RFE/RL Armenian Service – 11/03/2023

                                        Friday, November 3, 2023


Armenian Industrial Output Shrinks Amid Soaring Exports


Amenia - Workers at a textile factory in Vanadzor, August 28, 2023.


Armenia’s industrial production contracted in the first nine months of this year 
despite continuing economic growth driven, in large measure, by re-exports of 
various goods to sanctions-hit Russia.

The Armenian government’s Statistical Committee put its total amount at 1.84 
trillion drams ($4.6 billion), down by 0.6 percent from the same period of 2022. 
A downturn in the country’s export-oriented mining sector appears to have been 
instrumental in this drop contrasting with double-digit increases in trade, 
other services and construction.

The government data shows that wholesale and retail trade is the fastest growing 
sector of the domestic economy at present, having expanded by over 23 percent in 
January-September amid Armenia’s soaring trade with Russia.

Armenia’s imports and exports jumped by roughly 48 percent, continuing a trend 
that began after last year’s Russian invasion of Ukraine and the resulting 
barrage of Western sanctions against Russia. Goods manufactured in Western 
countries and their allies and re-exported from Armenia to Russia clearly 
accounted for most of this sharp gain. They mainly included second-hand cars and 
consumer electronics.

Armenia - Car carrier trailers line up near a customs terminal outside Gyumri, 
March 13, 2023
This explains why Armenian exports to Russia tripled in 2022 and doubled in 
January-August 2023. During the eight-month period, Russia generated half of 
Armenia’s overall export revenue worth $4.6 billion.

Used cars became Armenia’s number one export item in the first half of this 
year, according to data from the national customs service reported by Hetq.am. 
The South Caucasus country, which has no car industry, exported $311 million 
worth of various vehicles, circumventing U.S. and European Union bans on their 
shipments to Russia. Also, its first-half exports of mobile phones, TV sets and 
other electronics totaled $332 million.

The re-exports, coupled with other cash inflows from Russia, are the main reason 
why the Armenian economy expanded by 12 percent in 2022. The Armenian government 
and the Central Bank have forecast a 7 percent growth rate for this year.

The re-exports prompted concern from EU and especially U.S. officials earlier 
this year. They pressed the authorities in Yerevan to comply with the Western 
sanctions. The authorities introduced in May mandatory government licenses for 
shipments of microchips, transformers, video cameras, antennas and other 
electronic equipment to Russia.




Armenian Leaders Hit Back At Moscow


Armenia - Parliament speaker Alen SImonian chairs a session of the National 
Assembly, November 24, 2022.


Armenia’s political leadership rejected on Friday Russia’s latest claims that it 
is systematically “destroying” relations between the two longtime allies.

The Russian Foreign Ministry spokeswoman, Maria Zakharova, made the claims on 
Thursday when she condemned a senior Armenian official’s participation in 
Western-backed peace talks on the conflict Ukraine and meeting with the chief of 
Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskiy’s staff. She called it a “demonstrative 
anti-Russian gesture of official Yerevan.”

Alen Simonian, the Armenian parliament speaker and a leading member of the 
ruling Civil Contract party, scoffed at Zakharova’s criticism. He suggested that 
Moscow does not want Yerevan to “communicate with partners on multilateral 
platforms” and is trying to maintain Armenia’s “existential dependence” on 
Russia.

“This is apparently the ‘right allied’ approach,” Simonian wrote in a Telegram 
post.

Echoing Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian’s recent statements, Simonian also 
accused the Russians of not honoring their security commitments to Armenia and 
recalled their past large-scale arms deals with Azerbaijan.

Another member of Pashinian’s political team, Foreign Minister Ararat Mirzoyan, 
dismissed Zakharova’s complaints that Armenia’s state television and other 
pro-government media outlets have been spreading “Russophobic” propaganda.

“We believe that what our Russian partners are surprised by is the consequence 
of what we have seen on various [Russian] airwaves,” Mirzoyan told Armenian 
lawmakers.

He also said that the Armenian government hopes to mend fences with Moscow and 
“move on like partners.” “But not everything depends on one side,” added 
Mirzoyan.

The Russian Foreign Ministry earlier deplored “a series of unfriendly steps” 
taken by Pashinian’s administration. Those included his assertion Armenia’s 
military alliance with Russia has proved a “strategic mistakes” and Yerevan’s 
acceptance of jurisdiction of an international court that issued an arrest 
warrant for Russian President Vladimir Putin in March.

For its part, the Armenian side has held Moscow responsible for Azerbaijan’s 
recent military offensive that led to the mass of exodus of Nagorno-Karabakh’s 
ethnic Armenian population.

The deepening rift is raising growing questions about Armenia’s continued 
membership in Russian-led defense and trade blocs. Pashinian said last week that 
he is not considering demanding the withdrawal of Russian troops from Armenia 
even if he it sees no “advantages” in their presence.




Armenia ‘Optimistic’ As Turkey’s Erdogan Insists On Corridor For Azerbaijan

        • Aza Babayan
        • Astghik Bedevian

Turkey - Turkish President Tayyip Erdogan addresses members of parliament from 
his ruling AK Party, Ankara, October 25, 2023.


Foreign Minister Ararat Mirzoyan sounded optimistic about the normalization of 
Armenia’s relations with Turkey on Friday just as Turkish President Erdogan 
Recep Tayyip again demanded that Yerevan open a special transport corridor for 
Azerbaijan.

Speaking at a summit of the leaders of Turkic states in Kazakhstan, Erdogan 
hailed Azerbaijan’s September 19-20 military operation that led to the exodus of 
Nagorno-Karabakh’s ethnic Armenian population and restored Azerbaijani control 
over the territory.

“Azerbaijan put an end to the 30-year occupation of Karabakh and we are very 
happy with and proud of this historic achievement,” he said. “Armenia must 
fulfill its obligations to Azerbaijan. This includes the opening of a transport 
corridor that will connect Nakhichevan to western regions of Azerbaijan.”

Erdogan said the corridor sought by Baku is important also because it would link 
Turkey to Central Asia which he described as “our ancestral homeland.”

Ankara set this as a key precondition when it started normalization talks with 
Yerevan in early 2022. The Armenian government has ruled out any 
extraterritorial corridors to Nakhichevan that would pass through Armenia’s 
Syunik province bordering Iran.

The normalization process essentially stalled last year even though the two 
sides reached an agreement to open the Turkish-Armenian border for their 
diplomatic passport holders and citizens of third countries.

“I want to express optimism that we may have some good news on this front in the 
near future,” Mirzoyan told Armenian lawmakers. He did not elaborate.

Speaking in the National Assembly earlier this week, Prime Minister Nikol 
Pashinian similarly expressed hope that the border agreement will be implemented 
soon.

Pashinian attended Erdogan’s inauguration in June. His domestic critics 
denounced the move, saying that Ankara will not unconditionally normalize 
Turkish-Armenian relations even after his unilateral concessions.

Another interim agreement reached by Turkish and Armenian negotiators last year 
called for air freight traffic between the two neighboring nations. There have 
been no signs of its implementation, even though the Turkish government 
officially allowed cargo shipments by air to and from Armenia in January 2023.




German FM Calls For Renewed Armenian-Azeri Talks

        • Nane Sahakian

Armenia - German Foreign Minister Annalena Baerbock at a news conference with 
her Armenian counterpart Ararat Mirzoyan, November 3, 2023.


German Foreign Minister Annalena Baerbock called on Armenia and Azerbaijan to 
resume peace talks mediated by the European Union when she visited Yerevan on 
Friday.

“Germany supports the territorial integrity of Armenia and Azerbaijan, and this 
must be the basis for all peace negotiations,” Baerbock said after meeting with 
her Armenian counterpart Ararat Mirzoyan.

“I believe that European Council President Charles Michel’s efforts could serve 
as a bridge for establishing peace between the two countries. Therefore, the 
start of a new round of negotiations is important,” she told a joint news 
conference.

Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian and Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev 
had been scheduled to meet, together with Michel, German Chancellor Olaf Scholz 
and French President Emmanuel Macron, in Spain on October 5. Aliyev withdrew 
from the talks at the last minute, citing pro-Armenian statements made by French 
officials.

Michel said afterwards that the Armenian and Azerbaijani leaders will likely 
hold a trilateral meeting with him in Brussels later in October. That meeting 
did not take place either.

A senior Armenian lawmaker suggested on Monday that Aliyev is now reluctant to 
hold further talks with Pashinian to finalize an Armenian-Azerbaijani peace 
accord backed by the EU and the United States. The deal would commit Baku to 
explicitly recognizing Armenia’s current borders.

“Unfortunately, we still have serious concerns that … Azerbaijan still has, in 
one way or another, territorial claims to Armenia,” Mirzoyan said during the 
press conference with Baerbock.

There are lingering fears in Yerevan that Azerbaijan could invade Armenia to 
open a land corridor to its Nakhichevan exclave. Baerbock, who was due to 
proceed to Azerbaijan on Saturday, declined to say whether Germany would support 
a freeze on imports of Azerbaijani gas and oil or other EU sanctions against 
Baku in the event of such invasion. She spoke out against any further 
“escalation in this region.”

The German minister was also careful not to repeat her earlier condemnations of 
Azerbaijan’s September 19-20 offensive in Nagorno-Karabakh that forced the 
region’s ethnic Armenian population to flee to Armenia. She said only that the 
more than 100,000 Karabakh Armenians “left their homeland for security reasons” 
and praised the Armenian government’s response to the exodus. Baerbock also 
announced that Berlin will provide 9.3 million euros ($10 million) in additional 
humanitarian aid to the refugees.



Reposted on ANN/Armenian News with permission from RFE/RL
Copyright (c) 2023 Radio Free Europe / Radio Liberty, Inc.
1201 Connecticut Ave., N.W. Washington DC 20036.

 

Orbán congratulates Azerbaijan over Nagorno-Karabakh

EURACTIV
Nov 4 2023

Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán on Friday (3 November) congratulated Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev, in his first public comments since Baku recaptured Nagorno-Karabakh from ethnic Armenian separatists.

Armenia and Azerbaijan have been locked in a decades-long conflict for control of Baku’s Armenian-populated region of Nagorno-Karabakh.

Baku took control of the mountainous region in September in a lightning 24-hour offensive that ended decades of pro-Armenian separatist rule.

“I would like to take this opportunity to wish President Aliyev every success in his work to stabilise the region, and every success in the reconstruction work in Karabakh,” said Orbán during a summit of Turkic States in the Kazakh capital Astana.

“Congratulations dear Mr. President!” he added.

The Organization of Turkic States is an intergovernmental organisation initiated by Turkey comprising countries of the same family of languages, its members being Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkey and Uzbekistan. Hungary and the internationally unrecognized North Cyprus have observer status.

The Hungarian language is part of the Finno-Ugric branch of languages, but Orbán says the country has Hun-Turkic origins.

Other leaders attending the summit have also congratulated Aliyev on this topic.

The European Union is looking to host talks between the leaders of Armenia and Azerbaijan to reduce tensions.

Unlike other EU members, Hungary has long cultivated a close relationship with Baku, taking Azerbaijan’s side in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict.

In contrast, Hungary only restored diplomatic relations with Armenia last year, after a 10-year-long break.

Yerevan severed diplomatic relations in 2012 after Budapest sent Ramil Safarov, an Azerbaijani army officer convicted of killing an Armenian soldier, back home.

Upon his return, Safarov was given a hero’s welcome, a presidential pardon and a promotion.

(Edited by Georgi Gotev)


‘Rid its borders of Christianity’: Azerbajian lands on list of worst Christian persecutors

The Christian Post
Nov 4 2023

The predominantly Muslim nation of Azerbaijan has landed on a persecution advocacy group's list of the worst countries for Christian persecution over its policies toward neighboring Armenia.

The United States-based International Christian Concern (ICC), which tracks the persecution of Christians worldwide, released its 2023 Persecutors of the Year report this week. 

The publication lists Azerbaijan among the top 10 nations hostile toward the faith. The list includes Nigeria, North Korea, India, Iran, China, Pakistan, Eritrea, Algeria and Indonesia.

Sandwiched between Turkey and Iran, Azerbaijan has warred with Armenia for decades over the Nagorno-Karabakh region, which consists of as much as a 98% majority Christian population, most of whom identify as Armenian Apostolic, according to ICC.

The two nations have entered into conflict at least twice over the last century, but following a monthslong blockade earlier this year, Azerbaijani forces commandeered Nagorno-Karabakh, a self-known to Armenians as Artsakh, in September. 

The region was previously controlled by ethnic Armenians as the unrecognized Republic of Artsakh, a de facto independent state internationally recognized as a part of Azerbaijan. 

After a six-week war with Armenia in 2020, Azerbaijan regained control of territories surrounding Nagorno-Karabakh. An armistice brokered by Russia left the region connected to Armenia only by the Lachin Corridor. Nagorno-Karabakh had been under varying degrees of blockade since December 2022 and was completely cut off from Armenian supplies in mid-June before the September offensive. 

"Azerbaijan's end game is clear: to rid its borders of Christianity either by forcing the Armenian people and their faith out of Azerbaijan or destroying the people and historical sites," the report states. 

ICC highlights the language employed toward Armenians by Azerbaijan President Ilham Aliyev, who "uses derogatory rhetoric, such as barbarians, rats, and vandals, to describe and dehumanize the Armenian people."

In 2012, Aliyev tweeted, "Our main enemy is the Armenian lobby."

"Armenia as a country is of no value," he tweeted "It is actually a colony, an outpost run from abroad, a territory artificially created on ancient Azerbaijani lands."

Despite the ancient heritage of Armenia as the world's first Christian nation, the report points to what it described as the international community's "ill-informed understanding of the ancient cultural heritage of Armenia."

Videos that surfaced of the 2020 conflict between the two nations showed Azerbaijani forces "intentionally destroying" Christian cultural landmarks like the centuries-old khachkars, or cross-stones, and churches such as the Ghazanchetsots Cathedral, one of the largest Armenian churches in the world.

"For most people living in the region, to be Armenian is to be Christian," the report stated. "Therefore, persecution against Armenians and Armenian residents of NK is persecution against the body of Christ."

Until the September invasion, the region had a predominantly Christian population. The 24-hour Azerbaijan September offensive killed at least 200 ethnic Armenians, including 10 civilians. Over 400 were wounded. 

Officials last month estimated more than 100,000 Armenians were forcibly displaced from the region. 

Of the displaced, roughly 32,000 have taken up accommodation offered by the Armenian government, while others chose to stay with friends or relatives in Armenia.

In October, Armenia's Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan accused Azerbaijan of "ethnic cleansing," warning that "in the coming days, there will be no Armenians in Nagorno-Karabakh."

That prospect has raised international concern from organizations across the political spectrum, including the National Council of Churches (NCC), which released a statement reiterating its support for the Armenian Orthodox Church, one of the 37 member communions of the NCC.

"While genocide typically takes place methodically over months and years, the NCC believes we may indeed be witnessing a continuation of genocide against the Armenian people, one that is borne of supremacy as in other genocides, but rather than consume the perpetrators in swift and orchestrated killing, unfolds over the long term in disparate acts of ethnic cleansing," the NCC statement reads. 

"As we have noted with alarm the illegal, humanitarian blockade of the region and the destruction of critical infrastructure, and observe the steady stream of refugees flowing through a single geographic conduit to safety, can we not assume this is, in fact, what is happening?"

Between 1915 and 1923, an estimated 1.5 million Armenian Christians died after they were expelled from the Ottoman Empire, now known as Turkey. Turkey denied the existence of the Armenian Genocide, and it took over 100 years before the mass killing was finally acknowledged as a genocide by the U.S. government.

https://www.christianpost.com/news/azerbajian-lands-on-list-of-worst-christian-persecutors.html

Jarring Events in Nagorno-Karabakh Sharpen International Focus

Berkeley Law
Nov 4 2023

More than 100,000 people have fled Nagorno-Karabakh on the heels of a military offensive by Azerbaijan that many international observers call a form of ethnic cleansing. An autonomous ethnic Armenian enclave within Azerbaijan, Nagorno-Karabakh is now virtually abandoned.

Azerbaijan blocked the only road between Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh to all traffic except Red Cross aid vehicles in December 2022. In June those were also barred, reportedly leading to starvation conditions. After the recent military offensive, Nagorno-Karabakh’s government agreed to dissolve after over 30 years of separatist rule and now Armenia — a country of 2.8 million — is struggling to absorb and assist the massive influx of refugees.

For Berkeley Law 3L Margarita Akopyan, an Armenian immigrant whose relatives lived in the region, the conflict hits home. When she was 6, she came to the United States from Russia, where her mother had moved for job opportunities and her father had moved as a refugee. 

Attacks in Nagorno-Karabakh in 2020 fueled Akopyan’s interest in international law. During law school she has worked with the California Asylum Representation Clinic and the Berkeley Law Afghanistan Project, and she is currently senior development editor for the Berkeley Journal of International Law.

Also a former research assistant for Dean Erwin Chemerinsky, Akopyan describes how the past conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh and the recent upheaval there has shaped her path: 

* * * * * 

Throughout high school, I knew I wanted to go to law school and become a public defender. Growing up as a low-income Armenian immigrant, I saw a need for more diversity in legal representation, especially in areas like public defense where all clients come from low-income backgrounds and many are immigrants and people of color. My goal was to provide clients with representation that could better understand both the issues they face and how to assist with those issues.

But in October 2020, during my law school application cycle, Azerbaijan, the country directly east of Armenia, launched an attack on Armenian villages in the Artsakh (Nagorno-Karabakh) region. From 1991 to 2020 Artsakh was an autonomous region largely surrounded by Azerbaijani territory. Many of my relatives lived here. 

What became known as the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War lasted into November and resulted in the destruction of most of the Armenian villages and the death of thousands. Throughout the attack, Azerbaijan committed countless war crimes and human rights violations, including using white phosphorus (a bomb additive banned by the United Nations) and targeting hospitals.

These devastating events led me to shift focus from marginalized groups in the United States to marginalized groups internationally. By the time I arrived on campus in the fall of 2021, I had decided to use my legal education to defend the human rights of my people in Artsakh and all others being stripped of their fundamental human rights.

As I entered my 3L year, the situation in Artsakh has only worsened. In December 2022, Azerbaijan blocked the Lachin corridor, the single road connecting Artsakh to Armenia and the only access point Artsakh has to essentials like food and water. For nine months, the Artsakh population starved, lacking electricity and access to proper medicine. 

In September 2023, Azerbaijan launched another full-scale attack on Artsakh that caused almost the entire population to become refugees, fleeing to Armenia. Today, almost no Armenians remain in Artsakh, and the Republic of Artsakh is set to be dissolved.

As I’ve watched the international community fail to intervene to stop Azerbaijan’s campaign of ethnic cleansing, I find myself about to graduate law school — with the place I entered law school to defend on the brink of dissolution.

Berkeley Law has given me the opportunity to learn about these different struggles for autonomy and human rights around the world, and to spread awareness to my classmates and professors about the struggle of the Armenian people. 

During my time at Berkeley Law, I have participated in the Berkeley Afghanistan Project and the California Asylum Representation Clinic, where I assisted survivors of human rights violations in navigating the asylum process. During my first summer, I worked at the American Bar Association Immigration Justice Project, where I was able to use my Russian language skills to speak with asylum seekers in their native tongue. 

I am also on the boards of the Berkeley Journal of International Law, where I curated and edited articles regarding international law, and the Middle Eastern and North African Law Students Association, where I can provide Armenian representation and help educate fellow students on struggles that are unique to the Armenian community. 

In the next month, I will be meeting with Armenian prelaw students from UC Berkeley and UCLA to help them navigate the law school process and encourage them to apply to Berkeley Law in hopes of increasing Armenian representation on campus. I am excited at the prospect of increasing Armenian representation not just on campus, but also in the legal community.

https://www.law.berkeley.edu/article/events-in-nagorno-karabakh-sharpen-international-focus-for-margarita-akopyan/

Armenia rejects Russia’s claims to participate in meeting on Ukrainian Peace Formula

y! news
Nov 4 2023

Paruyr Hovhannisian, Armenian Deputy Foreign Minister, commented on Russia's dissatisfaction with Yerevan's participation in the Ukrainian Peace Formula summit in Malta.

Source: European Pravda with reference to News.am

Details: Hovhannisian said the Russian Federation incorrectly qualified the meeting in Malta between Armen Grigoryan, Secretary of the Security Council of Armenia, and Andrii Yermak, Head of the Ukrainian President's Office.

Quote: "This platform is a platform for secretaries of security councils. I wouldn’t say that it was devoted to the issue of Ukraine, there was a broader agenda. I think that this description does not correspond to reality."

Background:

  • Maria Zakharova, the Russian Foreign Ministry spokeswoman, said that Moscow considers Armenia's participation in the summit on the Ukrainian Peace Formula in Malta to be a "demonstrative anti-Russian gesture".

  • The third meeting on the Ukrainian Peace Formula in Malta, which occurred on 28-29 October, focused on questions of nuclear, food and energy security, as well as the release of prisoners and deportees and the restoration of the territorial integrity of Ukraine.

  • The meeting was attended personally or remotely by representatives of 66 countries – over 20 more than in the previous meeting in Saudi Arabia. Armenia took part in the meeting for the first time. However, China did not participate.

  • In September of this year, Armenia handed over humanitarian aid to Ukraine for the first time – it was brought during the visit of Nikol Pashinyan, the Armenia Prime Minister's wife.

  • Subsequently, Pashinyan and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy met for the first time on the sidelines of the European political community summit in Granada in early October.



Valley Children’s Hospital Partnership Sends Fresno Doctors, Nurses to Armenia

Nov 4 2023
Edward Smith

A partnership between Valley Children’s Hospital and an Armenian hospital will advance the level of care provided to women and children in that country.

Valley Children’s CEO Todd Suntrapak Thursday signed an agreement with the CEO of Wigmore Women’s & Children’s Hospital, Dr. Zaven Koloyan, for an ongoing exchange of medical professionals.

The union will bring doctors from Armenia to the Valley’s biggest pediatric hospital to train and send local doctors, nurses, and medical staff to Armenia to help develop operations in Yerevan, Armenia’s capital.

“The ultimate goal of this collaboration is for Wigmore Hospital to become the standard of care within Armenia and potentially other countries in that region,” said Dr. Varoujan Altebarmakian, retired Fresno physician and program advisor for Wigmore Hospital.

In 2016, when Koloyan was doing his residency in what is considered one of Yerevan’s best hospitals, he witnessed “Soviet-style management, poor infrastructure, poor economics and very low level of education.”

“But the main trouble for me is there was no other place to go because it was the best hospital,” Koloyan said.

Koloyan decided to start a new hospital to provide pediatric care.

Founders reached out to Altebarmakian to take on an advisory role at the hospital which he was told would “change the culture of health care delivery systems in that country.”

Wigmore Hospital opened in December 2022. But to advance care, Altebarmakian said they needed a partner in the U.S. That’s when they turned to Valley Children’s Hospital.

“After a few years of working on the organizational structure and the leadership roles, we realized that we needed a partner outside Armenia to train the leaders and also the physicians in Armenia,” Altebarmakian said.

https://gvwire.com/2023/11/03/valley-childrens-hospital-partnership-sends-fresno-doctors-nurses-to-armenia/

German top diplomat visits Armenia’s border with Azerbaijani exclave

MSN
Nov 4 2023

German Foreign Minister Annalena Baerbock travelled to Armenia's border with the autonomous Azerbaijani exclave of Nakhchivan on Saturday, the second day of a trip to the South Caucasus that comes after Azerbaijan recently seized Nagorno-Karabakh.

Baerbock participated in a patrol by the civilian EU Mission in Armenia (EUMA) around 70 kilometres from the capital Yerevan near the border with Nakhchivan, which neighbours Armenia to the south-west. EUMA is tasked with monitoring the security situation along the Armenian side of the border. Afterwards, Baerbock was planning to talk to refugees from Nagorno-Karabakh at a reception centre.

EUMA began its work at the end of February, employing some 85 staff from 22 EU states by mid-September. Germany currently deploys the largest contingent with 16 members and a federal police officer as head of mission.

The costs of the two-year mission are estimated at just under €31 million ($33.2 million). Baerbock said on Friday that she was in favour of increasing the size of the mission, adding that Germany is ready to become more involved.

Azerbaijan, she said, would also benefit from more security due to the neutral observation mission.

According to German government foreign policy expert Michael Link, Azerbaijan has increasingly threatened to seize Armenian territory, primarily to create a land link to Nakhchivan, which has some 400,000 inhabitants and is located between Armenia and Iran. It also shares a short border with Turkey.

A strip of Armenian territory, some 40 kilometres wide, separates Nakhchivan from Azerbaijan in the east.

The territory was declared autonomous within Azerbaijan at the beginning of the Soviet era. Azerbaijan has long been campaigning for a new road and rail link to its exclave.

At the beginning of October, Azerbaijan's authoritarian government concluded an agreement with Iran on a transport link across Iranian territory. New border crossings into Iran are also planned.

Baerbock, who travelled to Armenia on Friday to discuss the predicament of the more than 100,000 refugees from Nagorno-Karabakh, is scheduled to fly to Baku later on Saturday for talks with Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev and Foreign Minister Jeyhun Bayramov.

Nagorno-Karabakh is located on Azerbaijani territory, but was inhabited by a majority of Armenians until the most recent fighting. The region broke away from Baku in a civil war in the 1990s with help from Yerevan.

Azerbaijan's army forced the surrender of the local forces in Nagorno-Karabakh on September 19, prompting more than 100,000 ethnic Armenians to flee the region.

Baerbock on Friday urged Armenia and Azerbaijan to return to the negotiating table and seek a political solution to their decades-old conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh.

https://www.msn.com/en-gb/news/world/german-top-diplomat-visits-armenia-s-border-with-azerbaijani-exclave/ar-AA1jn0kA

‘Sadness in our hearts’: Armenian Christian recounts family’s escape from Nagorno-Karabakh

Nov 4 2023
Anya Safaryan (right), 78, who fled from Azerbaijan's controlled region of Nagorno-Karabakh, sits on a bed at a sports complex set up as a temporary shelter in the Armenian city of Artashat on Oct. 8, 2023. | Credit: Karen Minasyan/AFP via Getty Images

The little-known but decadeslong conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan erupted anew on Sept. 19, resulting in hundreds killed and a massive refugee crisis from the contested enclave of Nagorno-Karabakh.

Lyudmila Melquomyan, 47, who is among the more than 100,000 Christian Armenians who fled their ancestral homeland after Azerbaijian launched an offensive, recently shared her harrowing experiences with CNA.

“Nobody wants to leave his homeland, but we had to in order to save the lives of our children, to protect them from war, starvation, and further atrocities of Azeris,” Melquomyan told CNA.

Melquomyan was born in the city of Hadrut and had lived in Nagorno-Karabakh her entire life until last month when, she said, “the whole population was forced to leave, escaping the genocide of Azerbaijan.”

The crisis centers on the region of Nagorno-Karabakh, also known by its ancient name of Artsakh. Though internationally recognized as part of Azerbaijan, Nagorno-Karabakh was primarily made up of Armenian Christians who claimed self-sovereignty under the auspices of the “Republic of Artsakh.”

Their bid for independence came to an abrupt end, however, when the Azeri government launched a short but intense military campaign on Sept. 19. The assault ended with more than 200 Armenians dead and a mass exodus out of Nagorno-Karabakh.

Azerbaijan launched its offensive on Nagorno-Karabakh after a more than nine-month-long blockade of the region in which the delivery of all food, medical supplies, fuel, and humanitarian aid were severely restricted. By the time Azeri forces moved to wrest control of the region, the Armenians in Nagorno-Karabakh were already critically low on food, supplies, and necessities like electricity and heating. 

On the morning of Sept. 19, “when all the people were at offices and children at schools,” Melquomyan said, the Azeri military began launching artillery and mortar strikes on both military and civilian positions. 

“When the missiles were being fired my 17-year-old daughter was awfully scared and began to cry,” Melquomyan said. “My younger son behaved like a brave man; he didn’t show his fear. As for me, I was afraid for my kids’ lives, not for me.” 

Melquomyan feared especially for the life of her eldest son, who was a soldier in the Artsakh military.  

The breakaway region’s Artsakh Defense Forces fought back, but vastly outgunned and without any outside support, the Armenians were forced to surrender just one day after the start of the offensive. 

“Our hungry but brave soldiers fought as much as they could,” she explained, “but without armament, without [the] support of Armenia, left alone … many people were killed or injured, even civilians.”  

According to Melquomyan, many Artsakhis, including a 15-year-old relative of her husband’s, are still missing. 

Though the Azeri government promised to integrate ethnic Armenians into the country, widespread fears of more violence, reprisals, and religious and cultural persecution led to a massive exodus. 

In the days that followed, videos on social media showed miles-long lines of cars filled with Armenians attempting to leave their homeland to escape Azeri rule. 

Melquomyan said that people began fleeing just five days after the Azeri offensive, on Sept. 24. 

With her family, Melquomyan also fled, leaving her home for the very last time at noon on Sept. 25.

“It was a terrible way with long miles [of] traffic jam, without food and water, sadness in our hearts, tears, homesickness,” she said. 

Though the journey to Armenia proper would typically take only six hours, Melquomyan said that it took her family some 36 hours to get out. All the while, she feared that somewhere along the way Azeri authorities would stop and arrest them. 

“When driving out of Artsakh I was also afraid that they would stop and arrest my eldest son (he was driving the car) and maybe me too,” she explained. “My daughter was terribly scared and pale, she was always saying: ‘It’s hot, open the window,’ though it was quite cool in the car, she was short of air.” 

While over 100,000 Artsakhis successfully escaped into Armenia, not everyone was able to get out. The Azeri government has arrested several high-ranking Artsakh officials and at least one Artsakhi civilian, charging them with war crimes and treason. 

Additionally, some 68 Armenians, including women and children, were killed and hundreds more were injured when a gasoline tank exploded beside the highway leading out of Nagorno-Karabakh’s capital city, Stepanakert. 

Though she was able to escape, her new life in Yerevan, Armenia’s capital city, has not been easy. Far from her ancestral homeland, she and her family must now struggle just to survive and to rebuild their lives. It’s a common struggle that all the Artsakhi refugees share. 

“One of the problems is too high [a] renting price, the other one is unemployment,” she said. 

Though she said that the Armenian government and aid groups are attempting to help by supplying food and household and hygiene items, many are still struggling to get by. Moreover, the physical and emotional scars that many Artsakhi refugees now bear will last for the rest of their lives. 

A people deeply rooted in tradition, perhaps the greatest struggle of all is being separated from the land of their parents and forebears. 

“We left the graves of our parents, children, brothers, and sisters,” Melquomyan mourned. 

Both her mother and brother were buried in Hadrut. By the time her father died in 2022, however, Hadrut had already been occupied by Azeri forces. 

“We had to bury him not far from Stepanakert,” she said, “but he asked me so much before dying to bury him in our native Hadrut.”

Despite everything, Melquomyan said that “each citizen of Artsakh hopes to return someday.” 

Though the battle for Nagorno-Karabakh has ended in a devastating defeat for the Armenians, many fear that Armenia itself may also be in danger of invasion. 

Wedged between Azerbaijan and the region’s major power, Turkey, Armenia sits much like an island in a sea of enemies who are ethnically, religiously, and ideologically opposed to it.

Robert Nicholson, president of the Christian advocacy group the Philos Project, told CNA that “at this point, an invasion by Azerbaijan into southern Armenia is very possible.”

Armenia and Azerbaijan have participated in several peace talks and Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan said last week that they were nearing a peace agreement. However, the two countries continue to engage in clashes at their border. 

Nicholson said that at this time “it is hard to imagine Azerbaijan signing a peace agreement.” 

According to Nicholson, Azeri President Ilham Aliyev and Turkish President Recep Erdoğan have been “very open” that they “would like to seize southern Armenia” as part of a plan to “reassert Turkic-Islamic international supremacy.” 

Armenia’s southern Syunik province, Nicholson explained, is the “only stretch of land that stands in the way of the pan-Turkic dream of a contiguous, Turkic federation stretching from Istanbul to Central Asia.” 

“Aliyev has openly discussed his desire to take further territory,” Nicholson explained. “He recently instructed government officials to start assigning Azeri names to cities in Armenia, and a joint conference was recently held with Turkey to promote the revisionist idea that Azerbaijan has a historical claim over Armenia.”

https://www.catholicnewsagency.com/news/255915/armenian-refugees-escape-nagorno-karabakh

Armenia would have bought more defensive armaments if not for logistical issues, says FM

 12:30, 3 November 2023

YEREVAN, NOVEMBER 3, ARMENPRESS. Armenian Foreign Minister Ararat Mirzoyan has rejected the opposition’s accusations of failure to acquire armaments for the military.

Opposition MP Kristine Vardanyan from the Hayastan faction, during a parliamentary committee hearing on the 2024 state budget, accused the incumbent administration of inability to acquire weaponry for the armed forces.

In response, FM Mirzoyan said that the Pashinyan Administration has been able to buy armaments from incomparably more countries than the previous authorities. At the same time, Mirzoyan said that the current government would have acquired a lot more weaponry if not for the logistical problems.

“We are able to acquire weapons from incomparably more countries than your political party could have ever dreamt of,” Mirzoyan told the lawmaker. “But there are also logistical issues, we would have been able to acquire a lot more.” Mirzoyan stressed that Armenia is acquiring defensive weapons and it has no hostile intentions.

“Buying defensive armaments is the sovereign right of any country. We would have brought a lot more if not for the logistical issues. It’s no secret that such logistical issues exist,” Mirzoyan said.

Challenge to the Global Rules-Based Order

 FP – Foreign Policy
Nov 2 2023

Azerbaijan’s Armenian ‘Corridor’ Is a

Revisionist autocracies are coordinating greater control of the Eurasian continent.

By Anna Ohanyan, the Richard B. Finnegan distinguished professor of political science and international relations at Stonehill College in Massachusetts, and a nonresident senior scholar in the Russia/Eurasia program at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.

NOVEMBER 2, 2023 On Oct. 13, Politico reported that U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken had informed a group of lawmakers that the State Department was on the watch for an Azerbaijani invasion of Armenia in the “coming weeks.” A spokesman later tempered the report, describing it as inaccurate while insisting that the United States “strongly supports” Armenia’s territorial integrity and sovereignty.

Nonetheless, the Politico report surprised few in Armenia. Azerbaijan’s use of deadly force and coercive diplomacy against Armenia is hardly breaking news, at least since Baku’s 2020 military successes in the disputed territory of Nagorno-Karabakh. From December 2022, Azerbaijan imposed a nearly yearlong humanitarian siege of the Armenian minority in the enclave—a blockade deemed illegal by U.N. courts. Facing no accountability or international pushback, an emboldened Baku broke the 2020 armistice and militarily conquered the region this September, choosing to expel its 120,000 indigenous Armenian inhabitants rather than pursue a European Union-backed deal guaranteeing that group’s civil rights within Azerbaijan.

The next stage of this conflict is imminent. Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev may now have his sights set on seizing an extraterritorial corridor through Armenia’s southernmost Syunik province, which he has branded as the so-called Zangezur corridor. This extraterritorial corridor would link mainland Azerbaijan with the small Azerbaijani exclave of Nakhchivan, to Armenia’s west, which borders Turkey and Iran.

An extraterritorial corridor cutting through Armenian territory would, by definition, be militarized: The Armenian government continues to object to the plan as breaching its territorial sovereignty. It also fears the corridor becoming a haven for illicit activity and trade.

The Armenian government has instead offered a vision of broader regional connectivity: opening de jure borders and rebuilding Soviet-era cross-border roads and railways, all operating within the framework of established international law and respecting the full sovereignty of the countries through which they pass. Indeed, opening borders would yield immediate economic dividends to all countries in the South Caucasus.

Such a vision could, of course, only be realized with a peace treaty, which Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan reaffirmed his government’s commitment to signing during his address to the European Parliament in Strasbourg on Oct. 17. This would require acknowledgment of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of both states. Speaking at the fourth Silk Road Forum few days later, held in Tbilisi, Georgia, Pashinyan unveiled the so-called Crossroads for Peace initiative, which detailed Armenia’s advocacy for rules-based regional connectivity.

The problem for Armenia is thus not the corridor itself, but the coercion surrounding its implementation.

“We will implement the Zangezur corridor, whether Armenia wants it or not,” Aliyev threatened as early as 2021. Increasingly irredentist and expansionist, Baku has already created the physical infrastructure inside Armenia to pull this off. Since 2021, Azerbaijani troops have advanced across Armenia’s eastern sovereign border, a strategy that researchers describe as “creeping annexation.”

In September 2022, when Azerbaijan attacked Armenia’s southeast and targeted civilians inside the country, it was testing the limits of what the world would countenance. In response, the EU deployed unarmed civilian monitors to the Armenian side of the border with Azerbaijan in order to document, if not deter, further attacks.

Outside of Armenian sovereign control, a Zangezur corridor would comprise a much-sought final missing link in a sanctions-proof, extraterritorial nexus connecting Iran and Turkey to Russia via Azerbaijan. Unsurprisingly, Armenia’s rules-based proposal for broad regional connectivity is supported by the EU and the United States, while Azerbaijan’s demands are backed by Russia and Turkey. Iran, for its part, has been looking to leverage all available transport routes that would help it in deepening its commercial and military ties with Russia. Ground has been broken for both rail and road projects that would directly connect Tehran to Moscow through Azerbaijan—while avoiding Western sanctions monitors.

The Zangezur corridor, if realized, would entail a shift in strategic geography in the Eurasian continent, cementing the revanchist policies between two neo-imperial actors, Turkey and Russia. The stakes are high for the region and beyond—this corridor may be as incendiary for Western interests as Russian President Vladimir Putin’s proposed Zaporizhzhia corridor project to link mainland Russia with its illegally annexed positions in Crimea through Ukraine.

Economic sanctions imposed on Russia in response to its invasion of Ukraine are reshaping the geopolitics of connectivity, trade, and transit between China and Europe. Russian transcontinental rail has largely been replaced by seaborne alternatives, but a so-called Middle Corridor concept has been promoted by some, including Russia’s allies and partners to its south. This multimodal patchwork of routes would ostensibly form an overland connection between China and Europe via Central Asia, the Caspian Sea, Azerbaijan, and Turkey, with spurs to Russia and Iran, bypassing Armenia.

To Chinese audiences, Aliyev touts the purported importance of the Zangezur corridor as a component of the Middle Corridor. This is belied by the existence of parallel railways in neighboring Georgia, which are owned by Azerbaijan. The more pressing imperatives for Aliyev, as a dynastic post-Soviet ruler of an undiversified petrostate—and one that is entering its 15th consecutive year of declining oil exports—are domestic. The World Bank and others forecast a coming socioeconomic decline that will test the limits of Azerbaijan’s autocracy, making nationalist and militarized projects, such as the Zangezur corridor and additional threats of conquest against alleged “historic Azerbaijani territory” in Armenia, into important levers for regime legitimacy and survival.

Turkey lends extensive political, military, and operational support to Azerbaijan’s preferences in the region, including the Zangezur corridor plan. Already a beneficiary of the current incarnation of the Middle Corridor that uses Georgia to access Russian markets, extralegal and sanctions-proof transit through territory in Armenia’s south would enhance Ankara’s strategic autonomy and provide long-coveted unhindered access to Turkic Central Asia via Azerbaijan.

Turkey’s desire for this connection was cemented in its 2021 Shusha Declaration with Azerbaijan. The declaration elevated the already deep alliance between the two, which now covers wide-ranging issues, including a defense pact and coordination in their state-controlled media platforms, with a specific mention of the Zangezur corridor.

Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan regularly calls for an “uninterrupted” rail and road corridor “as soon as possible,” through Armenia. He has done it from the highest global podium, that of the United Nations General Assembly this fall, as well as in the Azerbaijani Parliament in 2021 and in his cabinet meetings.

The desire for an uninterrupted corridor also stems from Turkey’s aspirations to become a regional energy hub, thereby increasing its bargaining position relative to the West. Gas coming from Azerbaijan, Iran, and Russia would turn Turkey into a central node of regional geopolitical patronage in the South Caucasus and Central Asia.

Indeed, neo-imperial logic behind the push for the Zangezur corridor was articulated plainly by Erdogan himself when he stated that the post-Ottoman periphery, the South Caucasus in this case, “is not a romantic neo-Ottomanism. It is a real policy based on a new vision of global order.”

For Russia, the dividends of such a corridor extend beyond evading Western sanctions. The diplomatic fig leaf on which Azerbaijan’s Aliyev has relied in demanding the extraterritorial corridor is the 2020 trilateral Nagorno-Karabakh cease-fire agreement, brokered by Russia, between Azerbaijan and Armenia. That agreement envisioned opening transport links and enshrined the security of Nagorno-Karabakh’s Armenian population and the return of Armenian refugees through a Russian peacekeeping mission; it also guaranteed unhindered access between Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh. Armenia, in turn, committed to reopening and guaranteeing the security of vehicles and cargo traveling through sovereign Armenian territory between Azerbaijan and Nakhchivan, with an oversight role for Russian border services. After failing to prevent the 2023 military assault and the ethnic cleansing in Nagorno-Karabakh, that agreement is now functionally and legally inoperative.

By claiming a lack of border delimitation, Russia tacitly endorses Baku’s attacks on Armenia’s internationally recognized borders. Baku’s forceful conquest of an extraterritorial corridor would create a sustained security risk for the Armenian state. This would provide the Kremlin with significant leverage to continue its pressure on Armenia’s nascent democracy. Russia-Azerbaijan’s strategic alliance was formalized in the Declaration of Allied Interaction between the two countries, signed on Feb. 22, 2022, two days before the start of the full-scale Russian invasion in Ukraine.

In terms of the depth and scope of issues covered, that declaration is similar to the Shushi Declaration that Azerbaijan signed with Turkey in 2021. The alliance formed with Russia, like the one with Turkey, also covers deep cooperation and coordination, impacting military, mass media, and the energy sector. The latter agreement, and subsequent gas deals with Russia, translated into laundering Russian gas, via Azerbaijan, for European markets.

By contrast, the rules-based path toward regional connectivity in the South Caucasus that is advocated by Armenia, with support from the EU and the United States, would further loosen Russian control over the region.

Importantly, a regionally integrated South Caucasus would complement the newly unveiled India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor (IMEC), Washington’s answer to China’s Belt and Road Initiative.

The Hamas-Israel war has been a tragic reminder that unresolved conflicts can derail the best-laid infrastructure plans. A stable and rules-based regional connectivity in the South Caucasus offers an important path for India-Europe connection. Armenia’s southern Syunik region, and the potential for broad-based regional connectivity that it holds, is especially important for Washington, Brussels, and New Delhi as geopolitical rivalries of the Eurasian continent continue to grow unabated.

________________________________

A military attack to carve out the Zangezur corridor in Armenia would spark a war between Armenia and Azerbaijan and could produce a partial or full occupation by Baku of Armenia’s southern Syunik region. It would also create a legal black hole, as the Western world would largely not recognize the conquest.

But it would be seen as a strategic win for Russia, Iran, China, and Turkey. An invasion of Armenia would embolden and bind together—through a web of opaque, sanctions-proof territorial corridors and entities—what many analysts have warned is a rising bloc of militaristic and revisionist Eurasian autocracies.

Indeed, some observers have recognized the interlocking authoritarian networks and their coordination on the Eurasian continent as a so-called Fortress Eurasia, referring to the emergence of interdependent strategic partnerships across the Eurasian landmass. Azerbaijan’s comprehensive strategic partnerships both with Russia and Turkey have made Baku the intermediary and conduit of the expansion of the Fortress Eurasia. The durability of Armenia’s southern Syunik region is thus a litmus test for the global rules-based order.

Extraterritorial corridors—whether they are Aliyev’s Zangezur corridor or Putin’s Zaporizhzhia corridor—weaken a century-long global norm against conquest and erode territorial sovereignty. Limited military operations and partial annexations are on the rise worldwide, creating conditions for escalation into full-blown wars.

Such conditions are present today in the nexus of interests knotted in Armenia’s south, and the outcome will have global implications for the shape of Eurasia for decades to come. But the opportunity for regional, rules-based integration in the South Caucasus is also real, and it, too, can be realized, if Armenia’s Syunik region is protected. Connectivity on Western terms in Eurasia is now contingent on Armenia’s territorial integrity.