménie ne devienne pas le bouc émissaire
dans cette tendance, estime Konstantin Makienko.

« C’est un scénario classique : un pays qui n’a pas une économie très
développée, devient riche grce au pétrole et au gaz. L’économie de ce
pays n’est pas en mesure d’absorber les fonds considérables qu’il
obtient du commerce des hydrocarbures et cet argent sera dépensé
notamment pour l’achat des armes. C’est aussi une méthode de se battre
contre la corruption et stériliser ainsi la masse monétaire. Il est
certain que toutes les acquisitions d’Etat ont des raisons militaires
et politiques. Et il s’agit non seulement de l’Arménie, mais aussi de
l’Iran, avec lequel l’Azerbaïdjan a une frontière commune. Les experts
disent que c’est l’Iran qui deviendra la cible des tensions et
problèmes militaires et politiques à l’avenir ».

Un conflit possible pourrait toucher directement l’Azerbaïdjan, car en
Iran du Nord vivent des Azerbaïdjanais et ils sont plus nombreux que
toute la population de l’Azerbaïdjan. Tout conflit dans la région
provoquera donc un exode massif des refugiés et des conflits ethniques
dans la partie Nord de l’Iran.

En ce qui concerne le conflit arméno-azerbaïdjanais, la Russie espère
que les moyens diplomatiques permettront d’éviter une éventuelle
reprise du conflit au Karabakh. Le fait que l’Arménie soit un allié de
la Russie dans l’Organisation du Traité de sécurité collective (OTSC)
n’est pas un facteur négligeable. Et il est peu probable que
l’Azerbaïdjan veuille récupérer des territoires perdus il y a 20 ans
en déclenchant une guerre dans ces conditions. La Russie conserve
ainsi son rôle d’arbitre dans ce conflit et lie à elle-même les deux
côtés belligérants. /L

samedi 18 août 2012,
Stéphane ©armenews.com

http://french.ruvr.ru/2012_08_16/politique-Azerbaidjan-Armenie-Iran/

Quake aftermaths registered in Iran and Armenia

Quake aftermaths registered in Iran and Armenia

news.am
August 16, 2012 | 22:03

YEREVAN. – Magnitude-5 quake was registered by the seismology network
on Thursday at 9.14 p.m. local time. It was the aftermath of the
magnitude-6.6 earthquake, registered on Aug. 11 at 4.23 p.m. in Iran.
The quake epicenter was at 47 km north-west from Ahar city, Iran.

The quake hypocenter was in 10 km depth, while the power of the quake
made 6-7 points in the epicenter.

The quake tremors were also felt in Armenia, in particular in Agarak,
Meghri, Kajaran, Kapan, Goris cities with magnitude 3-4 points.

Bordyuzha noted the CSTO priority activities

Bordyuzha noted the CSTO priority activities

18:00, 16 August, 2012

Yerevan, August 16, ARMENPRESS: Collective Security Treaty
Organization countries will create a joint mechanism to withstand
disasters. As `Armenpress’ reports the CSTO Secretary General Nikolay
Bordyuzha stated about this in Minsk on August 16.

`Our objective is to make the cooperation in emergency situations
ministries reach to one of the most prior directions level within the
framework of CSTO’, mentioned Bordyuzha.

To his word the “establishment of a system to withstand disasters in
the joint mechanism’ will be presented to the presidents of the CSTO
countries in December of this year.

In June after the accession of the Uzbekistan membership, the CSTO
participants are Armenia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kirgizstan, Russia and
Tajikistan.

`Zeytun’ cultural center solemnly re-opened

`Zeytun’ cultural center solemnly re-opened

18:21, 16 August, 2012

Yerevan, August 16, ARMENPRESS: The Yerevan Mayor Taron Margaryan
participated in the solemn opening of the `Zeytun’ cultural center. As
`Armenpress’ was informed by the Yerevan municipality Department of
Information and Public Relations, the cultural house built by
Alexander Tamanyan’s design in the 50s, has been a standing idle for
more than 18 years. By the initiative of Taron Margaryan being
involved in the 2012 programs of the municipality, the cultural house
was fully renovated and will open its doors to the students in the new
academic year with fully restored and furnished with all the necessary
amenities.

Accompanied by the head of the Qanaqer-Zeytun administrative district
Taron Margaryan toured around the groups, got acquainted with the
implemented works. By the way, Mayor himself repeatedly visited and
observed the reconstruction process within the framework of the visits
to the administrative districts. Within the framework of the
reconstruction program the classrooms of the art groups were furnished
by appropriate property, the hall and stage were rearmed with the
necessary audiovisual and modern technical means of illumination. The
current stage allows performing dancing and theatrical events, as well
as organizing cinema screening.

Congratulating the citizens of the administrative district on the
occasion of re-opening the `Zeytun’ cultural house, Mayor Taron
Margaryan noted that the Tamanyan unique structure located in the
Kanaker-Zeytun administrative district will serve the young generation
to get cultural education. `This cultural house will not only serve
the Kanaker-Zeytun administrative district citizens, but also all the
children of Yerevan who love art. The building designed by Tamanyan is
standing, repaired and we will submit it to the future generations
receiving cultural education. We have announced that will implement
serious reconstruction work in a short period of time, which is
gradually brought to life. I assure that these projects will be
continuous in all the administrative districts and all the tasks we
have set before us, the civil authority will reach its goal by working
day and night’, Mayor stressed.

For their contribution to the cultural development and dissemination
in the Kanaker-Zeytun administrative district a number of people were
awarded with certificates and diplomas by the mayor.

The reconstructed cultural house will allow to double, even triple the
number of children attending the groups.

Expert: Armenians were first owners of Rabat fortress in Akhaltsikhe

Expert: Armenians were first owners of Rabat fortress in Akhaltsikhe

arminfo
Thursday, August 16, 19:14

The founders of the Rabat fortress in the Armenian-populated region
Akhaltsikhe were Armenians of the Chalcedonian creed, Samvel
Karapetyan, Head of the Research on Armenian Architecture NGO, told
ArmInfo.

“The fortress was founded right after the town had been founded; one
can even say that the town was founded around the fortress. The
fortress was called “Akhaltsikhe”, which is translated from Georgian
as “The New Town”. Armenians were the first owners of the fortress,
however, in XV-XVI cc. the fortress was seized by Ottoman Turkey and
within three centuries the fortress turned into the center of one of
Ottoman Turkey’s vilayets, which was called the Akhaltsikhe vilayet.
It was then that a mosque was built in the center of the Armenian
fortress. In 1828 the fortress was seized by tzarist Russia and
remained under the jurisdiction of the Russian Orthodox Church until
the establishment of the Soviet power, afterwards it turned into a
museum and has preserved that status until very recently”, Karapetyan
said. However, the expert said that he is unaware of the fate of the
medieval construction after its recent renovation by the Georgian
authorities.

When commenting on the oppositional Sardarapat Movement’s statement
about the inexpediency of Armenian world-known singer Charles
Aznavour’s concert in Rabat fortress in front of the Turkish mosque,
Karapetyan said that such statements are not tactical. “I think that
it is for Aznavour to decide where to give a concert”, he said.

To note, Charles Aznavour and 22 musicians have visited Georgia at the
invitation of Georgian President Mikheil Saakashvili. On August 16
Aznavour is expected to attend the opening of the renovated medieval
fortress in Akhaltsikhe, the homeland of Aznavour’s ancestors, and to
give a concert there.

However, this fact has caused the indignation of a number of Armenian
NGOs. In particular, Sardarapat Movement said that the
Turkish-Georgian tandem misappropriates the Armenian cultural and
historical heritage of Javakhq. The movement says that the fortress
has been renovated with the financial support of Turkey and is called
a Turkish fortress. In addition, the NGOs of Samtskhe-Javakheti
released a statement calling on the world known singer Charles
Aznavour to refuse giving a concert on August 16, on the day of
opening of the renovated Akhaltsikhe fortress and an adjacent Turkish
mosque in Javakhq. “The Armenians of Javakhq qualify the upcoming
event as the Turkish-Georgian tandem’s plot against them. The Georgian
authorities are trying to involve Aznavour, making advantage of his
unawareness of the situation and his sincere desire to give a concert
in his ancestors’ homeland”, they said.

Nevertheless, according to the Georgian mass media, the complex has
been renovated with the financial support of the Georgian Government,
which allocated nearly 15 mln USD for that purpose. The Georgian
sources also stress that there is not only a Turkish mosque in the
territory of the fortress, but also an Armenian church, a synagogue,
as well as Catholic and Orthodox churches.

Book Review: Working through the Past to Embrace the Future

Book Review: Working through the Past to Embrace the Future

Arts | August 16, 2012
10:53 am
——————————

The Armenian Genocide in Literature: Perceptions of Those Who Lived
Through the Calamity, by Rubina Peroomian, Armenian Genocide
Museum-Institute, 2012.

By Muriel Mirak-Weissbach

Reading Rubina Peroomian’s new book is not easy, nor is it pleasant. But
it
is necessary, and highly rewarding. This, her third volume on the subject,
deals with the reflections in literature of the Armenian Genocide.

Her first book on the theme was Literary Responses to Catastrophe: A
Comparison of the Armenian and the Jewish Experience (1993) and the second
was And Those Who Continued Living in Turkey after 1915: The Metamorphosis
of the Post-Genocide Armenian Identity as Reflected in Artistic
Literature(2008, just republished with a fore- word by Richard
Hovannisian).

Her aim is not to prove that the Genocide occurred; that has already been
documented by historians. Rather, her powerful work, which she
characterizes as `an outcry against man’s inhumanity to man’ (p. 14), aims
to `expose the human dimension of the crime’ (p. xv) and, in so doing,
to
help second- and third-generation Armenians deal psychologically with the
trau- ma passed down to them from their forefathers. She includes herself
most directly in this category. At the tender age of 6, she suffered the
loss of her father, a chemistry teacher in Tabriz, who was whisked away one
night by the Soviet People’s Commissariat for Internal Affairs (NKVD) as
a
leader of the Armenian nationalist opposition. It was that experience which
contributed to her decision to learn about the tragedy that had struck the
Armenian people. And reading through the voluminous literature was a
painful experience, which left its mark on her psyche.

`I want to believe,’ she writes, `that the result that I will produce with
my work will cure me of my psychological tumult. I pray for a swift
recovery, that is the soon-to-come completion of my work’ (p. 16).

Why literature? one might ask. The author explains that she chose this
focus `because I believe literary art to be the form of cultural
representation that provides the place where the making and remaking of the
relationship of the self and the social can be recognized’ (p. 2). It is
her hope that, in completing her task with an upcoming volume, she will
achieve her `life- long endeavor to shed light on this unspeakable and
unforgettable collective trauma that is transformed into the struggle to
confront the past, to liberate the generations of survivors of their
debilitating victim psychology, and to sur- vive as a proud,
forward-looking, and free nation’ (p. 6).

As she examines the novels, poetry and memoirs and tells us about their
authors, she is also sketching a history of the Armenian experience. Thus,
in dealing with the legacy of the first generation, she shows how,
following the Hamidian massacres of 1894-96, the 1908 Young Turk revolution
generated hope in possible cohabitation, only to be dashed by the 1909
Adana mas- sacres. After hitting a `dead end,’ that hope turned into a
response articulated in the `language of violence.’

When, in 1915, the unthinkable occurred, it signified for Armenians the
loss of their home- land, which even the brief episode of Armenian
independence could not recover; and the trans- formation into a Soviet
republic only finalized the loss by erecting an iron curtain between
Armenians living there and those who had found refuge abroad. The central
theme dominating the literature thereafter was the question of national and
ethnic identity: how should Armenians preserve their identity? How should
they deal with the pressures of assimilation? In this context, Peroomian
highlights the role played by Hairenik (founded in 1922) and other
publications in keeping the memory of the homeland alive.

Especially in the 1920s and 1930s, Hairenik educated the new generation
about its past by issuing biographies and memoirs. Among the authors of
such writing were, in addition to established names from before 1915 and
the later `orphans of the desert,’ also ordinary people who simply wrote
down their recollections. This literature of the survivors, which described
the atrocities often in brutal detail, raised the fundamental question,
`why?’ – why had it occurred? The literary responses include concentration
on the perpetrator, often characterized as `the Turk,’ and, understandably,
also the search for a violent reaction. Armed resistance appeared as a
means of wreaking vengeance, or, as in the works of Shahan Natalie, as an
attempt to restore the nation’s honor.

One of the most painful responses encountered in the works of Natalie and
also Vahan Tekeyan, for example, is the existential despair of the victim,
who even goes so far as to doubt the existence of God, or who challenges
God for having permitted such injustice. Alternatively, the victim may turn
despair inward and even blame himself. Summarizing the spectrum of
psychological reactions, Peroomian writes, `In their futile search for an
answer or for the meaning of what happened, they turned to God,

prayed, catechized, anatomized, defied and expressed doubt in His oneness
or even His very existence. These writers became introspective, seeking the
source of the calamity in the Armenian psyche whose flaws and weaknesses
they pinpointed as they internalized the tragedy. In a state of utter
frustration, they preached vengeance’ (p. 75).

Turning to the `orphan generation,’ the author reviews the abundant
accounts left by those robbed of their families in the Genocide; these are
the street children in Damascus, reduced to filthy beggars, or the little
ones fortunate enough to be housed in primitive conditions in the
orphanages of Aleppo or Constantinople. Again, Peroomian delves into the
psychological dimension of the tragedy. In the autobiographical work of
Musegh Ishkhan, who was orphaned twice, at the ages of 1 and 5, Peroomian
identifies the victim’s apparent detachment from horrifying events. The
memory of those traumatic experiences however returns in nightmares, in
what psychologists call `hypermnesia.’ Another psychological phenomenon
observed in victims who had experienced the trauma of losing their mother
is the `separation anxiety disorder’ (p. 132), whereby the victim
experiences profound fears of separation from loved ones. In the literary
response, such emotions are expressed in the yearning for the lost homeland
or for the mother.

This generation of writers also related how their despair could lead to
total psychological breakdown, self-destructive tendencies and the
annihilation of the moral order, as in the works of Vazgan Shushanian. `The
Turkish atrocity did not end with the destruction and murder alone,’ she
writes; `it completely subverted the survivors’ world of moral order and
robbed them of their ability to conduct normal human relationships’ (pp.
170-171). Thus, Shushanian took up the theme of incest, while he and others
also treated unconventional brother-sister relationships. Often men who had
suffered the humiliation of deportation and witnessed the rapes and murders
of female relatives tended to view all women as `sisters.’ As for the
identity dilemma, the `orphan generation’ of writers offered two different
approaches: either assimilation or a flight into the past.

In her third chapter Peroomian considers in detail the plethora of personal
memoirs produced over the past 30 years, the `stories of blood and tears’
(p. 232). The 12 authors she considers in depth were motivated often by a
sense of duty to set the record straight; John Minassian, for example, had
been told by targeted Armenians that, if he survived, he had an `obligation
to tell the whole world how it happened and why=85.’ (p. 243). Others, like
Dirouhi Kouymjian and Bertha (Berjouhi) Nakshian K’etchian, were urged by
their children to record their experiences.

Often their children were engaged in the second generation’s efforts to
fight denial and the survivors thus saw their eyewitness testimonies as an
effective tool in that effort. A few survivors, like Hrant Sarian, had even
kept diaries which only decades later appeared in print. Significantly, it
was the act of putting their recollections into words on a page that served
a quasi-therapeutic function, `exorcising the trau- ma’ (p. 336). Many
survivors carried the burden of guilt and shame in their hearts in total
silence for the rest of their lives, guilt for having had to leave behind a
family member, or for having been forced to submit to humiliations they
would never ever reveal. Typical of such per- sonal recollections are
descriptions of the home town in the Old Country and of the extended family
members. Then come the accounts of the slaughter: how the men were taken
away and killed, how the deportation orders came, how townspeople were
herded like cattle into the death marches, how women in despair chose
suicide rather than slavery while others were

abducted, how women clinging to the bodies of their starved children went
insane and so on. All the stories are different, yet they all bear
similarities and Peroomian points out that `these commonalities testify to
the truth of the Genocide’ (p. 330). Furthermore, the detailed descriptions
of the Armenian homeland prior to 1915 provide precious testimony to the
extensive civilian infrastructure of Armenian communities, with schools,
churches, agricultural and industrial activity.

The `happy ending’ – if one can dare to call it that – appeared for the few
lucky ones in the form of survival, considered a `miracle,’ and migration
to America, which they experienced as `a dream come true.’ In these
stories, the figure of `the good Turk’ may appear, the discreet individual
who intervened despite all odds and perceivable danger to save Armenians.
In her final remarks, `in lieu of a conclusion,’ the author speaks with
bold candor of her own experience with the subject.

`I tried to study the Armenian literature of atrocity,’ she writes, `as
much as I could, to read as many stories as my nerves could tolerate. No,
it is not easy to read these stories. These macabre scenes of cold-blooded
murder and rape, starving children and unspeakable orgies of Turkish
officers feasting on Armenian maidens, can leave the reader depressed and
bewildered for a long time’ (p. 394).

Although her readers encounter the stories at a certain distance, so to
speak once removed from the totality of the narratives, still the emotional
and psychological impact is weighty. It is, as I said at the onset, not
easy nor pleasant to read this book. Yet it is extremely important as a
means of liberation, and therein lies the reward. It is not only a personal
experience, but also a political message. As Peroomian redefines it, `I see
this literature, responses to the Armenian Genocide, as a monument erected
to the memory of that Genocide, to the Armenian aspiration to become a
nation again, not a nation of victims but one with a tragic past that has
been acknowledged and duly redressed. That is the way to resolve the burden
of the past in order to make national survival and perpetuation possible’
(pp. 394-395).

We can only be grateful to Peroomian for having assumed the painful task
and the burden of working through the extensive literature of atrocity and
facing the emotional and psychological challenge it represents. She has
succeeded in mediating the struggle of Armenian authors to deal with the
Genocide, and in transmitting the substance and tenor of their struggle,
with courage, honesty and that special quality of insight accessible only
to those who have engaged in the same struggle on a personal level. Thus,
in completing her book, the reader is neither depressed nor overwhelmed,
but, on the contrary, experiences a certain sense of therapeutic relief,
and hope in the future.

(Muriel Mirak-Weissbach is the author of Through the Wall of Fire: Armenia
– Iraq – Palestine: From Wrath to Reconciliation, 2009, and Madness at
the Helm: Pathology and Politics in the Arab Spring, 2012. She can be
reached at [email protected] and )

www.mirak-weissbach.de.

Kocharyan and Sargsyan Will Not Stake All

Kocharyan and Sargsyan Will Not Stake All

Naira Hayrumyan

Story from Lragir.am News:

Published: 18:24:23 – 16/08/2012

After the Republican Party refused to nominate a candidate for mayor
of Gyumri but also supported Samvel Balasanyan nominated by the PAP,
experts said Serzh Sargsyan wants to let the local elections go to the
PAP. It is not a compensation for the parliamentary election but the
price for supporting Serzh Sargsyan in the presidential election.

In brief, if the PAP wins the local elections, it will control a
considerable percent of votes. And if Serzh Sargsyan encourages the
PAP, it may mean possible change of the political conjuncture.

Why does the PAP need the votes? They will be useful if PAP does not
support Serzh Sargsyan in the presidential election. It is not ruled
out that the PAP will nominate Robert Kocharyan. Will Serzh Sargsyan
retreat if Robert Kocharyan runs in the election? And on the contrary,
will Kocharyan refrain if Serzh Sargsyan `proves’ his victory?

Nevertheless, the `municipal’ elections of Serzh Sargsyan and PAP show
that in the next presidential election there may not be a direct clash
between Sargsyan and Kocharyan. They will calculate, weigh the
opportunities for victory, the strength of external sponsors. And if
one of them doubts their success, he will give up.

>From this point of view the transfer of part of municipalities to the
PAP is a winning step for Serzh Sargsyan. If the PAP does not nominate
a candidate, it will certainly support Sargsyan with its `municipal’
potential. And if Sargsyan himself gives up the scramble, he can
explain it as a gesture of good will.

It is notable that the opposition is not running in the local
elections. The leader of the Christian Democratic Party Khosrov
Harutyunyan says the local elections will act as litmus paper for the
identification of positions in the political field.

He explained the decision of not nominating candidates for the mayoral
elections in Gyumri. The RPA lost the parliamentary election in Gyumri
so it was reasonable not to run in the mayoral election, he says.
However, he thinks the Republican presidential candidate will succeed
in Gyumri because people are guided by different principles in the
presidential elections, he said.

So far the local elections have been an event involving clans, part of
the process of dividing the country among themselves. The upcoming
election will have a political component. It is also relative. The
RPA-PAP antagonism is not perceived as political or ideological. It is
perceived as a race between Kocharyan and Serzh Sargsyan. Therefore,
if they agree, political scramble in Armenia will die for a long time.

http://www.lragir.am/engsrc/comments27108.html

Demonstrative tactical military exercises were held in NK

Demonstrative tactical military exercises were held in Nagorno-Karabakh

17:20, 16 August, 2012

YEREVAN, AUGUST 16, ARMENPRESS: Under leadership of Defense Minister
of Nagorno-Karabakh Republic, commander of defense army,
Lieutenant-General Movses Hakobyan with several subdivisions of the
army on August 14-16 were held demonstrative tactical military
exercises with combat firing. Armenpress was informed from Information
and Propoganda department of NKR Defence Army that the holding of such
military exercises has the goal to raise the tactical abilities of
participating personnel and give to the latter corresponding practice
of holding defensive and counterattacking battles.

The held military exercises in which were also included forces of
different military types showed that the participating personnel has
good tactical-professional and moral preparedness and is ready to
implement in high level any military task.

If they demand my resignation, I will quit – Weightlifting Fed Pres

If they demand my resignation, I will quit – Armenian Weightlifting
Federation President

news.am
13:13 AMT, August 16

YEREVAN. – `If the specialists and sport leaders, [Armenian National
Olympic Committee] ANOC Chairman, Federation members, and the Ministry
[of Sport and Youth Affairs] demand my resignation, I will resign. But
I will demand the grounds as to where I have failed,’ Armenia’s
Weightlifting Federation President Samvel Khachatryan noted.

In response to NEWS.am Sport reporter’s query as to why he is not
submitting his resignation, Khachatryan specifically said:

`I’m an elected person, an elected [Weightlifting Federation]
President. Our Weightlifting Federation’s special session will take
place in September. If the session demands the resignation of the
Weightlifting Federation President, I will hand in my resignation. But
I will demand as to where the Weightlifting Federation, led by its
President, has failed. Everything I wanted, everything I applied for,
everything was done for our sportsmen. Our athletes receive very high
salaries already for a year. There is no failure, as such, either on
the part of ANOC, or of the Ministry, or even of the Federation.’