Author: Badalian Vardan

Nagorno-Karabakh conflict: Azeris dream of return

8 January 2015 Last updated at 12:44

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Cross-border skirmishes have killed troops on both sides, as Rayhan
Demytrie reports

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Helicopter downing threatens truce
Nagorno-Karabakh profile

The “frozen” Nagorno-Karabakh conflict is still simmering in the
Caucasus, disrupting the lives of thousands of people. The BBC’s
Rayhan Demytrie reports from Azerbaijan on hardship near the front
line.

Gulay likes to play outside, like any other seven-year-old. She rocks
back and forth on a wooden swing. Playtime ought to be safe, but she
lives in a conflict zone.

Gulay’s home lies on the edge of the Azeri village of Gazyan, close to
the line of contact with Armenian forces.

Shooting incidents are common here.

Her father Zomig Ahundov points to a thick brick wall built by the Red
Cross to help shield his home from bullets.

“We still can’t use the second floor of our house – it’s too
dangerous. We are a family of five people and we all live in one room
downstairs because it’s safer,” Zomig says.

Walk into any house in this village and people will show cracks in
their buildings which, they say, come from nearby explosions of
Armenian ordnance, or bullet holes in their walls.

Locals in Gazyan blame some damage to buildings on shots from the Armenian side
Arch-enemies

Armenia and Azerbaijan fought a war over the disputed, mountainous
territory of Nagorno-Karabakh in the 1990s.

The autonomous republic within Azerbaijan – created during Soviet rule
– was populated mainly by ethnic Armenians. They wanted union with
Armenia when the Soviet Union broke up.

As many as 30,000 people were killed in the war. Azerbaijan lost the
territory as well as seven adjacent regions. Hundreds of thousands of
people were displaced.

The conflict has ancient roots dating back to rivalry between
Christian Armenians and Turkic Muslims.

Little progress has been made towards a lasting settlement since a
ceasefire deal reached in 1994.

Nagorno-Karabakh is often referred to as a “frozen” conflict but
military and civilian casualties are frequently reported.

Tensions escalated last summer, with skirmishes and casualties on both
sides. In November, Azeri forces downed an Armenian helicopter. Three
servicemen were killed.

Armenian authorities said they were on an unarmed mission, and vowed
to retaliate.

Armenia’s defence ministry spokesman, Artsrun Hovhannisyan, warned of
consequences “that will be very painful for the Azerbaijani side and
will remain on the conscience of the military-political leadership of
Azerbaijan”.

But Azerbaijan takes a different view.

“Two enemy helicopters attacked our positions. As a result one of the
helicopters was shot down,” says Azerbaijan’s Deputy Defence Minister,
Lt Gen Kerim Veliyev.

“We’ve sent our message that if such air actions continue, any enemy
target will be destroyed. We are not eliminating the military option.
If the enemy rejects a peaceful solution we can free our territories
militarily. We are ready for that.”

Peace deal?

Azerbaijan’s leadership has repeatedly threatened to take back the
lost lands. Last August, President Ilham Aliyev tweeted that “the flag
of Azerbaijan will fly in all the occupied territories”.

Peace negotiations mediated by the OSCE Minsk Group, co-chaired by
Russia, France and the United States, have seen little progress.
Meanwhile, oil-rich Azerbaijan has been spending heavily to boost its
military capability.

The country’s annual defence budget stands at $3.7bn (£2.5bn).
Armenia’s defence budget was $447m in 2013.

According to the latest Global Militarisation Index, published by the
German think tank Bonn International Centre for Conversion (BICC),
Armenia and Azerbaijan are among the top 10 most militarised nations
in the world.

Both countries buy their weapons from Russia. But while there is a
risk of renewed conflict, Russia’s involvement makes the military
option less likely, according to political analyst Arastun Orujlu of
the East-West Research Centre in Baku.

“I don’t think the Azerbaijani government is preparing for a military
resolution of the Karabakh conflict. They are quite realistic. Armenia
is a military ally of Russia at least for the next 48 years. It has
two Russian bases on its territory,” he said, referring to the long
leases agreed for the bases.

However, Mr Orujlu says the Azeri authorities are watching the
instability in Ukraine closely.

“Azerbaijan sometimes feels itself alone on an international level,” he says.

“For supporting separatists in eastern Ukraine, Russia is getting
strong [Western] sanctions. And Azeris are asking, ‘Why doesn’t
Armenia get the same reaction from the international community?’
That’s what makes the Karabakh conflict more significant today.”

New apartments on the edge of Baku now house people displaced by the war
Azeri children learn of the lost areas at an early age in school
New homes

On the outskirts of the capital Baku, new housing complexes are
appearing for thousands of families displaced by the conflict.

Azerbaijan has one of the highest rates of internally displaced people
(IDPs) in the world.

After years of people living in rundown Soviet-era buildings and tent
cities lacking running water, the government launched a state
programme to rehouse IDPs.

New apartment blocks give a sense of permanence to the status quo. But
anyone in the street will tell you that they still dream of going
home.

“The houses are really nice but we want to go back to our land as soon
as possible,” says Naringul Guliyeva, walking her grandson to a nearby
newly built school.

There, the children learn to recite the names of the seven regions
occupied by Armenia.

They are taught about their right to return – even if it will take
war, or another generation of waiting, to achieve it.

Armenia must break off negotiations, demand OSCE Minsk Group exert
influence on Azerbaijan – expert

14:42 * 08.01.15

In an interview with Tert.am, political scientist Hrant
Melik-Shahnazaryan cited a number of reasons for latest tensions on
the Armenian-Azerbaijani border, including the centennial of the
Armenian Genocide and the aim to neutralize the new situation
following Armenia’s accession to the Eurasian Economic Union (EEU).

Mr Melik-Shahnazaryan believes that the Armenian side must break off
the negotiations because the minimum security requirements are not
satisfied.

The Azerbaijani side has committed hundreds of ceasefire violations
since January 1, 2015. The Armenian side has suffered losses – four
Armenian servicemen have been killed.

“I am sure that Azerbaijan is seeking to resolve the numerous problems
by means of one provocation. First, such activity at the end of the
year is a message that Armenia’s accession to the EEU does not imply
any changes in the political situation in Armenian-Azerbaijani
relations. And official Baku is trying to make provocations a
day-to-day phenomenon now that Armenia is an EEU member.

“We should not forget that much had been talked about the new security
instruments Armenia would acquire by joining this international
structure, and official Baku is trying to neutralize at least the
perception of the instruments to be able to continue its policy to
sell peace, to show the international community that Azerbaijan
remains an important factor. Further developments in the South
Caucasus depend on that. The second problem they are seeking to
resolve is the centennial of the Armenian Genocide, and Azerbaijan and
Turkey are implementing a joint policy. That is, the Azerbaijan-Turkey
alliance is shaping a different political priority in the South
Caucasus rather than the centennial of the Armenian Genocide, to
neutralize a negative impact of the events on Turkey.”

The expert said he agrees to the Armenian authorities’ official
position that the country’s membership in the EEU guarantees a higher
level of security in light of the Azerbaijani threats.

“The renewal of a large-scale war is clearly a serious threat to the
economy of not only Armenia but also the EEU member states. So in case
of treating it as a threat, the EEU member states should be interested
in the non-renewal of war. I am confident that in case of a higher
degree of threat, they will seek to influence Azerbaijan, trying all
their best to prevent such hazards to the EEU, at least on the
economic level. And I am sure there is no threat of a large-scale war
at the current stage, though the EEU attention is not drawn to the
Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict as of now. I am sure Azerbaijan sees the
possible aftermath, so there is a boundary it cannot cross. What
Azerbaijan is trying to do now is to resolve a minimal problem,” he
noted.

As for Russia’s commitments as a security guarantor, the analyst said
he finds that they have more to do with the country’s membership in
the Collective Security Treaty Organization. He called for demanding
stronger efforts by allies towards minimizing Azerbaijani tensions
against Armenia through political pressures. “Armenia must make calls
for continuing the talks, and they have to first of address the
maintenance of the minimal security level: snipers’ withdrawal from
the border zone and the creation of monitoring groups investigating
border incidents. Before these conditions are fulfilled, Armenia must
stop the negotiation process, and urge the international community,
especially the [OSCE] Minsk Group, to use their entire influence to
hold Azerbaijan back from its aggressive policies,” he added.

Emails reveal Ankara colluded with French judge to defeat Genocide
denial measure

15:27, 08 Jan 2015

Documents recently published by Nouvelles d’Armenie magazine reveal a
collusion between a member of the French Constitutional Council and a
former Turkish foreign minister at the time the highest judicial body
in France was discussing the law criminalizing the denial of the
Armenian Genocide, Asbarez reports.

In December of the 2011, both houses of the French parliament approved
a measuring, which would criminalize the denial of the Armenian
Genocide in France through prison terms and fines. The bill was then
referred to the French Constitutional Council, the country’s highest
judicial body, which deemed the measure unconstitutional. The
criminalization of Genocide denial was supported by then president
Nicolas Sarkozy, as well as the current French President Francois
Hollande, who at the time was vying for the presidency.

In the most recent issue of Nouvelle d’Armenie an article entitled,
“Constitutional Council: The dangerous connections of Hubert Haenel,”
reveals email communications between Haenel, a former French Senator
and 2010 appointee to the Constitutional Council with a former Turkish
foreign minister turned Turkish lobbyist Yasar Yakis, in which the
latter expresses his contentment that the Genocide criminalization
measure was now on Haenel’s desk, who would be influential to overturn
the measure, which was sponsored by French Senator Valerie Boyer.

The exchange between the court member, who is also a member of a
pro-Turkish group known as the Bosphorus Institute, and the Turkish
official were part of a Yahoo discussion thread.

The first of the exchanges took place on February 1, 2012 when Yakis
writes to Haenel: “My dear and great friend, […] I could not help but
share my joy with great friends of Turkey. I think this tide has
turned and the case is now in your good hands.”

Later that same day, Haenel responds to Yakis: “Like you, I share this
relief. We have 30 days to decide, the die has been cast.”

The most egregious email communications took place on February 28,
2012 when Haenel writes to Yakis saying, Haenel wrote Yakis: “The
decision of the Constitutional Council will be public today at 5 p.m.
You will be satisfied,” to which Yakis reponds: “Since it’s you who
are telling me, I don’t think I’ll be disappointed.”

CCAF Demands Haenel’s Resignation
The Coordinating Council of Armenian Organizations in France (CCAF)
issued an announcement condemning the exchange and calling for
Haenel’s resignation for his own failure to act within the parameters
of the French Constitution.

“This correspondence reveals a complicity that borders on collusion
between the high-ranking official of the [French] Republic and the
representative of a foreign state about the ‘Boyer law,’ legislation
passed by the National Assembly and Senate and invalidated by the
Constitutional Council,” the CCAF said in its statement.

“The CCAF denounces the pressure being place on a top French
Magistrate by the President of the France-Turkey Parliamentary Group
in Ankara. The organization is also outraged by the attention that was
given him by Mr. Haenel, who in two separate messages on the one hands
tries to reassure him about the fate of this law, and also informes
him about the Constitutional Council decision prior to its
announcement. This goes counter to the provision of confidentiality,
discretion and impartiality that is stipulated in Article 3 [of the
French judicial law] as approved on Nov. 7, 1958,” explained the CCAF
announcement.

The CCAF also called on the authorities of France to open an
investigation into the matter and called for Haenel’s resignation from
the bench.

REVUE DE PRESSE
Le pays qui n’existait pas : HAUT-KARABAKH

Le Vif/L’Express

21 Novembre 2014

Le pays qui n’existait pas : HAUT-KARABAKH

De notre envoyé spécial François Janne d’Othée

Vingt ans après un conflit sanglant, la république à majorité
arménienne du Haut-Karabakh n’est toujours pas reconnue par l’ONU. Les
incidents se multiplient avec l’Azerbaïdjan, ce qui retarde la
solution.

La prudence de l’Arménie Un conflit pas vraiment gelé Un îlot chrétien
L’atout démocratique

Un fin brouillard recouvre Stepanakert, capitale du Haut-Karabakh,
cette république à majorité arménienne qu’aucun Etat de l’ONU n’a
jamais reconnue. C’est le week-end. Des ombres furtives traversent de
larges avenues quasi vides. Le parc automobile plutôt squelettique n’a
pas encore liquidé son stock soviétique, en particulier de
vrombissantes Lada aux vitres teintées. ‘ Nous avons aussi nos
embouteillages, vers midi et 16 heures ‘, précise avec humour une
fonctionnaire pour ceux qui n’auraient pas encore réalisé que
Stepanakert est une capitale. Les cafés sont pratiquement vides, à
part quelques jeunes en veste de cuir noir. Seule touche de couleur,
des petits autobus jaunes sillonnent la ville. Ils ont même donné lieu
à la première manif depuis celle de 1988 contre le pouvoir de Moscou :
une septantaine de citadins ont protesté contre l’augmentation du prix
du ticket de bus, passé de 70 à 100 drams arméniens (de 0,13 à 0,20
euro).

Entourée de montagnes boisées, Stepanakert est sans doute la seule
capitale au monde sans liaison aérienne. Elle est pourtant dotée
depuis 2011 d’un aéroport flambant neuf, avec pour objectif de la
connecter à Erevan, capitale de l’Arménie, qui tient tout autant que
le Haut-Karabakh à son identité chrétienne. Actuellement, seule une
route sinueuse permet de relier les deux villes-soeurs, soit un trajet
long de sept heures pour 330 kilomètres. Depuis sa réhabilitation,
l’aéroport n’a jamais servi, et pour une raison simple : les autorités
de l’Azerbaïdjan, pays à majorité musulmane, menacent d’abattre tout
avion, même civil, qui s’en approcherait. En toile de fond : le
conflit issu des décombres de l’Union soviétique entre Erevan et
Bakou, qui continue de revendiquer ce territoire peuplé de 150 000 mes
et trois fois plus petit que la Belgique. Dans les années 1990, 30 000
personnes ont péri dans les combats. Les stigmates des bombardements
azéris depuis les hauteurs de Shushi sont encore visibles en ville.

Si la guerre est officiellement terminée depuis 1994, des incidents
sporadiques continuent d’éclater le long de la ligne de front, et sont
même en recrudescence depuis l’été. Le 12 novembre, les forces
azerbaïdjanaises ont abattu un hélicoptère arménien. ‘ Chaque nouvelle
victime ne fait que retarder la solution au conflit ‘, déclare au
Vif/L’Express Ashot Ghoulian, le président du Parlement local, très
remonté contre l’interdiction de survol décrétée par Bakou : ‘ Après
tout, nous pourrions également abattre leurs avions qui utilisent nos
couloirs aériens. Mais nous ne voulons pas jouer aux plus barbares. ‘

Afin de ne pas rallumer les hostilités, l’Arménie s’est toujours
gardée de reconnaître la jeune république. Pure manoeuvre
diplomatique, car tout transite par Erevan, qui octroie des passeports
arméniens aux citoyens de l’enclave afin de leur permettre de voyager,
et inscrit le code arménien sur les produits destinés à l’exportation.
Le drapeau national est lui-même tout un symbole : identique à celui
de l’Arménie sauf une brisure inscrite sur le côté droit. ‘ Cela veut
dire que nous sommes séparés, mais en même temps profondément unis ‘,
explique Hovhannes Grigoryan, directeur des European Friends of
Armenia (EuFoA).

A l’arrière d’un parking, on découvre un Musée de la guerre qu’un
gardien a bien voulu nous ouvrir. Dans un espace réduit, c’est un
bric-à-brac d’armes parfois artisanales, d’uniformes et d’objets
divers, de l’antique machine à écrire à l’accordéon qui berçait les
nuits de veille en passant par les foulards islamistes récupérés sur
des corps de miliciens tchétchènes. Les murs sont recouverts de
centaines de photos : les martyrs de la guerre. C’était hier. ‘ On
pensait en avoir fini avec les guerres au XXIe siècle, mais non,
constate le Premier ministre Arayik Harutyunyan, flanqué de son
assistant, un ex-soldat que des schrapnels ont rendu aveugle. Ce n’est
pas vraiment un conflit gelé ici, car il peut évoluer à tout moment,
dans un sens ou un autre. ‘

Les tensions entre Moscou et l’Occident aggravent-elles le tableau ? ‘
L’impact des superpuissances n’est pas si grand, constate le Premier
ministre. La Russie, qui nous équipe, joue bien sûr un grand rôle,
mais ses intérêts sont parfois contradictoires avec ceux de la région.
‘ Et l’Union européenne ? ‘ Elle fait montre d’une parfaite
indifférence, accuse-t-il. Je suis forcé de constater que le pétrole
azéri pèse parfois plus lourd que tout le reste. ‘

L’antique gsm du Premier ministre retentit. C’est l’heure de partir
sous escorte à un événement national dans la région de Hadrout :
lepickle festival, où l’on peut déguster des produits du terroir et
goûter à la vodka locale. Tout le gouvernement s’est déplacé, même le
président. Ne manque pas non plus l’archevêque local, Mgr Pargev, avec
sa coiffe noire et sa barbe touffue. On l’interroge sur l’éventuelle
menace djihadiste sur cette Arménie chrétienne isolée au milieu d’un
océan musulman : ‘ Nous sommes habitués à cela depuis des centaines
d’années, répond le prélat. Cela dit, le terrorisme islamiste est une
bombe pour tous, y compris pour les musulmans. C’est pourquoi nous
devons nous mettre autour d’une table avec nos voisins. ‘ Aucun de ces
dignitaires n’a toutefois été convié aux négociations qui se tenaient
au même moment à Paris entre les présidents Sargissian (Arménie) et
Aliev (Azerbaïdjan), réunis par François Hollande.

Comment un tel pays subvient-il à ses besoins ? Sur la route qui mène
au Hadrout, des pancartes indiquent les noms des généreux mécènes qui
ont financé tel tronçon, tel hôpital. Pour le reste, le pays lève ses
propres taxes qui servent à alimenter les budgets, y compris de
défense, un des plus élevés du monde. Un téléthon est organisé tous
les ans pour des projets concrets. Le pays n’étant pas reconnu, aucune
ONG européenne n’y est implantée. ‘ Seuls les Américains nous aident
directement pour le déminage, des hôpitaux, des adductions d’eau… ‘,
indique Ashot Ghoulian. Mieux vaut être discret : l’Azerbaïdjan
indique sur son site qu’il refuse tout visa à quiconque aurait pénétré
dans l’enclave via l’Arménie.

Pour attester de son honorabilité, le Haut-Karabakh met en avant son
pedigree démocratique. Les dernières élections destinées à renouveler
le Parlement de trente-trois membres, ont été transparentes. ‘ Les
députés se montrent à chaque fois unanimes sur les questions de
défense et d’affaires étrangères, car nous savons tous le prix que
nous avons payé ‘, explique Armine, une fonctionnaire. Dans le hall
d’entrée, les photos des onze parlementaires morts durant la guerre.
Sur le plan judiciaire, les autorités se veulent également
irréprochables. Depuis le 27 octobre, deux Azéris sont jugés pour
avoir passé la frontière illégalement avec des armes et avoir tué un
jeune homme. ‘ Même si l’Etat n’est pas reconnu, la procédure
judiciaire reste légale car elle correspond aux normes internationales
en la matière ‘, argumente Larisa Alaverdyan, de la Fondation contre
la violation de la loi.

En attendant, les Karabakhiens se targuent d’avoir un niveau de
criminalité parmi les plus bas du monde. Dommage pour eux, ce n’est
repris dans aucun classement mondial.

jeudi 8 janvier 2015,
Stéphane (c)armenews.com

ARMENIE
IDEA a fait don de deux scanneurs aux archives nationales

La fondation Initiatives pour le développement de l’Arménie (IDEA) a
fait don de deux scanners professionnels aux Archives nationales
d’Arménie afin d’accélérer le processus de numérisation des documents
d’archives et les matériaux avant le centenaire du génocide arménien.

“La numérisation des documents d’archives et la fourniture de services
d’archive de qualité répondant aux besoins modernes est essentielle.
Nous sommes heureux d’y contribuer et nous allons continuer à soutenir
en particulier la numérisation des documents d’archives sur le
génocide arménien “, a déclaré le PDG de la Fondation IDEA Armen
Gevorgyan.

jeudi 8 janvier 2015,
Stéphane (c)armenews.com

European Council on Foreign Relations
Jan 8 2015

Armenia and the Eurasian Economic Union: The view from Yerevan

Commentary by Richard Giragosian
08th January, 2015

As the Eurasian Economic Union comes into force in January 2015, ECFR
has asked expert analysts from the current member states about their
hopes and fears for their country’s future as part of this Union.
Yesterday, we featured Belarus, today we are focusing in on Armenia,
and Friday we will take a look at Kazakstan.

For most Armenians, ushering in the New Year was a painful exercise in
frugality and fortitude. As they faced the twin pressures of a serious
decline in the Armenian currency’s value and a sweeping price rise on
essential foodstuffs, the final month of 2014 promised only more
economic pain. For the small and isolated Armenian economy, much of
this pressure was driven by the spillover from the economic downturn
in Russia, where the impact of the plummeting rouble and
Western-imposed sanctions was exacerbated by a sharp fall in the price
of oil. Yet for the longer-term future of the country, a much more
serious development for Armenia was taking place. New Year’s Day also
marked the start of Armenia’s membership in the Eurasian Economic
Union (EEU).

No looking back

Since 2013, the Armenian government has sought to put a brave face on
its surprising decision to sacrifice its Association Agreement with
the European Union in favour of joining the Russian-led EEU. Despite
the apparent setback presented by the “strategic U-turn”, many in
Armenia have come to accept the reality of surrendering to Russia.
Even the Armenian business class, including many small- and
medium-sized enterprises, have expressed support for the change in
direction, largely due to their trepidation about conforming to the
EU’s higher standards and investing in the necessary areas to make
good use of a free trade agreement with the EU. For many businessmen,
fear about and ignorance of navigating European market access makes
the old trade rules for dealing with Russia and other post-Soviet
markets more comfortable and familiar.

The economic implications for Armenia

For Armenia, the Russian-dominated EEU has always been defined more by
obstacles than opportunities. Among the many obstacles, the weakest
argument for Armenia to join the Eurasian bloc has always been the
economic impact. Beyond the structural impediment of the absence of
either a land connection or a functioning railway link to Russia or
other EEU members, the most serious and immediate impact on Armenia’s
economy will be caused by the need to adjust both its tariff rates and
its trade orientation.

The traditionally open and liberalised Armenian economy must adopt the
higher tariffs and more protectionist policies of the other EEU
members. This move will not only likely spark price increases, but
will also mandate a serious renegotiation over Armenia’s membership in
the World Trade Organization (WTO). On trade orientation, several
years of an EU-dominated direction of trade will have to be adjusted
and Armenia will have to prefer the markets of Russia, Belarus, and
Kazakhstan. And the paucity of economic benefits for Armenia from
these moves is perhaps most revealingly demonstrated in the allocation
of customs duties and tariff revenues among the member states. For
Armenia, the asymmetry is obvious: it has been granted a meagre 1.13
percent of the EEU’s total customs revenue.

At the same time, new EEU regulations may also inhibit the expansion
of one of Armenia’s most important and fastest-growing sectors. The
Armenian information technology (IT) sector accounted for roughly
one-third of exports in 2013, and about 5 percent of the country’s
GDP, up from a mere 1.7 percent in 2010. The IT sector expanded by 25
percent in 2014, with a combined output from some 400 IT-related firms
totalling nearly $475 million. But because much of the Armenian IT
sector relies on investment from the United States, the new IT-related
rules and poor intellectual property rights regime of the EEU and its
members could sink this strategically significant sector.

Visible, but not very viable

In the broader context, Armenia may be able to survive, withstanding
the pressure of being ever more firmly trapped in the Russian orbit.
Armenia may even be able to limit its mounting over-dependence on
Russia and to manage the economic fallout. However, any such survival
strategy rests less on any decisive move that Armenia can take and
more on the inherent weakness of the EEU.

Despite the ceremonial fanfare, the launch of the EEU marks the start
of a very different project than that originally envisioned. The union
is significantly more unattractive and even less viable than it was
first conceived to be, for three main reasons.

First, the “loss” of Ukraine as even a potential member seriously
undermines the economic and trade potential of such a union. Ukraine
has always been the “prize” for Moscow, and in spite of the seeming
“victory” of seizing Crimea, Russia’s own aggression has triggered the
loss of the sizeable Ukrainian economy, making the Eurasian Union much
less viable as a project for regional (re)integration.

Secondly, the serious impact of Western sanctions on the Russian
economy lessens the value and viability of the union. Moreover, in the
wake of the fall in the value of the Russian rouble and the decline in
world oil prices, Russia is no longer the economic dynamo it once was
– and the supposed Russian role as the engine for the EEU has also
greatly diminished.

The third factor driving the loss of appeal and attraction of the
union is that the motivation for integration rests largely on coercion
and pressure, and an impressive backlash has already been demonstrated
by both Belarus and Kazakhstan. For tiny Armenia, this may offer an
opportunity to hide behind these much larger naysayers and find a way
out without unnecessarily confronting or challenging Russia.

Regaining a degree of balance

Although the outlook for Armenia is bleak, the country also has a
second opportunity – to regain a degree of balance by salvaging its
relationship with the EU. Reflecting the degree of sincerity about
this in both Brussels and Yerevan, the Armenian government has been
able to rebuild much of its lost credibility and has embarked on new
talks over a draft “legal framework” as a foundation for Armenia-EU
relations. At the same time, Armenia has also been cautious in how it
has presented its re-engagement with the EU, seeking to pre-empt any
Russian pressure by highlighting (and exaggerating) its role as a
“bridge” between the EEU and the EU. Given the combination of the
rising costs and meagre benefits of the EEU, Armenia’s only real hope
at this point rests on containing the fallout from the economic
contagion and seeking to pursue a prudent but quiet “exit strategy.”

Richard Giragosian is director of the Regional Studies Center (RSC) in
Yerevan, Armenia and the author of ECFR’s 2014 publication on
Armenia’s Strategic U-turn.

LIBAN
>. Il a conclu : >.

La célébration s’est terminée par la bénédiction de Sa Sainteté Aram I
et du chant du Catholicosat de Cilicie.

mercredi 7 janvier 2015,
Stéphane (c)armenews.com

Glendale News Press, CA
Jan 6 2015

Armenian Christmas celebrations are a ‘community connection’ at local hospitals

Archbishops lead Armenian Christmas observations at two area hospitals.

By Arin Mikailian, [email protected] and Kelly Corrigan,
[email protected]

January 6, 2015 | 5:07 p.m.

Local religious leaders recited prayers and blessed water on the eve
of Armenian Christmas at Dignity Health Glendale Memorial Hospital and
Glendale Adventist Medical Center to celebrate the baptism of Jesus.

Nearly 100 people, including hospital staff, local officials and
patients, amassed near the 20-foot-tall tree in the west lobby of
Glendale Adventist Medical Center on Monday as Archbishop Hovnan
Derderian, who leads the Western Diocese Armenian Church, blessed
water and gata, an Armenian pastry.

PHOTOS: Glendale Adventist celebrates Armenian Christmas

The service has grown into an annual tradition, and the hospital’s
chief executive, Kevin Roberts, said the blessing of the water
observes Christmas without focusing on shopping for presents.

“It’s a great way to connect with a kind of ‘second Christmas,’ one
without all the commercialism,” he said.

A number of patients who weren’t able to spend the evening with their
families were wheeled into the lobby for the service and then later
the water and gata were delivered to patients’ rooms.

Dr. Emil Avanes said part of the reason he was in attendance was to
get in touch with his cultural roots and because of something he
believes helps people recover.

“A large part of what we do in medicine is healing that requires a
great deal of faith,” he said.

About 100 people gathered in the lobby of Glendale Memorial Hospital
Monday for a ceremony led by Archbishop Moushegh Mardirossian, Prelate
of the Western United States of America, along with other clergy.

Mardirossian told dozens of staff members, local residents and others
that he and other members of the clergy would bless the hospital and
its patients and employees, as well as the water, symbolizing the
baptism of Jesus in the Jordan River.

“The birth of our Lord is the greatest gift bestowed to mankind — the
manifestation of God’s infinite love,” he said. “It is a gift which
continues to give centuries later, which continues to transform hearts
and souls with both love and goodwill.”

He also asked everyone in attendance to thank God daily for “our
health and wellness” and for “the love of family and friends,” as well
as successes.

Jack Ivey, the hospital’s president, said Glendale Memorial’s annual
celebration of Jesus’ baptism is, at its heart, about bonding with the
community.

“It’s community connection at a deeper level,” he said. “It’s our way
of outreaching, as a community hospital… we sort of touch our entire
workforce because a lot of our workforce is Armenian, but I think it
brings people closer together that aren’t of Armenian descent because
they understand the holiday traditions as well.”

,0,7640374.story

2014 Important year in Genocide recognition campaign – Turkologist

13:16 * 07.01.15

The year 2014 marked an important divide in the Armenian nations’
decades-long campaign towards the recognition of Genocide, a
Turkologist has said, stressing the importance of the higher degree
of concentration on the question’s legal aspect.

Ruben Melkonyan, who is a deputy dean at the Yerevan State
University’s Department of Oriental Studies, made the remark as he
commented upon the Genocide issue’s predominance on the 2015
international agenda and the directly interrelated developments around
the Armenia-Turkey relations and Armenia’s blockade.

“We saw that the Turkish politics did not absolutely change in 2014;
what changed was only the packaging which represents that politics on
both the international arena and in Armenia,” the expert told Tert.am,
pointing out to the Turkish propaganda’s strong efforts towards
denying the Genocide and mitigating the ensuing negative consequences
as major developments of last year.

“For the first time ever in 2014, we became the eyewitness of a
condolence address by a Turkish premier, but only its title actually
reflected condolence as such, with all the rest being propaganda and
the repetition of Turkey’s preconditions with a slightly different
wording,” he said.

Melkonyan said he feels that Armenia is taking a tougher and tougher
stance on the Genocide recognition issue and the Armenia-Turkey
relations. As a glaring example, he cited Serzh Sargsyan’s UN speech
where the Armenian leader plainly “sent” the 2009 Zurich protocols “to
hell”.

“The Armenian society developed an essentially progressive
understanding to shift the moral aspect of the Armenian Genocide issue
to the legal domain,” he noted.

The expert said he thinks that the above developments will continue in
2015 which marks the big tragedy’s centennial.

“I predict a continuation of Turkey’s aggressive policies and an
involvement of maximum number of partners in that. And I do not rule
out the possibility of different statements by Turkic-speaking states.
Also, Turkey’s ‘soft’ propaganda will continue with different methods,
as they will try to feign certain processes very far from actual
developments,” he added.

Melkonyan said he expects the international community’s strong-worded
statements on the Genocide in 2015. “I further do not rule out a
recall or suspension of the Armenia-Turkey protocols by the Armenian
authorities, as they have become an end in themselves. The tough
rhetoric on the part of Armenia will continue. I also do not rule out
the recognition and condemnation of the fact of the Armenian Genocide
by several other states or authoritative organizations,” he noted.

As for a possible opening of the Armenia-Turkey border, the expert
said he doesn’t find such a scenario realistic in the present
circumstances.

“2015 is the year of commemorating our pan-national tragedy’s
centennial, so the Turkish propaganda tricks will be more than visible
now. No Turkish moves towards opening the border or anything like that
will be accepted. So no need to exaggerate the developments in an
insignificant part of the Turkish society, ignoring the essentially
negative anti-Armenian mindset that dominates the major part of that
society,” Melkonyan noted.

Fresno Bee, CA
Jan 7 2015

Author to speak at Fresno State on early 1900s Armenian life

By Rory Appleton

Vahé Tachjian will deliver a talk on Armenian daily life from 1908 to
1915 at 7:30 p.m. Jan. 29 in Room 191 of Fresno State’s University
Business Center.

The lecture will open the Armenian Studies Program’s Spring Lecture
Series and will focus on Armenians in the Kharpert/Harput region of
the Ottoman Empire. It looks at first-hand accounts from the region
during the years leading up to the Armenian Genocide.

Tachjian is the director of the Houshamadyan Project, which looks at
the French occupation of Cilicia, Syria and Lebanon between the world
wars, Armenians in the Ottoman Empire and refugee problems in the
Middle East.