Author: Aram Torosian

Coronavirus: AstraZeneca doses expected to arrive in Armenia in March, vaccination to be optional

Aram Torosian

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 12:29,

YEREVAN, JANUARY 21, ARMENPRESS. Armenian health authorities will buy AstraZeneca coronavirus vaccine for 3% of the population by March 2021.

The first phase of vaccination will prioritize people aged over 65, health workers and those who have underlying health conditions, the Ministry of Healthcare told ARMENPRESS.

The ministry said that the vaccine is being bought through an agreement with COVAX FACILITY. “They offered it to our country, and because the price is affordable and it will be supplied faster, we agreed,” the ministry said.

Vaccination will not be mandatory. The ministry said there are many speculations over this issue, but reaffirmed that neither the coronavirus vaccine nor any other vaccines are mandatory in Armenia.

“Vaccination is optional, upon the desire of the person. The country cares for its citizens, it wants them to be protected, but I can say that this is in everyone’s interest,” the ministry added.

The COVAX FACILITY initiative continues negotiations over the acquisition of the Russian Sputnik V vaccine as well.

The second phase of vaccination in Armenia will prioritize teachers, emergency first-responders, members of the military and public servants.

Reporting by Lilit Demuryan; Editing and Translating by Stepan Kocharyan

No incidents registered on Armenian-Azerbaijani border, stable operational situation maintained

Aram Torosian

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 16:40,

YEREVAN, JANUARY 20, ARMENPRESS. A stable operational situation with no incidents has been maintained along the Armenian-Azerbaijani line of contact of the Armenian state border overnight January 19-20, the Defense Ministry of Armenia told Armenpress.

According to the information provided by the Armenian National Security Service, no border incidents were registered in Vorotan-Davit Bek section of the Goris-Kapan inter-state road which is under the responsibility of the NSS border troops.

The Armed Forces of Armenia and the NSS border troops confidently control the border situation along the entire length of the border zone and fulfill their tasks.

Editing and Translating by Aneta Harutyunyan

Bright Armenia faction head says conduction of snap elections while having captives in Azerbaijani jail wrong

Aram Torosian
Aysor, Armenia
Jan 18 2021

Head of Bright Armenia faction Edmon Marukyan speaking at the parliament today said he cannot imagine conduction of snap parliamentary elections now.

“Our brothers and sisters are in Azerbaijani jails, how can we go to their homes and give election booklets. I don’t imagine conduction of snap elections in the conditions of identification process of our martyrs. How will you go to their yards and speak with a microphone?” he said, adding though that as far as the authorities threaten them with snap elections, they are ready for them.

Marukyan also presented the procedure – Nikol Pashinyan steps down, after which the parliament twice fails to elect a premier and dissolves.

“There is no other procedure,” the head of the Bright Armenia faction said.

Central Bank of Armenia: exchange rates and prices of precious metals – 19-01-21

Aram Torosian

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 17:29,

YEREVAN, 19 JANUARY, ARMENPRESS. The Central Bank of Armenia informs “Armenpress” that today, 19 January, USD exchange rate down by 2.88 drams to 519.31 drams. EUR exchange rate down by 0.52 drams to 629.40 drams. Russian Ruble exchange rate up by 0.01 drams to 7.04 drams. GBP exchange rate up by 0.15 drams to 706.73 drams.

The Central Bank has set the following prices for precious metals.

Gold price down by 12,909.49 drams to 17965.11 drams. Silver price down by 30,181.14 drams to 30604.97 drams. Platinum price down by 17,792.01 drams to 423.83 drams.

A 1887 gift from the Armenian city of Baku to the Church of the Nativity in Bethlehem

Aram Torosian
Public Radio of Armenia
Jan 19 2021
– Public Radio of Armenia

According to the status quo adopted in the Holy Land, the Armenian Patriarchate of Jerusalem celebrates Christmas in Bethlehem, according to the old (Julian) calendar, on January 18 – 19.

On that day, solemn liturgies are being served in the Nativity Cave.

A Christmas icon is being placed on the tabernacle on the occasion of the holiday, the inscription of which has probably attracted the attention of few because of being dim. 

Chancellor at Armenian Patriarchate of Jerusalem Fr Koryoun Hovnan Baghdasaryan has shared the photos of the icon.

According to the inscription, the icon was sent from the Armenian city of Baku to the Church of the Nativity in Bethlehem as a gift on November 5, 1887.

In the second half of the 19th century Baku was largely considered an Armenian city.

The number of Armenians in Baku gradually decreased after the establishment of the Azerbaijani state. The city was finally evicted of Armenians in 1990 after state-level pogroms against Armenians.

Nagorno-Karabakh: Putin hosts talks between Armenia, Azerbaijan leaders

Aram Torosian
WION News, India
Jan 12 2021
 
 
WION Web Team
Russian leader Vladimir Putin on Monday hosted talks with Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan and Azeri President Ilham Aliyev to resolve the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict.
 
A Russian-brokered ceasefire agreement in November halted the six-week conflict between Azeri and ethnic Armenian forces, locking in territorial gains for Azerbaijan.
 
But tensions persist, with low-level sporadic violence, prisoners of war still held by both sides, and ambiguity about how a prospective transport corridor through the region will work.
 
Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan insisted Monday that key issues surrounding the conflict were in limbo and needed to be resolved immediately.
 
“Unfortunately, this conflict is still not settled,” he told journalists after talks in the Kremlin that lasted nearly four hours.
 
Clashes over the mountainous region broke out in late September, reigniting fighting over the territory controlled for three decades by Armenia-backed separatists.
 
More than 6,000 people, including civilians, were killed before a Moscow-brokered peace agreement that saw Armenia cede swathes of territory it had controlled for decades to Azerbaijan.
 
Pashinyan said several issues remained unresolved including the question of the future status of Karabakh, an ethnic Armenian enclave recognised internationally as part of Azerbaijan.
 
He also said that the meeting did not render a solution to the “most sensitive and painful question” of prisoners of war.
 
Armenia and Azerbaijan exchanged their first prisoners in early December, more than a month after the peace deal was signed.
 
However, it remains unclear how many more prisoners the two sides intend to exchange.
 
Joint working group
 
Azerbaijan’s President Ilham Aliyev, whose better-equipped army secured a victory, said on Monday that the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict “remained in the past”.
 
The three leaders issued a joint statement on the Kremlin website announcing the creation of a trilateral working group to oversee the “unblocking of all economic and transport links” in the region.
 
The group will be jointly chaired by deputy prime ministers from the three countries and will hold its first meeting before January 30, the statement said.
 
At the start of the meeting, Putin thanked the two leaders for their cooperation with Russia’s mediation efforts aimed at “stopping the bloodshed, stabilising the situation and achieving a sustainable ceasefire”.
 
Putin said over 48,000 people who fled Karabakh when the recent fighting broke out had returned since the peace deal came into force.
 
As part of the ceasefire agreement, Moscow deployed nearly 2,000 peacekeeping troops in the region. They will remain there for at least five years.
 
Russia has also set up a joint monitoring centre with Azerbaijan’s ally Turkey to oversee the implementation of the ceasefire agreements.
 
The United States, France and Russia co-chair the so-called Minsk Group of negotiators that for years led talks on the Karabakh conflict but failed to achieve a lasting ceasefire.
 
Armenian separatists gained control of Karabakh following a post-Soviet war in the 1990s which left around 30,000 dead and displaced many Azerbaijanis.
 
Nagorno-Karabakh proclaimed its independence from Baku but its autonomy has not been recognised internationally, not even by Armenia.
 

Turkish press: Hungary wants help reconstruct Nagorno-Karabakh

Aram Torosian
Mehmet Yilmaz   |14.01.2021

BUDAPEST, Hungary

Hungary wants to take part in the reconstruction of Azerbaijani territories that were freed from occupation, Foreign Minister Peter Szijjarto said Thursday.

“After the end of the conflict [Nagorno-Karabakh], we have now discussed how Hungarian companies can participate in the reconstruction of areas previously affected by the war,” Szijjarto said in a Facebook post after speaking with Azerbaijani Minister of Labour and Social Protection of Population Sahil Babayev. “Hungary has always stood up for the territorial integrity of Azerbaijan.”

Hungary’s Exim Bank opened a $100 million credit line for companies who want to be part of the reconstruction program, according to Szijjarto, who said his government offered a €25,000 ($30,380) grant for demining the region.

He said gas supply is critical for Central Europe and beginning in 2025, Hungary can buy natural gas from Azerbaijan through a pipeline between Azerbaijan and Europe.

Karabakh dispute

Relations between former Soviet republics of Armenia and Azerbaijan have been tense since 1991 when the Armenian military occupied Nagorno-Karabakh, internationally recognized as Azerbaijani territory, and seven adjacent regions.

When new clashes erupted Sept. 27, 2020, Armenia launched attacks on civilians and Azerbaijani forces and even violated humanitarian cease-fire agreements.

During the 44-day conflict, Azerbaijan liberated several cities and nearly 300 settlements and villages, while at least 2,802 of its soldiers were martyred. There are differing claims about the number of casualties on the Armenian side, which sources and officials say could be as high as 5,000.

The two countries signed a Russian-brokered agreement Nov. 10 to end the fighting and work toward a comprehensive resolution.

A joint Turkish-Russian center is being established to monitor the truce. Russian peacekeeping troops have also been deployed in the region.

The cease-fire is seen as a victory for Azerbaijan and a defeat for Armenia, whose armed forces have withdrawn in line with the agreement.

Violations, however, have been reported in recent weeks, with Armenian soldiers reportedly hiding in the mountainous enclave.

*Writing and contribution by Busra Nur Bilgic Cakmak in Ankara

‘Double-digit economic growth is my target’ – Armenian economy minister

Aram Torosian

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 14:00,

YEREVAN, JANUARY 14, ARMENPRESS. Newly-appointed minister of economy of Armenia Vahan Kerobyan’s optimism for economic development has not changed. “The double-digit economic growth is my target”, he told reporters after the Cabinet meeting.

The minister, however, stated that there is nearly 20% decline in import, export and consumption spheres, and according to him, the economic decline in 2020 has been 8.5%.

At the same time, he noted that they have a long list of actions for stabilizing and developing the economy. “The issues on the government’s agenda aim at protecting the economic potential and creating better working conditions for the economic entities”, he said.

Editing and Translating by Aneta Harutyunyan

National Geographic: In Nagorno-Karabakh, people grapple with war’s aftermath and COVID-19

Aram Torosian
The National Geograhic
Jan 8 2021
 
 

By Kristen Chick
Photographs by Anastasia Taylor-Lind

PUBLISHED January 8, 2021

Two decades ago, Khanum and Volodya Grigoryan planted a pear tree in their new garden as they started over for the second time.

In 1988, they’d fled a violent backlash against ethnic Armenians in Azerbaijan and settled in neighboring Armenia. They waited as a war raged between Armenia and Azerbaijan over Nagorno-Karabakh, a breakaway region in southwestern Azerbaijan populated primarily by Armenians. The conflict ended with Armenians seizing control of Nagorno-Karabakh and seven surrounding Azerbaijani districts, including Kalbajar (known as Karvachar to Armenians). All of Kalbajar’s Azerbaijani inhabitants—some 60,000 people—were expelled, and ethnic Armenians, including Khanum and Volodya, moved in.

(How the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict has been shaped by past empires.)

 

The couple built their house on a former resident’s foundation, gradually adding comforts like electricity and plumbing. The pear tree grew and bore fruit. Khanum filled the shelves of her small kitchen with preserves from the garden, and they painted the walls of their sitting room turquoise. Behind their home, on a rocky hillside jutting toward the sky, the crumbling remains of an abandoned house served as a reminder of the valley’s previous Azerbaijani occupants.

The couple expected to stay there for the rest of their lives. But war broke out again in September 2020, and this time, Azerbaijan prevailed. Under a Russian-mediated ceasefire, Armenia agreed to return territories it seized in the first Nagorno-Karabakh war to Azerbaijan, including Kalbajar. In November, Khanum, 60, and Volodya, 61, packed up their lives once more. All around them, neighbors did the same. Woodcutters swarmed the hillsides, harvesting as much as they could from the land before it changed hands. When they came for the pear tree, Volodya stopped them. He still held on to the hope that he and Khanum might stay. “Forget about it,” his wife told him. “It’s over.”

The couple’s relatives and friends loaded what possessions they could fit into the back of a truck: a worn mustard-colored sofa; the jars Khanum used to pickle cauliflower; the wood-burning stove that heated their home. They dug up her roses, packing the roots into plastic water jugs. She supervised from the doorway, squinting behind her rectangular eyeglasses and barking instructions. When they had finished, she fed them a lunch of bread, cheese, and homemade vodka.

“Let’s drink to our heroes,” she said, as they all raised their glasses. “They killed so many of our young people in the war. I just want peace. Armenians have always been suffering from this.”

Volodya locked the door for the last time. They were homeless once again.

The six-week war between Armenia and Azerbaijan killed more than 5,000 people, displaced tens of thousands more, and, on top of all that, unleashed an uncontrolled outbreak of COVID-19, illustrating what an ugly breeding ground war can be for the virus. And the ceasefire did not even resolve the long-running conflict. While thousands of Azerbaijanis who’d been displaced in the 1990s will now be able to return to what is left of their homes, thousands of Armenians are now being forced from theirs. The Armenians worry about the preservation of their cultural heritage in the territory returned to Azerbaijan—as well as the preservation of their own future in a land where they’ve lived for generations.

The roots of the strife go back more than a century to the end of the Ottoman and Russian empires, but the modern conflict began in the last years of the Soviet Union. Nagorno-Karabakh was an autonomous region of the Soviet republic of Azerbaijan, but in 1988, its majority Armenian population demanded to join the Soviet republic of Armenia instead. As the Communist confederation broke apart, the dispute grew into a war that killed between 20,000 and 30,000 people, and eventually displaced more than a million people, the majority of them Azerbaijanis. Nagorno-Karabakh declared itself an independent republic, a designation Azerbaijan and the rest of the world have never recognized. After a ceasefire in 1994, the conflict remained frozen, flaring up in occasional clashes.

(These teens are fighting a war older than they are.)

When the conflict erupted again on September 27, 2020, the world was distracted and consumed with the COVID pandemic. Azerbaijan crippled Armenia’s defenses with drone attacks, and launched artillery attacks on civilian areas, including Stepanakert, Nagorno-Karabakh’s capital. Armenian forces targeted civilian areas in Azerbaijan with rocket attacks.

Within weeks, more than half of Nagorno-Karabakh’s population of 150,000 fled to Armenia. Across Stepanakert, the branches of persimmon trees were heavy with orange fruit that went unharvested. Windows were fortified with sandbags and tape, and the wail of sirens and subsequent booms of shelling became a familiar soundtrack. Those who remained in the city took refuge in the city’s crowded basements. There, they were vulnerable to COVID.

Before the war started, Nagorno-Karabakh had managed to keep the virus in check with border controls, contact tracing, and strict isolation of cases, even while the numbers rose in neighboring Armenia. Gayane Mkrtchyan, a nurse at the Republican Medical Center, Stepanakert’s main hospital, received special training for caring for COVID patients in the summer. She wore full protective gear to treat them: mask, visor, gloves, goggles, and coveralls. After leaving the ward, she would shower. In July, health officials opened a new lab to test samples in Stepanakert, rather than sending them to Armenia.

But when the war began, preventive efforts such as contact tracing suddenly ceased, even as people crowded into basements. Testing became difficult, and doctors abandoned protocols as they struggled to deal with the wounded. Medical and military volunteers from Armenia, where cases increased eight-fold in the two months after the war’s start, surged across the border, bringing the virus with them. It spread like wildfire through the hospital, and through the population. “I’ve had COVID, all the doctors have had COVID, all the nurses have had COVID,” says Mher Musayelyan, the hospital’s director. Overwhelmed medical staff kept treating patients even when they were infected. About a week after the fighting started, Mkrtchyan had a fever and a cough. She didn’t take a COVID test, but she suspects she contracted the virus. “We couldn’t even lay down to sleep. We didn’t have enough people, so we had to keep working,” she says.


On a late afternoon in early November, Mkrtchyan was making the rounds to check on her patients in the city’s infectious disease clinic, which had become a makeshift COVID hospital when the main hospital was damaged in an Azerbaijani rocket attack. All the patients were elderly: Too old or too stubborn to flee, they were also some of the most vulnerable to COVID. Mkrtchyan shone like a beacon as she moved through the gloomy building in her powder-blue protective gown. Gone was the visor and the goggles. Sometimes she didn’t even wear a mask. “We don’t pay attention to procedures now,” she says. “Because we see all these horrible things, and we’re so stressed, we really consider [COVID] as a secondary concern.”

It was a mild fall day, and Mkrtchyan stepped outside for a break with two fellow nurses. Arina Sarkisyan, a tiny, bird-like woman, brought small cups of thick, dark coffee. Another handed out persimmons. The women shared a close bond—all three had sent their children to Yerevan, Armenia’s capital, as soon as the war began, and all three had husbands fighting on the front lines. They lived at the hospital, working almost nonstop and taking turns sleeping on small cots in a tiny room. They spoke of the hospital as their own front line. Mkrtchyan told her two daughters, whom she hadn’t seen since the war began, that if she or their father doesn’t come back, “You shouldn’t cry. You should be proud of us because you should know that your parents are heroes.”

Just a week later, Mkrtchyan and Sarkisyan had to evacuate the clinic with 10 minutes’ notice. Azerbaijani forces had entered Şuşa, known to Armenians as Shushi, the mountain city overlooking the capital, and residents fled Stepanakert in a panicked rush. Sarkisyan had no time to take any of her belongings. She rode in an ambulance with five wounded soldiers, treating their injuries on the road.

Armenia’s Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan soon agreed to a Russian-mediated ceasefire, with terms that so enraged the Armenian populace they flooded the streets of Yerevan in protest. Azerbaijan would keep the territory in Nagorno-Karabakh it gained in the conflict, and Armenia would return the surrounding Azerbaijani districts, like Kalbajar, that its forces had captured in the 1990s. Russian troops quickly rolled in to enforce the accord.

Like many Armenians, Sarkisyan saw the deal as a surrender. “If Pashinyan was going to give up the land, he should have done it from the beginning, without killing our men in battle,” she says. Losing the surrounding Armenian-occupied districts made her feel vulnerable as they had provided a defensive buffer against Azerbaijan. With the memory of the Armenian genocide by the Ottoman Empire a century ago still potent, Turkey’s support of Azerbaijan stoked her fears, as did gruesome videos circulating on Telegram, a cloud-based messaging platform, purporting to show Azerbaijani soldiers beheading Armenians, mutilating corpses, and abusing captured soldiers. Amnesty International authenticated some of the videos, as well as others depicting Armenian forces engaged in abuses against Azerbaijanis. Rights groups accused forces on both sides of committing war crimes.

Though Azerbaijanis and Armenians had lived as neighbors in Nagorno-Karabakh until three decades ago, both sides now deny the other’s history and connection to the land. Many Armenians fear the destruction of their cultural heritage in the territory newly controlled by Azerbaijan. The fears are not unfounded: After the first war, Armenian cultural monuments including churches and graveyards were destroyed in Azerbaijan’s exclave Nakhichevan; Azerbaijani mosques and graveyards were damaged in Nagorno-Karabakh; and the entire Azerbaijani city of Aghdam was destroyed after Armenians captured it. During the most recent war, Azerbaijan bombed an Armenian cathedral in Şuşa twice, and videos showed it defaced with graffiti soon after the city’s capture by Azerbaijan.

Many Armenians feared what would happen to one of their most prized historical sites: the medieval monastery of Dadivank. Nestled in the side of a mountain in Kalbajar, the graceful stone churches at Dadivank, built over even older remains, are evidence of Armenians’ historical connection to the region.

On a cold morning in November, days before Kalbajar was to be handed over to Azerbaijan, hundreds of people thronged the monastery for what they feared could be the last time. Worshippers packed into a small, dark cathedral, jostling as they pushed their children toward the priest, who performed baptism after baptism. Outside, a woman ran her hand reverently over the medieval Armenian script carved into the stone. Young people waited in line to take pictures with two massive khachkars, the intricately carved stone crosses used by Armenians since the medieval period as memorials and monuments.


Suddenly, thick grey smoke billowed into the sky above the monastery, and a crowd gathered on the ridge next to the complex. Below, a house was burning. Its owner, the monastery’s guard, sat on a rock and wiped his tears with a blue rag. Like many others in the region, he had set his home alight rather than leave it for Azerbaijanis. But his tears were for the monastery, he said. “We can build new houses, but we cannot build a new Dadivank.”

The abbot, Father Hovhannes, tried to reassure the weeping pilgrims. “We are not going to leave. We are staying here,” he said. “This belongs to us. Never will it be separated from us. The [Azerbaijanis] don’t have the history, so we are not allowed to leave this to them.”

Despite his words, the following day workers were removing whatever they could. Outside the cathedral, a generator’s roar echoed off the stone walls, its cord snaking in through the heavy wood door. The clatter of machinery echoed from inside, where workers said they were removing frescoes. Two empty niches stood where the khachkars had been. The church’s bell sat on a wooden pallet, waiting to be loaded into a truck. Russian peacekeeping troops arrived to safeguard the site, parking their armored vehicles at the entrance to the monastery.

As the truck carried the monastery’s treasures to Armenia, it passed dozens of plumes of smoke rising from houses on fire. In a graveyard in Kalbajar town, two graves had been dug up and the bodies removed. The road was clogged with trucks piled high with the belongings of those fleeing.

Heading in the opposite direction were busloads of people returning to Stepanakert, which remained in Armenian hands. The city was quietly coming back to life after the ceasefire went into effect on November 10. Elderly municipal employees raked up leaves grown thick in the center of roundabouts. Residents swept up their broken windows and began clearing the rubble from bombed houses. Mourners brought bright plastic flowers to rows of fresh graves at the military cemetery.

Sarikisyan returned, too. It wasn’t her choice—hospital employees were told to return to work or lose their jobs, she said. COVID cases were rising again as people brought the virus back with them from Armenia, and she was needed at work. She and her children, 11-year-old Narek and 12-year-old Mariam, boarded a bus for home.

Their ground-floor apartment was just as they had left it. A sheltered, west-facing garden caught the winter afternoon sun, and Narek ventured out to inspect the few green peppers that remained on the plants he’d grown from seed. A neighbor girl called down to him from a window and he grinned, happy to be home. But Sarikisyan was not sure how long they would stay. “We left with a happy heart, although it was war, because we thought we were protected,” she says. “But we came back broken, and very sad.”

No longer confident of a future for her children here, she says she will begin looking for a way out—maybe Armenia, or Russia. Many of her friends were doing the same. “It’s dangerous here,” she says. “What’s next? We don’t know what will happen next.”

Kristen Chick is a writer based in the UK. Her work focuses on gender, conflict, and migration. Follow her on Twitter @kristenchick.

Anastasia Taylor-Lind is an English-Swedish photojournalist covering issues relating to women, war and violence. She is a National Geographic photographer, a TED fellow and a 2016 Harvard Nieman fellow. She has previously worked in Nagorno-Karabakh, reporting on the Birth Encouragement Program, which gives cash payments for each baby born in the region, along with additional social support for large families. To see more of her work, follow her on Instagram.

See all photos at the link below: 
https://www.nationalgeographic.com/history/2021/01/nagorno-karabakh-people-grapple-war-aftermath-covid/

Serving Fleeing Families in Armenia

Aram Torosian
MISSIONS Box
Jan 5 2021
January 5, 2021 

ARMENIA — Samaritan’s Purse is in Armenia working alongside Christian charity Mission Eurasia and their church partners on the ground to provide tons of warm clothing and blankets to help families who are fleeing war and need to prepare for the oncoming winter.

John Freyler, Samaritan’s Purse:

Every nation and people are precious to God, and Samaritan’s Purse is both in Armenia and Azerbaijan talking with families, assessing their needs, seeing what Samaritan’s Purse can do, what we can provide. It breaks my heart, it breaks our heart to see these families who’ve left everything literally with the clothes on their back.

Sergey Rakhuba, President, Mission Eurasia:

People are hiding, running for their lives, looking for places where they can protect their children and their elderly ones. Mission Eurasia, we reached out to Samaritan’s Purse, and we’re extremely grateful for their strategic response so that this aircraft loaded with winter supplies, warm clothing to help families to cope with their cold weather, you know, the winter is coming. And there are people on the ground now preparing thousands and thousands food packages.

John Freyler:

Samaritan’s Purse is here providing hope, providing for the physical needs, whether that’s coats, boots, winter items, blankets, but more importantly, we’re here to provide the Gospel.

Vazgen Zohrabyan, Pastor, Abovyan City Church:

So this is our church hall where we used to come together on Sundays, but because of the situation, this is also a warehouse. So we have packed some food here. For now, we have 50 people here, and on a daily basis, we help 200 to get food. We feel this responsibility on our shoulders to feed them, to help them, to provide shelter for them.

When you realize that you are alone, it’s very challenging for us. So thank you to the Mission Eurasia and Samaritan’s Purse for standing with us and for us. Praise God for it. Praise God for the help.

John Freyler:

Pray for these families. Pray for them as they prepare for winter. Pray for our teams and our distributions, but really pray for both sides of the border, that they heal from this conflict and that they would come to know the hope of the Gospel.

Samaritan’s Purse is a nondenominational evangelical Christian organization providing spiritual and physical aid to hurting people around the world. Since 1970, Samaritan’s Purse has helped meet the needs of people who are victims of war, poverty, natural disasters, disease, and famine with the purpose of sharing God’s love through His Son, Jesus Christ. The organization serves the Church worldwide to promote the Gospel of the Lord Jesus Christ.

The Samaritan’s Purse International Disaster Assistance Response Team (DART) program is committed to meeting the critical needs of victims of war, poverty, famine, disease, and natural disaster. We stand ready to respond at a moment’s notice whenever and wherever disaster strikes. The DART specializes in providing water, food, shelter, and medical care while sharing the Good News of Jesus Christ.