Karabakh problem – top foreign political challenge for Armenia

ITAR-TASS, Russia
September 22, 2012 Saturday 12:53 AM GMT+4

Karabakh problem – top foreign political challenge for Armenia

YEREVAN September 22

The Nagorno Karabakh problem is the top foreign political challenge
for Armenia, Armenian President Serzh Sargsyan said at a public
reception on the occasion of the Armenian national holiday – Day of
Independence on Friday.

“Our top foreign political challenge remains peaceful settlement of
the Karabakh problem,” he said. “No matter how difficult it is, we
should seek the ways to continue the negotiations to settle the
Nagorno Karabakh problem,” he noted.

“If the efforts of the co-chairmen of the Minsk Group (OSCE on Nagorno
Karabakh) have not brought any major successes yet, neither
co-chairmen, moreover, nor this international format, as our
neighbours (Azerbaijan – Itar-Tass) are frequently seeking to present
this, are bearing responsibility for this fact,” the Armenian
president said with confidence. “Those who regularly torpedo the
process and the logic of the peace talks are responsible for this,” he
underlined.

From: A. Papazian

Off the Map in the Black Garden

The New York Times
September 23, 2012 Sunday
Late Edition – Final

Off the Map in the Black Garden

By RUSS JUSKALIAN

STANDING on a limestone ridge in the foothills of the Lesser Caucasus
Mountains, I surveyed the landscape that lay before me. To the west,
illuminated by a late-day sun and with ever more craggy peaks as a
backdrop, was Vankasar Mountain, capped by a solitary, ancient church.
To the east, yellow grassland and scrub stretched to the horizon. And
then there was the ghost city of Agdam, its thousands of ruined
buildings representing the last exchanges of a late 20th-century
conflict that many people have never heard of.

I had come to the breakaway Southern Caucasus region of
Nagorno-Karabakh expecting a land of extremes. Nagorno-Karabakh, an
ethnically Armenian enclave whose name means ”mountainous black
garden,” appears on few maps. Its tumultuous recent history would
affect any traveler, no doubt, but for me, the experience of visiting
this place had a personal dimension. My grandmother had fled Anatolia
as a girl, escaping an Armenian genocide at the hands of the crumbling
Ottoman Empire. To come to Nagorno-Karabakh, a place where Armenians
have asserted their right to live freely — but at the cost of having
forcibly removed their Azeri neighbors — generated mixed emotions, to
say the least.

Once part of an ancient Armenian kingdom, Nagorno-Karabakh was made a
special autonomous oblast, or administrative zone, under the authority
of the Azerbaijan Soviet Socialist Republic, by Stalin in the 1920s.
This designation temporarily calmed fighting between the predominately
Muslim Azeris and mostly Christian Armenians who lived in the region.
But as the Soviet Union disintegrated in the late 1980s, old ethnic
feuds turned bloody, and both ethnicities were subjected to pogroms
and persecution at the hands of the other. Armenians, representing
around 75 percent of the Nagorno-Karabakh population at the time,
sought independence from Azerbaijan. Skirmishes led to full-on war by
the early 1990s, resulting in upward of 30,000 casualties and hundreds
of thousands of displaced people on both sides.

In 1994, the Armenians of Nagorno-Karabakh effectively won that war
and claimed independence with the signing of a cease-fire order. In
the process, nearly the entire Azeri population was forced to flee.
Today, the self-proclaimed Nagorno-Karabakh Republic (N.K.R.) is not
recognized by any other country in the world. With no official
borders, Armenian and Azeri soldiers are still dug into trenches on
the front lines.

Though I had become interested in the region because of my ethnic
heritage, once I started digging into the history of Nagorno-Karabakh,
I wanted to experience what was said to be a breathtaking landscape
filled with ancient monasteries, mountainous tableaus and hard-working
people trying to rebuild.

So last spring I went there, accompanied by my girlfriend. I didn’t
expect luxury hotels, haute cuisine or air-conditioned buses, and I
didn’t find them. Instead, we stayed at local homes where running
water might not be guaranteed, ate simple meals with our hosts and
traveled in Soviet-era knockoffs of Fiats and antiquated minibuses
with bald tires. In exchange for the lack of amenities, I was hoping
not just to understand more about this little-known area, but also to
understand more about my own background.

EARLY on a humid May morning, we headed to a dusty square in Yerevan,
the capital of Armenia, where we boarded a crowded minibus, called a
marshrutka, bound for Nagorno-Karabakh’s capital, Stepanakert — a
trip that would take eight hours. Aside from two Asian tourists, the
bus was filled with local women carrying toddlers, and old men, a few
of whom played cards on an upturned cardboard box. The final part of
the route twisted almost 10 miles through the Lachin Corridor, a
mountain pass that had previously been (or still is, depending on whom
you ask) a part of Azerbaijan.

By the time we got to Stepanakert, it was raining. We headed to the
Foreign Ministry to pick up our travel papers, checked into a simple
hotel and fell asleep. Early the next morning, the sun still burning
off the night’s fog, we explored the covered market in central
Stepanakert. The air was filled with the scent of ripe cherries and
local herbs. In one corner, two women with faded aprons and
orange-tinted hair worked over a griddle. The first rolled balls of
dough into discs. To each disc, the second added a small mountain of
chopped herbs and then folded the dough over the filling. The grilled
stuffed bread, called jingalov hats, tasted of pungent mustard greens
and watercress.

A 20-minute drive away, in the town of Shoushi, we met Saro Saryan,
who, with his wife, runs a homestay, which would become our base.
Dressed in a blue Ministry of Civil Defense uniform and cap, Mr.
Saryan greeted us in his booming voice. ”Russ? Come,” he said.

Mr. Saryan walked with us around town, first showing us the old
fortress walls, and then the Tolkienesque Ghazanchetsots Cathedral,
built of white limestone. As we approached a massive stone building
that stood gutted, Mr. Saryan said, ”This used to be a university. My
hope is that one day you can come back and see students here.” Past
bombings had transformed the broad hallways. In one room, the ceiling
had been replaced by sky, the floor was covered in kudzu-like shrubs,
and tufts of wildflowers clung to empty niches.

Shoushi clearly has seen hardship upon hardship. One of the only
Azeri-majority strongholds in the 1980s, then called Shusha, it was
the staging site for rocket attacks on Stepanakert, which was mainly
populated by Armenians. Much of the town, including the university,
was damaged first by Armenian bombardment, and then by the Azeris
after the Armenians took control in 1992. The capture of the town by
the Armenians was a turning point in the war.

That evening, for 5,000 dram each (around $12), we slept in a room
around the corner from the Saryans’ kitchen. On most days we sat down
with the Saryan family to a dinner of lavash bread, fresh cheese,
honey and grilled meat or stuffed grape leaves.

Over the next few days we hired a taxi, so we could see more of the
region’s Armenian ruins. There was the white-stone Amaras monastery,
swathed in knee-high grasses and the occasional wild poppy plant; the
13th-century Gandzasar monastery, whose walls and floor, some believe,
contain the head of John the Baptist, the jaw of Gregory the
Illuminator and the right hand of St. Zachariah; and Dadivank, where
immense Armenian steles known as khachkars, some over 1,000 years old,
stood in repose.

At one point, while traveling on the Stepanakert-Martakert Highway in
a battered taxi, I saw the ruins of stone buildings. ”Agdam?” I
asked the driver.

”Agdam,” he answered, quietly. ”No photo.” Agdam had been an Azeri
village that the Armenians had razed during the war. Some 40,000
people fled, and many were killed. As hundreds of abandoned homes,
many reduced to foundations, came into view, the driver stepped hard
on the gas.

While the Nagorno-Karabakh war was one of independence — fought
within the context of a century-old genocide against the Armenians by
the Turks, the fall of the Soviet Union and anti-Armenian pogroms —
it was difficult for me, with my background, not to feel dismay that
the same persecution the Armenians had suffered was perpetrated upon
their Azeri neighbors. What about the former Azeri girls and boys, now
refugees about my age, whose memory of home is fading like a
photograph left too long in the sun? Most, I learned, have settled in
other parts of Azerbaijan. And while I may never be able to see
Azerbaijan because of my ethnicity, they may never get to see the
place where they were born.

When I mentioned this to Mr. Saryan — an Armenian who fled Baku, the
capital of Azerbaijan, around the time of the anti-Armenian Sumgait
pogrom in 1988 — he said he still had nostalgia for Baku, where he
had spent most of his life. ”I was part of a group of refugees who
met our Azeri counterparts in Vienna,” he said. ”I was just in touch
with one of them on Facebook yesterday.”

WE had only two days to travel via the northern road from Kalbajar
province back to Armenia — amid snow-capped peaks and over the
infamous Sotk Pass and its open-pit gold mine. Joined by an Austrian
named Barbara who had also been staying at Mr. Saryan’s, we charted
the route with a stop at a thermal spring. As we approached the Zuar
spring, Barbara gasped. The natural pool was belching soap bubbles
from the soap someone had dumped in. Dozens of middle-aged men
splashed about. Immediately the center of attention, we had no choice
but to join them. After a quick splash, we were invited for a warm
beer and a shot of throat-scorching mulberry vodka.

We continued to the town of Kalbajar, ascending a 6,500-foot plateau
via a series of steep switchbacks. Like Agdam, this place was mainly
non-Armenian before the war; it is now controlled by the
Nagorno-Karabakh Republic.

Kalbajar, too, looked like a ghost town — except that some of the
homes were occupied by ethnic Armenians, many from the Armenian
diaspora, coming from Georgia, Russia and elsewhere. With almost no
tourism infrastructure, a doctor arranged a place for us in a hospital
outbuilding where we slept on two wobbly metal beds.

In the morning, we headed back toward Armenia with two young men we
had hired to drive us in a 72-horsepower Soviet-built Lada Niva. We
traveled for hours, over mountains, into valleys and back up again.
Finally we came to the Sotk Pass atop a rocky hill of debris dumped
over the edge of the mountain by huge mining trucks. The road went
from dirt to fist-size stones. Crossing this geo-industrial outpost
was like passing through a portal. The earth itself seemed to be in
upheaval, with whorls of dust spinning into the air by heavily laden
trucks.

And then it was over. We headed back down the other side, back into
Armenia without so much as a sign to mark the border.

But my mind was still running in circles around Nagorno-Karabakh. I
was thinking mainly about the war, and about Mr. Saryan’s son, who,
the day after graduating from high school, had led us to a gorge near
Shoushi. I asked him if he could imagine having an Azeri friend. And,
as if the question itself had puzzled him, he said, ”Why not?”

IF YOU GO

Visiting Nagorno-Karabakh is not for the faint of heart. Every year
soldiers on both sides of the front lines are killed by sniper fire.
Outside Stepanakert, accommodation is mainly limited to homestays.

Visas can be arranged in advance in Yerevan, Armenia, or upon arrival
in Stepanakert at the foreign ministry. If you plan to visit
Azerbaijan in the future, ask for the visa to be put on a separate
piece of paper that can be removed from your passport. Azerbaijan will
not allow entry to anyone with a Nagorno-Karabakh Republic visa in
their passport.

HOW TO GET THERE

Hyur Service ([email protected]; 374-10-54-60-40;
hyurservice.com/eng). With a few locations in Yerevan, Hyur can
arrange rental cars, private transportation or all-inclusive trips to
Nagorno-Karabakh. Prices vary. The staff speaks English.

Public minibuses leave various bus stations around Yerevan, heading to
Stepanakert every morning for around 4,500 Armenian dram, or $11.30 at
400 drams to the dollar. Travel takes eight hours.

WHERE TO STAY

Saro Saryan Homestay ([email protected]), in Shoushi. Mr. Saryan
and his wife are regular features on the independent travel scene in
Nagorno-Karabakh, and speak very good English. For 5,000 dram per
person per night, you can stay at their home. Mr. Saryan has an almost
encyclopedic knowledge of Shoushi, and if he has time he may offer a
walking tour of the town and its ruins. He can also help arrange
onward travel and accommodation throughout Nagorno-Karabakh.

Hotel Armenia (armeniahotel.am; (374 47) 94-94-00;
[email protected], Renaissance Square), in Stepanakert, has 55
rooms furnished to international standards, and prices include Wi-Fi,
breakfast and use of a gym. Double rooms range from 30,000 to 41,000
drams per night.

URL:

From: A. Papazian

http://travel.nytimes.com/2012/09/23/travel/off-the-map-in-nagorno-karabakh-a-region-in-the-southern-caucasus.html

Turkey transforms itself into an indispensable ally

The Toronto Star
September 23, 2012 Sunday

Turkey transforms itself into an indispensable ally

Opinion
By Haroon Siddiqui Editorial Page

He is a leading global thinker and a pious Muslim. His wife, Sare, a
medical doctor, wears the hijab. He is the powerful foreign minister
of the most economically successful and moderate Muslim nation,
Turkey. His home and parliamentary constituency is Konya, home of the
mausoleum of the great 13th-century Sufi saint, Jalaluddin Rumi, whose
spiritual verses, in their English translations, have made him the
bestselling poet in North America since Sept. 11.

I ask Ahmet Davutoglu what he makes of the waves of Muslim protests
against the anti-Islamic movie made by an American Coptic Christian,
and earlier protests against the Danish cartoons of the Prophet
Muhammad and the burnings of the Qur’an.

He says the American ambassador to Libya and the three other Americans
killed in Benghazi were victims of “a heinous terrorist attack. We
condemn it in the strongest terms.”

But “the film is despicable and cannot be justified or tolerated under
the guise of freedom of press or expression.

“However, violence can never be an acceptable form of reaction either.
Muslims everywhere have to keep their cool and channel their rightful
criticism through peaceful means. In fact, this is what our religion
teaches us.

“On the other hand, we should not turn a blind eye to Islamophobia.
Fear-mongering over a totally baseless and unacceptable depiction of
Islam has been increasing. The rise of the far right, in particular in
Europe, pours oil on fire . . .

“Discrimination against Muslims is reaching alarming levels. We must
make sure that the acts of Islamophobia, such as this provocative
film, are treated in the category of hate crimes.”

Otherwise, “a small but focused radical minority” will continue to
hold the West and the Muslim world hostage.

Davutoglu – pronounced Dah-wu-Toh-lu – is an academic whose 1994 book
Strategic Depth, a runaway bestseller, was an outline of Turkey’s
place in the chaotic post-Cold War world.

In 2002 he was named foreign policy adviser to the prime minister and
appointed foreign minister in 2009.

Taking advantage of Turkey’s location on several geopolitical fault
lines, he has made this NATO member an indispensable player in the
most pressing issues of our time.

He has been compared to Henry Kissinger, not for being Machiavellian
but rather for his knowledge that lets him speak extempore without
notes with great authority and without fear of critics at home or
abroad.

In Toronto on Thursday, he held forth for 90 minutes before the
Atlantic Council of Canada about the United States, Canada, Russia,
the European Union, Armenia, Israel, Iran, Syria, the Arab Spring and
other topics. It was “a magisterial presentation,” said Bill Graham,
former foreign minister and chair of the council.

In that speech and in a separate interview, Davutoglu made the following points:

European Union. Turkey still hopes to join the EU, though it feels
insulted by German and French resistance, due to anti-Muslim prejudice
(“cultural misconceptions”).

However, the loss is mostly Europe’s.

Europe is in economic crisis. Turkey’s $1-trillion economy is booming.
Its exports have hit $135 billion a year and are projected to reach
$500 billion a year by 2023.

In 2011, Europe lost 2 million jobs, while Turkey created that many.

If Turkey were an EU member, it would have helped Greece much more
than any other country.

“Turkey is not a burden on Europe as it was 10 years ago. It is an
asset, economically and otherwise.”

Europe has a choice. To be geopolitically relevant, economically
dynamic and culturally pluralistic. Or become irrelevant, static and
culturally isolationist. “If they opt for the second, they will lose
credibility, efficiency and dynamism,” as well as their weight in the
international arena.

“For Europe, Turkey is the key.”

Israel. Historically, Turkey was a safe haven for Jews escaping
anti-Semitism in Spain and across Europe. The Holocaust was not just a
crime against Jews but all humanity.

For decades, Turkey was Israel’s only ally in the Muslim world.

Turkey mediated between Israel and Syria and brought them to the verge
of agreement in 2008. Then Israel attacked Gaza.

“They think they can do anything they want . . . We could not give a
green light to such behaviour.”

In 2009 Israeli commandos killed eight Turkish civilians in a
humanitarian sea convoy bound for Gaza.

The Benjamin Netanyahu government has made no progress for peace with
the Palestinians, while expanding illegal Jewish settlements in the
West Bank.

Ending the Israeli occupation is top priority for Turkey and most
Arabs, especially those engaged in the Arab Spring struggle for human
rights and dignity.

“If there’s no peace in Jerusalem, there will be no peace in
Palestine. If there’s no peace in Palestine, there will be no peace in
the Middle East. If there’s no peace in the Middle East, there will be
no peace in the world.”

Arab Spring. “This is a necessary, historic transformation,” the last
chapter of the Cold War, where “all the Cold War structures and old
rulers will go.”

It will unfold differently in different countries. “But the process is
irreversible.”

In Syria, “it is difficult to predict how long the crisis will
continue. However, the collapse of the regime is inevitable.”

Canada-Turkey. Relations deteriorated after the Stephen Harper
government recognized the massacre of Armenians in World War I by the
Ottoman Turks as “genocide,” a term Turkey has long refused to accept.

Prime Minister Tayyip Erdogan has since acknowledged that Turkey,
during its “fascist” period, did “ethnically cleanse its minorities.”
He has offered to find ways to bring closure to the tragedy. He has
improved relations with Armenia.

Davutoglu: “We are prepared to discuss what happened, including with
our friends in the Armenian diaspora. We are calling for a just
memory, not a one-sided memory.”

Meanwhile, seeing Turkey’s economic and geopolitical rise, the Harper
government has tried to make amends. On Thursday, Foreign Minister
John Baird joined Davutoglu in unveiling a monument at the spot where
a Turkish diplomat was gunned down in Ottawa 30 years ago, allegedly
by Armenian terrorists.

Davutoglu: “By this monument, Canada is showing great maturity . . .
We hope Canada can contribute to reconciliation efforts between
Armenians and Turks, rather than taking sides on this issue.”

From: A. Papazian

http://www.thestar.com/opinion/editorialopinion/article/1260842–turkey-transforms-itself-into-an-indispensable-ally

French lawmaker pledges to go ahead with new anti-Genocide denial bi

French lawmaker pledges to go ahead with new anti-Genocide denial bill

tert.am
19:23 – 23.09.12

A member of the French National Assembly, Valerie Boyer, has promised
the Armenians to bring to the parliament a new law penalizing the
denial of the Genocide.

The French-Armenian publication Nouvelles d’Armenie has quoted the
Socialist lawmaker as telling Armenia’s Public TV channel that she
wishes to bring her initiative to an end. Boyer’s earlier bill
condemning the denial of the Armenian Genocide received approval by
both houses of the French parliament, but the country’s Constitutional
Council struck it down in February, declaring the document
unconstitutional.

“We are now waiting to see if President Holland will hold his campaign
promise to enact a law criminalizing the Armenian Genocide, but today
is a different policy towards Turkey,” Boyer said in the interview.

From: A. Papazian

Armenian defense minister in Nagorno-Karabakh

Armenian defense minister in Nagorno-Karabakh

tert.am
15:17 – 23.09.12

President of the Nagorno-Karabakh (Artsakh) Republic Bako Sahakyan
received on Sunday Armenian Defense Minister Seyran Ohanyan.

According to a press release by the NKR Presidential Office, issues
related to army building and possibilities of cooperation between the
two Armenian republics in the sector were discussed at the meeting.

From: A. Papazian

Those Who Are in Government Offices Are Like Beggars With Ties

`Those Who Are in Government Offices Are Like Beggars With Ties’ – the
Meeting of the Armenian National Congress (ANC) (Video)

September 21, 2012 22:59

On the occasion of the 21st anniversary of Armenia’s independence, the
ANC organized a festive meeting near Saryan Statue today. Aram
Manukyan, a member of the Pan-Armenian National Movement (PANM)
executive committee, was the first to congratulate the gathered
people, `All Armenians, old and young, who associated their future
with Armenia, dreamt of this occasion… Armenia forged its future,
independent Armenia, joyfully and nationally. The majority of
Armenia’s residents are not here anymore, the majority of them are
disappointed and disillusioned, we lived, won, created Karabakh, we
created a democratic country of our own with that enthusiasm… and we
didn’t know that a disease, a virus was lurking, which would spread
and ruin this country. The force, which struggled against all external
evils, suddenly had troubles inside. Our functionaries, hungry people
and parvenus have ruined this country and filled the parliament with
emptiness.’

According to him, the ANC has been struggling against the internal foe
for 5 years, `Independence is a process, we are at a stage, when one
should eliminate one’s internal worm, nonentity, in order that the
country is independent and the resident of Armenia wants to live in
Armenia. We are at a different stage of this very hard process of
independence.’

Nikol Pashinyan, an ANC MP, noted that 21 years after gaining
independence, we face the fact of wasted national wealth,
self-assertiveness and dashed hopes, `God defend us from our friends,
from our enemies we can defend ourselves. The Kocharyan-Serzh regime
with its big and small stooges sells our government every day, every
hour. Those who are in government offices are like beggars with ties
who wander in Europe, America and Russia selling our pride like
peddlers.’

Details in the video.

Arpine SIMONYAN

From: A. Papazian

http://www.aravot.am/en/2012/09/21/111899/

The Car of the Local Administration Is Used for Other Purposes

The Car of the Local Administration Is Used for Other Purposes

September 22, 2012 13:28

On September 20, an extraordinary meeting of the Voskepar community
council, region of Tavush, took place at the request of 4 out of its
5 members. The members of the council

expressed their protest against using the public service car of the
local administration, VAZ 2107, for personal purposes.

The members of the council also stated that they were afraid that the
public service vehicle would be used in Voskepar for bringing voters
to polling stations on the day of local elections, September 23.

Shortly after the meeting, that public service car left for Yerevan.
Amram Aghbalyan, the driver, is long-standing Republican Party of
Armenia (RPA) leader Amram Aghbalyan’s father’s uncle’s grandson.
Being a graduate of a technical college (he graduated from a radio
engineering college), he directs the village house of culture and
works as a driver. Having a personal car, that day he went to Yerevan
driving the public service car to bring his mother who was coming from
Russia to participate in the September 23 election to Voskepar.

At the council meeting, the council members also raised the issue of
purposefully using the 3 million AMD contributed by businessman
Mikayel Vardanyan to renovate and furnish the Voskepar house of
culture. The village headman said that they would come back to this
issue after the September 23 election.

The council members said that many workers of the village
administration were the relatives of village headman Hrush Aghbalyan.
Ishkhan Aghbalyan, the deputy village headman, is Hrush Aghbalyan’s
father’s uncle’s son, the accountant of the village administration is
Ishkhan’s wife and librarian Nara Siradeghyan is the village headman’s
uncle’s daughter-in-law.

We called Hrush Aghbalyan, the headman of Voskepar, to get an
explanation regarding these issues, however, he didn’t answer our
calls, then he became temporarily unreachable.

Voskan SARGSYAN

From: A. Papazian

http://www.aravot.am/en/2012/09/22/111978/

Antranig Garabédian champion du monde junior d’haltérophilie

HALTEROPHILIE
Antranig Garabédian (77 kg) champion du monde junior d’haltérophilie
et trois médailles à l’Arménie

Antranig Garabédian (77 kg) ) a été sacré champion du monde junior
lors des championnats mondiaux qui se déroulent au Guatemala.
L’Arménien a soulevé une charge totale de 331 kg établissant un
nouveau record du monde. Le représentant de l’Arménie prit également
la première place de l’épauté-jeté et de l’arraché offrant au total
trois médailles d’or à l’Arménie. Selon Dejo Dobori le responsable de
presse de la Fédération internationale d’haltérophilie le record
établi par Antranig Garabédian est tout à fait exceptionnel.

Krikor Amirzayan

dimanche 23 septembre 2012,
Krikor Amirzayan ©armenews.com

From: A. Papazian

L’Eglise Arménienne condamne la violence inter-religieuse des dernie

Communique de St. Etchmiadzine
L’Eglise Arménienne condamne la violence inter-religieuse des derniers jours

Le 19 septembre, au saint Siège d’Etchmiadzine, s’est tenue une
session du Conseil patriarcal pour les questions théologiques et
oecuméniques. Durant cette session, un certain nombre de questions
concernant le dialogue entre les Eglises et entre les religions ont
été évoquées.

Le conseil s’est en particulier prononcé au sujet du film `l’innocence
des musulmans’ qui suscite ces derniers jours une grande émotion sur
le plan international.

L’Eglise Apostolique Arménienne condamne de la manière la plus ferme
la production et la diffusion de ce film qui a engendré de déplorables
réactions d’intolérance et des actes de violence en provocant la perte
de nombreuses vies humaines dans nombre de pays.

Ces provocations qui prennent naissance sur le terrain du religieux
sont condamnables et nuisent à l’esprit de tolérance qui doit régner
entre les religions et permettre l’instauration d’un climat de paix et
de concorde dans la vie des peuples. La religion et la foi ne
sauraient devenir des outils d’oppression car `Dieu n’est pas un Dieu
de troubles mais de Paix. (Corinthiens I. 14:33).

Centre d’Information du diocèse de France de l’Eglise arménienne

dimanche 23 septembre 2012,
Stéphane ©armenews.com

From: A. Papazian

L’international arménien le plus capé, Sarkis Hovsépian raccroche se

FOOTBALL
L’international arménien le plus capé, Sarkis Hovsépian raccroche ses crampons

Après 24 années passées dans le football professionnel en Arménie («
Piunig » Erévan) et en Russie (« Zénith » Saint Petersbourg), et 131
sélections et équipe d’Arménie, l’arrière Sarkis Hovsépian tire sa
révérence. « La décision n’était pas facile et j’ai passé deux
journées terribles à réfléchir » dit Sarkis Hovsépian qui dispose du
record des sélections en équipe d’Arménie et qui avait vu sa carrière
naitre avec le premier championnat de la République d’Arménie devenue
indépendante en 1991. Le capitaine de la sélection arménienne et de
l’actuel « Piunig » Erévan était entre-temps devenu une légende. Connu
par sa longévité, Sarkis Hovsépian qui a disputé la semaine dernière
le match Bulgarie-Arménie à Sofia, a décidé à 39 ans de raccrocher les
crampons. « Je laisse la place à cette brillante jeunesse arménienne
que l’on retrouve au sein des clubs ainsi que dans l’équipe d’Arménie
qui dispose d’un bel avenir » a dit Sarkis Hovsépian connu pour être
un joueur fair-play. D’ailleurs à l’annonce de sa fin de carrière
professionnel son ex-club, le « Zénith » de Saint Petersbourg a salué
dans un communiqué l’apport de Sarkis Hovsépian au football et sa
carrière exceptionnelle.

Krikor Amirzayan

dimanche 23 septembre 2012,
Krikor Amirzayan ©armenews.com

From: A. Papazian