July 2, 2026
On Saturday, the Constitutional Court will publish the verdict on the appeals regarding the June 7 parliamentary elections.
It is obvious that Nikol Pashinyan’s CC led by Armen Dilanyan will uphold the results of Nikol Pashinyan’s Central Election Commission (CEC) led by Vahagn Hovakimyan and will declare Nikol Pashinyan’s “Civil Pact” as the winning force in the elections.
In this way, Pashinyan’s government, in addition to political “legitimacy”, will also receive legal “legitimacy” and will begin to fulfill all the demands for the implementation of which the preservation of power was tolerated in the most ugly way. The sufferers, that is, the beneficiaries of his power preservation, know very well that Nikol Pashinyan can solve these problems only by having a rigid, monolithic authoritarian power.
That is why, among other illegalities, they also tolerate the fact that the CEC and the CC, as well as the rest of the bodies that are part of the state administration system, have turned into tools for Nikol Pashinyan’s personal use. This is what is called sovereignty in the broadest sense of the term.
The only difference between the monolithic system built by Nikol Pashinyan and the autocracies held in contempt by the so-called civilized world is that at the moment he serves the interests of those who are held in contempt, which is why, unlike, for example, Lukashenko, he is not called a dictator, but a “democratic leader”.
But the situation does not change. Armenia has entered a period of authoritarianism that deepens every day, in which the democratic tools of struggle against the government are no longer functional.
Nikol Pashinyan knows this best, and when he regularly calls on citizens and political forces to carry out a revolution, he simply invites everyone to a public execution, because he knows that the law enforcement system that he owns and obeys will turn any popular outburst into a meat grinder without blinking an eye.
The part of Armenian society that does not tolerate the government, at least 750 thousand people, is no longer on the sidelines, because the means of democratic struggle have practically run out. Naturally, the problem is first and foremost in the field of the opposition parties, not for the sake of getting a vote from the government, but actually for the sake of the state’s political processes, where solutions are not yet visible.
At this moment, as a prerequisite for a solution, one can single out at least the realization of the reality that it is not possible to fight against an authoritarian government with nominal democratic tools, such as elections.
That was the conceptual mistake of the individual opposition parties and the collective opposition, when they all threw themselves into the originally condemned election process with such enthusiasm that Nikol Pashinyan, who lacks legitimacy, distributes positions among his own puppets today.
Harutyun Avetisyan
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