Iran-Armenia highway project agreed

Nov 9 2023
By MJ Woof

A new highway stretch will help to improve transport connections between Iran and Armenia. The governments of the two nations signed an agreement for the construction of a 32km highway stretch between the two countries. Building the new highway is expected to cost US$214.6 million.

The project will be complex due to the geography and topography of the area, requiring the construction of 17 bridges and two tunnel sections. In addition, the work will include building six overpasses and five interchanges.
The project is due to commence at the end of 2023 and should take 36 months to complete. The new highway stretch will reduce journey times and improve safety for drivers over the existing road connections.

‘No one can joke with us’: Azerbaijan parades army in Nagorno-Karabakh

BBC, UK
Nov 9 2023

Azerbaijan has paraded its army through the disputed territory of Nagorno-Karabakh. The display comes weeks after Azerbaijan recaptured the enclave, in a lighting-fast offensive which caused 120,000 ethnic Armenians to flee. The regional capital Khankendi, also known as Stepanakert, was left deserted.

Nagorno-Karabakh had been at the centre of a decades-long conflict between Azerbaijan and Armenia. At the military parade on Wednesday, Azerbaijan’s president warned Armenia against “revanchist sentiments”, saying that “from now on, jesting with us is ill-advised".

The Resurrection of a Conflict: Analyzing the Nagorno-Karabakh Situation

Nov 9 2023



Date:

Two months ago, Azerbaijan attacked Armenians in Nagorno-Karabakh, violating the 2020 ceasefire agreement. Analysts and witnesses alerted the world about a potential second Armenian genocide, disguised as anti-terror operations by Azerbaijani forces.

The world leaders and international institutions expressed their usual default statements, calling for de-escalation of the conflict, protection of human rights, and how they monitor the situation with great concern. A month later the world forgot about the thousands of ethnic Armenians in Nagorno-Karabakh, who under a new hostage agreement that they signed with the Azerbaijani side, will see the Republic of Artsakh, as it’s known among Armenians, dissolved and erased by January 1st, 2024.

It is important to shed light on the situation in the region, a region that has been in turmoil for decades. To uncover the truth behind Azerbaijan’s victory and shifting geopolitical tensions, it is essential to analyze the history, conflicts, and recent attacks on Armenians over the past three years.

An endless bloodshed

The enclave in southwestern Azerbaijan, surrounded by Azerbaijan’s recognized territory, has been the subject of numerous controversies for a long time. The Republic of Artsakh has always been at the center of violence since the early 19th century when tensions between Christian Armenians and Muslim Azerbaijanis were a daily phenomenon. However, tensions eased when the Soviet Union took control of the area, establishing an ethnic population of Armenians inside the territory of Azerbaijan.

The Soviet system of control, together with their promotion of an international proletarian spirit that ignored religion, seemed to have been efficient enough to stop any ongoing bloodshed. However, tensions were resurrected again in the 80s, when the grip of the Soviet Union on the region was loosening. Without Soviet control, the region became a field of human loss and tragedy as tens of thousands of people from both sides lost their lives. From 1988, until the peace treaty agreement in 1994, this mountainous region in Azerbaijan had experienced, firsthand, the bloody aftermath of the collapse of the Soviet Union.

Almost three decades later, the conflict restarted in 2020, with both sides accusing each other of attacking first. After weeks of fighting, the Russian Federation negotiated a peace treaty between the two sides by establishing Russian peacekeepers to monitor the area. In addition, the Lachin corridor was to be established and controlled by the Russians, to ensure the safety of a passage between Armenia and the disputed area in Nagorno-Karabakh.

Three years later, in September 2023, Azerbaijan launched a supposed anti-terror operation, aiming to disarm and neutralize any Armenian military presence in the area. Almost 200 people lost their lives. In the following days, Azerbaijan had complete control of the region. With the fall of the Republic of Artsakh, thousands of ethnic Armenians fled to Armenia, warning the international community that a second Armenian genocide would be underway.

The total control of Nagorno-Karabakh by the Azerbaijanis and their crimes against the Armenians has been purposely ignored by the majority of the world. What’s interesting are the factors and political games that have allowed Azerbaijan to act this way, persecuting Christian Armenians and ignoring international rules of combat. Azerbaijan, an artificially made state, created by the Soviet Union, has risen in the political arena. Analyzing their success and the failures of Armenia is critical to have a clearer view of the rapidly shifted geopolitical outlook of the area.

The Failures of Nikol Pashinyan: The Shift Toward the West

Since 2018, Nikol Pashinyan has emerged as the leading figure for the nation of Armenia. For years, he has been advocating for closer ties with Moscow, a logical approach since Moscow has been a close ally of Yerevan. However, for the last couple of years, Pashinyan has lured Armenia to make the same mistakes that the country of Georgia had made years ago. Turn to the West for help. By implying that Russia is incapable of being a security guarantor for the region, Pashinyan condemned the Armenians of Nagorno Karabakh to flee their homeland and become persecuted refugees. In a matter of a few years, Pashinyan managed to bring the relations between Russia and Armenia to a cold level, foolishly believing that the shift towards the West would be beneficial for his country.

Ignoring the common security concerns between the two states and choosing to consult the West for help, while at the same time pointing the finger at Russia, show the incapabilities of Pashinyan to lead his country. Inviting U.S. soldiers to stage joint drills with Armenian soldiers and withdrawing its representative from the CSTO military bloc, would have never achieved anything positive for Armenia. However, short on options to save his political position, Pashinyan gambled that the West would back him up after witnessing his anti-Russia rhetoric. On the contrary, his actions only managed to waste precious time in peacefully resolving the conflict and ensuring the safety of the ethnic Armenians in Nagorno-Karabakh.

Pashinyan’s visits to Prague and Brussels months before the resurrection of the conflict proved to be wasteful and harmful. By choosing to follow newly agreed declarations of the past, Pashinyan completely ignored several trilateral agreements that have been in place since 2020. For example, the deployment of a CSTO observer mission to areas bordering Azerbaijan was not brought into existence, simply because they were never signed in the first place by the Armenian leadership.

The implementation of the trilateral agreements of 2020 between Russia, Azerbaijan, and Armenia, were completely stalled because of this Armenian shift towards the West. By acknowledging the territorial integrity of Azerbaijan but at the same time choosing not to address and guarantee the safety of the Armenians in Nagorno-Karabakh, Nikol Pashinyan showed the world how little he and his pro-western government cared for an actual ceasefire and a resolution guaranteeing the safety of Armenians in the area.

Today, after the one-day war defeat of the ethnic Armenians, Pashinyan is mostly focused on his internal government failures and the major protests that are being formed all over Armenia. Even now Pashinyan continues to use Western rhetoric regarding the protests, labeling them as Russian-led groups, seeking to disturb peace. However, no matter how much he wants to portray these reactions against his failures as Russian-backed “color revolutions”, his accusations have no basis in reality. What matters is that in reality, thousands of people lost their homes, their lives, and in a way their own identities, by relying on a man who had no desires other than saving his political image and position of authority over Armenia.

Azerbaijan’s Political Maneuvers: The Hidden Hand of Israel

Over the last few years, Azerbaijan has been benefiting from its close alliance with Israel. For someone who might not be involved in the geopolitics of the Caucasus area, this alliance might seem very random. However, both states have been benefiting from each other, and with the current victory of Azerbaijan, and the ongoing war of Israel against Hamas, this alliance might grow even stronger. Israel has enjoyed the imports of oil from Azerbaijan and in return, Azerbaijan has received much-needed weaponry. Weapons and military technology that were critical to their victory in Nagorno-Karabakh.

It has been reported that at least 60% of Azerbaijan’s weapons purchases came directly from Israel. Tactical and intelligence drones in particular, that provided an advantage over the mountainous region of Nagorno-Karabakh, were critical in the victory of Azerbaijan. By supplying weapons to Azerbaijan, Israel managed to get access to a steady oil supply and be within proximity of its archenemy, Iran. This discreet alliance between Baku and Tel Aviv has allowed Israeli forces valuable access to Azeri infrastructure and airfields. Reports from within the country show Mossad agents operating near the borders with Iran. It is speculated that the border region between Azerbaijan and Iran is a vital area for the ongoing spy network of Israel against Iranian forces.

Antagonizing Iran is the main driving force behind this alliance. However, supporting Azerbaijan against Armenia has also various economic results for Israel. Thousands of Armenians have fled their lands, leaving behind the vast lands needed for development. Azerbaijan has announced the promotion of lucrative investments in the stolen lands of what was once been the Republic of Artsakh. As a result, this has attracted the attention of Israeli companies that cannot wait to get their hands on these investment opportunities. These investments are mostly focused on the renewable energy, health, and agriculture sectors.

The Role of The Big Players

A war between two states affects not only the nations fighting but also a plethora of various states seeking to benefit by siding and supporting the right side. One such nation is Erdogan’s Turkey. Since the resurrection of this conflict back in 2020, Turkey has been a close ally of Azerbaijan, providing it with weapons, resources, and valuable political security against Armenia. The unconditional support of Turkey towards Azerbaijan brought numerous benefits to Turkey. Primarily, it guaranteed a steady flow of oil towards it, which allowed Turkey to diversify from its energy dependency on Russia. In addition, apart from its energy security concerns covered, Turkey can also benefit economically from Azerbaijan’s win. With the war over and the Nagorno-Karabakh area cleared of ethnic Armenians, Azerbaijan can focus on building valuable infrastructure in the area, focusing on creating a road towards its exclave Nakhchivan, which can be a significant economic boost for trading between both nations.

Apart from Turkey, the U.S., E.U., and Israel can be more than happy to see Azerbaijan dominate in the area, as that means that Azerbaijan can potentially replace Russia as a reliable energy partner. Of course, the support of the U.S and the E.U countries towards Azerbaijan has been labeled as hypocritical as we listen every day on the news platforms how they denounce violence and worry about the protection of human rights, yet they purposefully ignore the crimes that Azerbaijan has committed.

How else could someone describe their behavior if not hypocritical, when they have allowed Azerbaijan to desecrate one of the world’s oldest Christian communities? There have already been reports about the destruction of Christian monuments and churches. This systematic destruction of cultural heritage will only get worse, as thousands of Armenians flee from the area fearing for their lives. Not to mention the numerous acts of barbarity committed by the Azerbaijani forces. Torture, beheadings, and executions of Armenian soldiers, the use of cluster and phosphorus munitions against civilians, psychological and physical violence against women and children, and many more horrific actions committed by the armed forces of Azerbaijan. Yet, we see no condemnation from the West, we do see however leaders praising Azerbaijan as a strategic energy partner, sacrificing every inch of integrity left in them just to go against Russia in the hopes of weakening the country.

Lastly, a state that was mentioned already a few times in this conflict is Russia. The Russian Federation has been the de facto political actor in the area and the conflict. Unlike other countries that seek to choose a side, Russia has been trying to achieve a balance between both fighting sides, as it is vital for it to remain as neutral as possible, hoping to bring stability to the area. Russia has deep historical ties with Armenia due to a common religion and common strategic ambitions. However, Russia needs to treat Azerbaijan with the same mutual respect, as it risks losing its sphere of influence in the Caucasus to Turkey and the West.

While some would suggest that the defeat of Armenians in Nagorno-Karabakh could pose a setback for Russia, they will be undeniably mistaken. With the defeat of Armenia, the noose is getting tighter on Nikol Pashinyan and his pro-western government. Massive protests erupted in Yerevan and other major cities in Armenia, calling for the resignation of Pashinyan and dissolution of the government. Something like that could only benefit Moscow, as a shift towards a pro-Russian stance in the internal affairs of Armenia will guarantee Russia’s grip on the region.

No matter who gains more from Azerbaijan’s victory, one thing is for certain. Thousands of people lost their lives and homes over the past three years. Thousands of people found themselves as refugees in their land. They have been witnesses to the barbarity of Azerbaijan’s forces and their hatred towards Christianity. They have seen the international community failing them and close allies turning their backs on them. In the end, another proxy war has ended, with all the different players involved gaining different things. Cruelty and barbarism from the Azerbaijani side have masqueraded as a just war, while ignorance from the West has been labeled as a strategic partnership. Three years later, peace has been labeled as a massive exodus for the Armenian people and the destruction of the Christian community.

https://moderndiplomacy.eu/2023/11/09/the-resurrection-of-a-conflict-analyzing-the-nagorno-karabakh-situation/

Where Is the International Will to Respond to the Ethnic Cleansing Taking Place in Karabakh/Artsakh?

Jadaliyya
Nov 9 2023
By : Jadaliyya Reports

As a community of critically engaged scholars and global citizens, we are shocked by the belated and insufficient response of the international community to the ethnic cleansing of what was, until weeks ago, the Armenian-populated enclave of Karabakh/Artsakh, located within the internationally recognized boundaries of Azerbaijan.

The precarious conditions of the local population were alarming enough for former International Criminal Court Chief Prosecutor Luis Moreno Ocampo to declare on multiple occasions that Azerbaijan's actions in Karabakh/Artsakh are in violation of the United Nations Genocide Convention. He stated in unwavering terms that “we cannot accept a new Armenian genocide in 2023,” a statement that recalls how only a century earlier the Ottoman Empire erased its indigenous Armenian inhabitants.

During the recent Azerbaijani campaign, more than 100,000 Artsakh Armenians who were ethnically cleansed from their homes were subject to dehumanizing epithets, including that of being labeled "terrorists," in a climate of inflammatory rhetoric that usually accompanies state violence, or worse, genocide. Caravans of Armenians were expelled fromthe mountain enclave to safety in Armenia, forcibly displaced by legitimate fears of atrocities, state-sanctioned ethnic hatred, and the suppression of their cultural rights. For the first time in the recorded history of the region, this majority ethnic Armenian enclave is depopulated of Armenians. They wereethnically cleansed while the world stood and watched.  

In 2020, Azerbaijan invaded the self-proclaimed Artsakh Republic, and has since committed horrific crimes against both military personnel and civilians.  Documented by international human rights groups and openly shared on Azerbaijani social media, Armenians were decapitated, mutilated, and raped in the course of the invasion which largely reduced the Artsakh Republic’s territorial holdings.  In addition, the Lachin Corridor that connected non-contiguous Karabakh/Artsakh to its Armenian neighbor has been blocked since December 2022, placing the territory under siege, an action that the International Court of Justice ruled was a “real and imminent risk” to the population. Siege, a technique used in mass atrocities in Tigray and Syria, starved the population of medical, food, and life-saving supplies, producing a classic case of ethnic cleansing by attrition.

Leading up to the military campaign to disarm and dismantle Artsakh in late September, President Ilham Aliyev of Azerbaijan (a close ally of both the US and Russia), has used a new single lettered slogan mimicking Russia’s fascist Z symbol that propagandizes its genocidal campaign in Ukraine. Baku has already signaled that the conquest of Karabakh/Artsakh will not be enough, having renamed neighboring Armenia “Western Azerbaijan,” giving parts of sovereign Armenia Azerbaijani place names in media broadcasts and speeches.

Currently, Armenians of Karabakh/Artsakh have been reliant on Russia, whose role as peacekeeper in the region is in name only. Azerbaijan, a country given the status of “not free” by Freedom House, is not a place where the Armenians of Artsakh can live freely without persecution, a status that even Azerbaijani citizens do not receive from their own government. 

As scholars and concerned global citizens, we urge the international community to place pressure on Azerbaijan and to establish guarantees and mechanisms for the safe return of Armenians to the region, including the protection of their inalienable property and right to live in their ancestral homeland. We ask that the United Nations deploy peacekeepers to protect the safe passage for all remaining refugees and heed warnings about the destruction of Armenian heritage that is sure to follow the evacuation of Armenians from the region. Azerbaijan’s pattern of targeting Armenian churches, monasteries, and cemeteries is well-documented by monitoring agencies. We urge the international community to take action to protect some of the world’s oldest Christian heritage from established patterns of destruction.  Lastly, we call for Armenia’s beleaguered democracy and civil society—and, indeed, its sovereignty and territorial integrity—to be ensured and its people assured that they have not been abandoned by the international community. Only with guarantees that international law and treaties will be upheld in the troubled region can the cycle of violence finally be broken.

Signed,

Levon Abrahamian, Head of the Department of Cultural Anthropology, Institute of Archaeology & Ethnography, NAS RA.

Can Aciksoz, Associate Professor of Anthropology, UCLA

Hakem Al-Rustom, Alex Manoogian Professor of Modern Armenian History, Assistant Professor of History and of Anthropology, University of Michigan. 

Dr. Avril Alba, Associate Professor in Holocaust Studies and Jewish Civilization, Hebrew, Biblical and Jewish Studies, Deputy HoS (Research) School of Languages and Cultures, The University of Sydney.  

Anna Aleksanyan, postdoctoral fellow at the Armenian Genocide Research Program of the Promise Armenian Institute at UCLA

Sophia Armen, Independent Scholar

Richard Antaramian, PhD, Associate Professor of History, University of Southern California.

Dr. Sebouh David Aslanian, Professor of History and Richard Hovannisian Chair of Modern Armenian History, UCLA.

Maral N. Attallah, Distinguished Lecturer, Dept. of Critical Race, Gender and Sexuality Studies, Cal Poly Humboldt.  

Dr. Levon Avdoyan, Armenian and Georgian Area Specialist (retired)

Babayan Kathryn, Professor, History & Middle East Studies, University of Michigan. 

Peter Balakian, Rebar Professor of the Humanities in the department of English, Colgate University.

Aslı Bâli, Professor of Law, Yale University

Omer Bartov, Samuel Pisar Professor of Holocaust and Genocide Studies, Brown University.

Tina Bastajian, Lecturer, Amsterdam University College; Sandberg Institute. 

Jean- Philippe Belleau, Associate Professor of Anthropology at the University of Massachusetts Boston.  

Houri Berberian, Professor of History, Meghrouni Family Presidential Chair in Armenian Studies, Director of the Center for Armenian Studies, University of California, Irvine. 

Matthias Bjørnlund, historian, genocide scholar.

Donald Bloxham, Richard Pares Professor of History, University of Edinburgh. 

Eric Bogosian, American actor, playwright, monologuist, novelist, historian

Ne’lida Elena Boulgourdjian, Professor of History, University of Tres de Febrero, Argentina. 

Talar Chahinian, Lecturer, Program for Armenian Studies, University of California, Irvine. 

S. Peter Cowe, Distinguished Professor, Narekatsi Chair of Armenian Studies, Near Eastern languages and Cultures, UCLA.

Asya Darbinyan, Executive Director, Center for Holocaust, Human Rights & Genocide Education (Chhange). 

Dr Vazken Khatchig Davidian, Associate Faculty Member, Faculty of Asian and Middle Eastern Studies, University of Oxford. 

Ruben Davtyan, PostDoc in Archaeology, Martin Luther University Halle-Wittenberg, Germany.

Bedross Der Matossian, Professor of History and Hymen Rosenberg Professor in Judaic Studies, University of Nebraska, Lincoln

Silvina Der Meguerditchian, Independent Visual Artist

Dzovinar Derderian, Lecturer, Department of History, University of California, Berkeley, Executive Director, Armenian Studies Program. 

Hossep Dolatian, Visiting Scholar, Department of Linguistics, Stony Brook University.

Samuel Dolbee, Assistant Professor, Department of History, Vanderbilt University. 

Atom Egoyan, Filmmaker.

Caroline Ford, Professor of History at the University of California, Los Angeles.

Andrea S. Goldman, Associate Professor, Department of History, UCLA

Fatma Müge Göçek, Professor of Sociology, University of Michigan

Rachel Goshgarian, Associate Professor of History, Lafayette College

Chris Gratien, Associate Professor, Department of History, University of Virginia

Talinn Grigor, Professor of Art History, University of California, Davis

Dr. Edita Gzoyan, Acting Director at Armenian Genocide Museum & Institute

Mashinka Firunts Hakopian, Associate Professor, ArtCenter College of Design.

Prof. Garry R. Hannah. Executive Director, Promise Institute for Human Rights, UCLA School of Law

Diana Hayrapetyan, PhD Candidate, Strassler Center for Holocaust and Genocide Studies, Clark University 

Katsuya Hirano, Associate Professor, UCLA 

Dr Tessa Hofmann, Scholar of genocide and Armenian studies, author; formerly Freie Universität Berlin, Institute for Eastern European Studies

Margaret C. Jacob, Distinguished Professor of Research, Emerita, Department of History, UCLA

Arsinée Khanjian, Actor and Political Activist

Ayşenur Korkmaz, Post-doctoral Research Fellow, The Netherlands Institute for Advanced Study

Nancy Kricorian, Writer

Rudi Matthee, John and Dorothy Munroe, Distinguished Professor of History, University of Delaware.

Dr. Suren Manukyan, Head of the UNESCO Chair on Prevention of Genocide and Other Atrocity Crimes, Yerevan State University. 

Seta Kabranian Melkonian, Assistant Professor, Department of Human Services, University of Alaska, Anchorage. 

Ronald Mellor, Distinguished Professor of History, Emeritus, University of California, Los Angeles

Dr. Ani Kalayjian, Prof., Association for Trauma Outreach & Prevention, ATOP, Meaningful world, and Columbia University.

Philippe Raffi Kalfayan, Ph.D., Associate Researcher and Lecturer in International Public Law at Paris Pantheon-Assas University, France. 

Dikran M. Kaligian, historian, author

Dr. Sossie Kasbarian, Senior Lecturer, University of Stirling 

Robin D.G. Kelley, Professor of History UCLA 

Thomas Kühne, Strassler Colin Flug Professor of Holocaust History, Clark University

Dr. Umit Kurt, University of Newcastle, the Center for Study of Violence. 

Sergio La Porta, Associate Dean of the College of Arts and Humanities, California State University, Fresno 

Jacob Ari Labendz, Scholar of Jewish History and Culture

Marc A. Mamigonian, Director of Academic Affairs, National Association for Armenian Studies and Research (NAASR)

Christina Maranci, Mashtots Professor of Armenian Studies, Harvard University

Afshin Matin-Asgari, Professor, Department of History, California State University, Los Angeles

Deborah Mayersen, Senior Lecturer in International and Political Studies, School of Humanities and Social Studies, University of New South Wales Canberra at the Australian Defence Force Academy

Ronald Mellor, Distinguished Professor of History, Emeritus, University of California, Los Angeles

Franz A Metcalf, Instructor, CSULA, Review Editor, JGB, H-Buddhism

Muriel Mirak-Weißbach, Author and Journalist, Armenian Mirror-Spectator, Mainz-Kastel, Germany

Dirk A. Moses, Anne and Bernard Spitzer Professor of International Relations, The City  College of New York, CUNY 

Khatchig Mouradian, lecturer in Middle Eastern, South Asian, and African Studies, Columbia University. 

Tsolin Nalbantian, Associate Professor of Modern Middle East History, Leiden University, the Netherlands. 

Dr. Melanie O'Brien, Visiting Professor, Center for Holocaust & Genocide Studies, University of Minnesota; President, International Association of Genocide Scholars.

Dr. Darren O’Brien, Honorary Senior Research Fellow, School of Historical and Philosophical Inquiry, The University of Queensland.

Sheila Paylan, International Human Rights Lawyer and Former Legal Adviser to the United States. 

Dr. Rafal Pankowski, Professor at Collegium Civitas, co-founder of “NEVER AGAIN” Association, Poland  

Hrag Papazian, Assistant Professor of Anthropology, American University of Armenia 

Jess Peake, Assistant Director, the Promise Institute for Human Rights, UCLA School of Law

Rubina Peroomian, Ph.D., Genocide Scholar (independent, formerly UCLA)

Pirinjian Lori, PhD Student in Armenian Studies, UCLA Department of Near Eastern Languages & Cultures 

Jasamin Rostam-Kolayi, Professor of Modern Middle East History, California State University, Fullerton

E. Natalie Rothman, Professor of History, Department of Historical and Cultural Studies, University of Toronto, Scarborough  

Teo Ruiz, Professor, University of California, Los Angeles 

Joachim J. Savelsberg, Professor of Sociology and Law, Arsham and Charlotte Ohanessian Chair, University of Minnesota 

Elyse Semerdjian, Robert Aram and Marianne Kaloosdian and Stephen and Marian Mugar Chair of Armenian Genocide Studies, Clark University 

Viviane Seyranian, Ph.D., Associate Professor of Psychology, California State Polytechnic University, Pomona.

Gayane Shagoyan, Leading Researcher, Institute of Archaeology and Ethnography, National Academy of Societies of Armenia

Awring Shaways, Founding President of KG Lobby Center and Member of IAGS

Christopher Sheklian, Postdoctoral Researcher, Radboud University Nijmegen, the Netherlands

Tamar Shirinian, Assistant Professor, Department of Anthropology, University of Tennessee, Knoxville  

Gregory. H Stanton, Founding President Genocide Watch 

Sanjay Subrahmanyam, Distinguished Professor of History and Irving & Jean Stone Chair in Social Sciences at UCLA

Ronald Grigor Suny, Willian H. Sewell, Jr. Distinguished University Professor Emeritus of History, Emeritus Professor of Political Science, The University of Michigan

Frances Tanzer, Rose Professor of Holocaust Studies and Modern Jewish History and Culture, Strassler Center for Holocaust and Genocide Studies 

Jeanne Theoharis, Distinguished Professor of Political Science, Brooklyn College of CUNY

George Theoharis, Professor of Educational Leadership & Inclusion Education, Syracuse University.   

Henry C. Theriault, Founding Co-Editor, Genocide Studies International, and Associate Vice President for Academic Affairs, Worcester State University History and Civilization Department of Middle Eastern, South Asian, and African Studies.

Glenn Timmermans, Associate Professor, Department of English, Faculty of Arts and Humanities, University of Macau, China.

Artyom Tonoyan, Visiting Professor of Global Studies, Hamline University.

Alison M. Vacca, Gevork M. Avedissian Associate Professor of Armenian.

von Joeden-Forgey Elisa Dr., Executive Director, Lemkin Institute for Genocide Prevention.

Hrag Vartanian, Art critic and Editor-in-chief, Hyperallergic 

Keith David Watenpaugh, Professor and Director, Human Rights Studies, University of California, Davis

Dr. Stephanie Wolfe, Weber State University, First Vice-President of the International Association of Genocide Scholars 

Hrag David Yacoubian, Assistant Professor at Memorial University of Newfoundland, PhD Candidate at University British Columbia  

Heghnar Zeitlian Watenpaugh, Professor of Art History, University of California, Davis

Cornel West, Dietrich Bonhoeffer Chair at Union Theological Seminary and Presidential Candidate

Anahita Mahdavi-West, Professor, Long Beach City College


https://www.jadaliyya.com/Details/45479


First Karabakh Armenian convicted in Azerbaijan

eurasianet
Nov 9 2023
Nov 9, 2023

On November 7, the Baku Military Court convicted a Karabakh Armenian man of committing "genocide" and illegal deportation and sentenced him to 15 years in prison. 

Vagif Khachatryan, 68, is thus the first of a handful of Karabakh Armenians in Azerbaijani detention to be convicted. He is the only one that is not a former high-ranking official of the self-proclaimed Nagorno-Karabakh Republic. 

He was also the first to be arrested. Khachaturyan was detained by Azerbaijani border guards in July at the newly constructed Lachin checkpoint. At that time, Nagorno-Karabakh was still inhabited by Armenians and was under Azerbaijani blockade. Khachatryan was due to have a heart operation in Yerevan and was one of a limited number of people being allowed passage through the checkpoint with the help of the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC).

Khachatryan was accused of committing war crimes against Azerbaijanis during the First Karabakh War, specifically during Armenian forces' seizure of the village of Meshali in Nagorno-Karabakh's Khojaly District on December 22, 1991. In that incident, 25 Azerbaijanis were reportedly killed and more than 350 were expelled. 

Several survivors from Meshali were brought in as witnesses to Khachatryan's trial, and most claimed to recognize him. “They attacked civilians. Vagif, his brother, and others were also there. They hated Azerbaijanis. They said that the land and the village belonged to them and told us to leave. They poisoned and slaughtered our cattle in the meadow,” one former Meshali resident told the court. 

Khachatryan denied his involvement in the Meshali events and claimed that he only worked in provisions in the rear during the war. “I didn’t participate in events in the Meshali village, but I’m sorry for whatever happened to the Azerbaijani people from our side,” he said. 

Khachatryan is a native of the village of Patara, which is about six kilometers from the site of the alleged atrocity.

The 15-year sentence was the maximum possible. Azerbaijani law envisages a maximum sentence of life in prison for war crimes but prohibits life sentencing for those over 65. 

Armenia's Foreign Ministry said the trial was a mockery of justice that went against the norms of international humanitarian law. 

Khachatryan was the only Karabakh Armenian to be arrested and charged prior to Azerbaijan's lightning offensive to retake all of Nagorno-Karabakh on September 19-20. That operation, followed by the surrender of the Karabakh army and the dissolution of its government structures, triggered the flight of the region's Armenian population. 

During that exodus, Azerbaijan arrested eight former high-ranking officials of the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic, including its last three presidents.

They face various charges including terrorism and separatism. Their trials have yet to start.

https://eurasianet.org/first-karabakh-armenian-convicted-in-azerbaijan

EU launches two calls for proposals to foster cross-border collaboration and pluralism – open for Armenia, Georgia, Ukraine

Nov 9 2023
 

The European Union launched a new call for proposals on 26 October for journalism partnerships, split into two topics – one focused on cross-border collaboration and one on local media pluralism. The programme will help independent media become more sustainable and resilient and promote respect for the core principles of media freedom, pluralism and civic participation.

The first topic, “Collaborations”, aims to foster media transformation, trustworthy reporting and skills for news media professionals, for instance by developing media production standards, new models of business, new types of newsrooms and journalistic formats and exchanging best practices. The cumulative budget is €6 million with a maximum of €2 million per project, accounting for 80% of the total eligible costs.

The second topic, “Pluralism”, aims to support news media sectors of special relevance to democracy and civic participation, notably local and regional media, community media, investigative journalism and organisations delivering public interest news. The tender is meant for organisations with experience in media to put in cascading grants, and totals €5 million with a maximum of €3 million per project, accounting for 90% of the total eligible costs.

The two tenders are open to organisations in EU Member States and members of the Creative Europe Programme, including Armenia, Georgia and Ukraine.

The deadline for applications is 14 February 2024.

The grants encompass the Cross Sectoral Strand under the Creative Europe Programme in accordance with the 2024 Work Programme and will be managed by the European Education and Culture Executive Agency (EACEA).

The Strand addresses the structural and technological changes faced by the media sector

by promoting an independent and pluralistic media environment. It also supports high-quality media production standards by fostering cooperation, digital skills, cross-border collaborative journalism, and quality content.

Find out more

Tender 1 – Collaborations

Tender 2 – Pluralism

https://euneighbourseast.eu/opportunities/eu-launches-two-calls-for-proposals-to-foster-cross-border-collaboration-and-pluralism-open-for-armenia-georgia-ukraine/

ARMENIA: Conscientious objector’s two-year jail term

Nov 9 2023

On 25 October, a Yerevan court handed Baptist conscientious objector Davit Nazaretyan a two-year jail sentence for "Avoidance of mandatory military or alternative service or conscription", despite his repeated requests for alternative civilian service. "Of course it's bad, but the law demands it," said religious affairs official Vardan Astsatryan. Nazaretyan plans to appeal, and is at home until it is heard. Multiple officials have not explained to Forum 18 why international human rights obligations to respect the rights of conscientious objectors to military service should not apply in Nazaretyan's case.

Despite his repeated requests for alternative civilian service, officials of the Conscription Service and of the Alternative Service Commission refused Baptist conscientious objector Davit Nazaretyan's application. On 25 October, Judge Gagik Pogosyan of Yerevan's Kentron District Court handed the 20-year-old a two-year jail term for "Avoidance of mandatory military or alternative service or conscription". He is planning to appeal, and is at home in Yerevan until any appeal is heard.

Davit Nazaretyan
Davit Nazaretyan

Armenia's legally-binding international human rights obligations require states to respect the right to conscientiously object to military service as part of the freedom of religion and belief. For example, the United Nations (UN) Working Group on Arbitrary Detention stated in 2022: "States should refrain from imprisoning individuals solely on the basis of their conscientious objection to military service, and should release those that have been so imprisoned."

Various judgments (including against Armenia) of the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) in Strasbourg have also defined states' obligations to respect and implement the right to conscientious objection to military service, as part of the right to freedom of religion or belief (see below).

"Davit asked for alternative civilian service," Baptist Pastor Mikhail Shubin – who attended the trial with other Baptists – told Forum 18. "If the law allows this, why didn't they give it to him? If an individual's conscientious views do not allow him to carry weapons or swear the oath, why didn't they give him alternative service?" (see below).

Judge Pogosyan's assistant refused to put Forum 18 through to the Judge to find out why he jailed an individual who could not serve in the military on grounds of conscience and who is ready to perform alternative civilian service. "Everything is written in the verdict," the assistant – who did not give his name – told Forum 18. The assistant pointed out that Nazaretyan has the right to appeal and noted that the verdict has not yet come into legal force (see below).

"I am a Christian and I read the Bible," Nazaretyan told Forum 18. "Jesus Christ teaches us not to kill and he followed this also. We have to love one another, even our enemies, and not kill people." He added that Jesus Christ also instructed his followers not to swear oaths. "If I was given alternative civilian service now, I would do it" (see below).

Forum 18 was unable to ask Serop Armenakyan of Yerevan's No. 2 Regional Division of the Conscription Service why he had refused to accept Nazaretyan's application for alternative civilian service in July 2022. The duty officer told Forum 18 that Armenakyan was out of the office. He insisted that "all here work according to the law". He added that decisions on whether to grant alternative civilian service are taken not by the local office of the Conscription Service but by the Alternative Service Commission (see below).

In early 2023, while the criminal investigation was already underway, officials summoned Nazaretyan to the Alternative Service Commission. This is a state body made up of deputy ministers from a range of ministries, as well as Vardan Astsatryan of the government's Department for Ethnic Minorities and Religious Affairs. On 23 January, it accepted all the Jehovah's Witnesses' applications for alternative civilian service, but rejected Nazaretyan's (see below).

Arkady Cherchinyan, head of the Territorial Management and Infrastructure Ministry's Administrative Control Department, who officials said was in charge of alternative service issues at the Ministry, told Forum 18 that he had not participated in the 23 January meetings with applicants for alternative civilian service and refused to discuss anything (see below).

Asked why the Commission rejected Nazaretyan's application, Astsatryan of the government's Department for Ethnic Minorities and Religious Affairs said he does not remember the name. "If he has these views he should have presented them," he told Forum 18 (see below).

Investigator Arsen Topchyan handed documents on Nazaretyan's case to the Theology Faculty of Yerevan State University and asked it to review his religious views. The Theology Faculty is led by Bishop Anushavan Jamkochyan of the Armenian Apostolic Church.

The Faculty claimed that the case materials on Nazaretyan's religious affiliation were allegedly "contradictory". Despite admitting that Nazaretyan regularly attends a Baptist Church with his family, the Theological Faculty claimed: "We conclude from all this that Nazaretyan's religious worldview is either not clearly formed, or he himself does not clearly know what religious affiliation he has. We also do not rule out that his statements are opportunistic" (see below).

The Theology Faculty also claimed: "The creed of the Baptist Church and the analysis of the presented case materials allow us to state that Nazaretyan's freedom of thought, conscience and religion would not be restricted by military service" (see below).

However, Nazaretyan's Baptist Pastor, Mikhail Shubin, says that he and his Church think that decisions on whether or not church members should serve in the military are "a personal decision for each church member based on their conscience", he told Forum 18 from Yerevan. "We support Davit in his decision" (see below).

Bishop Anushavan and a lecturer at the Theology Faculty did not respond to Forum 18's requests for comment. So Forum 18 was unable to find out why they offer views on beliefs they do not understand, and why they also offer views on a legally binding human rights obligation – the freedom of thought, conscience and belief – which they also do not understand (see below).

Investigator Topchyan confirmed to Forum 18 that he had been the investigator in Nazaretyan's case. But he refused to explain why he handed case materials to and asked for an assessment of Nazaretyan's religious beliefs from the Theology Faculty, which is led by a member of another religious community. It also remains unclear why he sought views on the implementation of Armenia's legally binding human rights obligations from a group which does not understand Armenia's obligations (see below).

As Investigator Topchan refused to discuss the case, Forum 18 was also not able to ask him why he thought Armenia's international human rights obligation to respect the rights of conscientious objectors to military service should not apply in Nazaretyan's case (see below).

Anna Barsegyan of Yerevan Garrison Military Prosecutor's Office, who led the case, including in court, did not answer Forum 18's questions as to why she brought the criminal case against Nazaretyan when he cannot serve in the armed forces because of his conscientious beliefs, when alternative civilian service exists in Armenia, and when he repeatedly asked to be allowed to perform alternative civilian service (see below).

Human rights defender Isabella Sargsyan of the Eurasia Partnership Foundation in Yerevan has reviewed documents in Nazaretyan's case. "We haven't heard of such cases for a long while, and it is disappointing to see the position of the Alternative Service Commission and the court on this matter," she told Forum 18 from Yerevan on 8 November.

All men in Armenia are subject to conscription between the ages of 18 and 27. Deferments are available in strictly limited circumstances. Military service lasts for 24 months. Those subject to conscription can apply for service without weapons within the armed forces, which lasts 30 months, or for alternative civilian service, which lasts 36 months.

For many years, Armenia jailed those unable to perform military service on grounds of conscience, despite a commitment to the Council of Europe to introduce a civilian alternative to military service by January 2004. Armenia jailed more than 450 Jehovah's Witnesses and one Molokan Christian. All had refused a military-controlled alternative service that did not meet Armenia's legally-binding international human rights obligations.

In May 2013, amendments to the 2003 Alternative Service Law and to the 2003 Law on Implementing the Criminal Code were passed, and a fully civilian alternative service was created. By November 2013, the authorities had freed all the then-jailed jailed conscientious objectors. All were Jehovah's Witnesses. Since 2013 hundreds of young men have undertaken alternative civilian service, without any reported problems.

The United Nations (UN) Human Rights Committee has stated in its General Comment 22 that conscientious objection to military service comes under International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) Article 18 ("Freedom of thought, conscience and religion"). General Comment 22 notes that if a religion or belief is official or followed by a majority of the population this "shall not result in any impairment of the enjoyment of any of the rights under the Covenant .. nor in any discrimination against adherents to other religions or non-believers."

In relation to conscientious objection to military service, General Comment 22 also states among other things: "there shall be no differentiation among conscientious objectors on the basis of the nature of their particular beliefs; likewise, there shall be no discrimination against conscientious objectors because they have failed to perform military service."

This has been reinforced by the UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) recognising "the right of everyone to have conscientious objection to military service as a legitimate exercise of the right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion". The OHCHR has also noted in its Conscientious Objection to Military Service guide that ICCPR Article 18 is "a non-derogable right .. even during times of a public emergency threatening the life of the nation".

In 2022 the UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention stated (WGAD-HRC50) that "the right to conscientious objection to military service is part of the absolutely protected right to hold a belief under article 18 (1) of the Covenant, which cannot be restricted by States". The Working Group also stated: "States should refrain from imprisoning individuals solely on the basis of their conscientious objection to military service, and should release those that have been so imprisoned."

Various judgments (including against Armenia) of the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) in Strasbourg have also defined states' obligations to respect and implement the right to conscientious objection to military service, as part of the right to freedom of religion or belief.

Davit Tigrani Nazaretyan (born 23 July 2003) lives in the capital Yerevan and is a member of a Council of Churches Baptist congregation in Arinj, a town next to Yerevan. The congregation – which chooses not to seek state registration – is led by Pastor Mikhail Shubin.

"I am a Christian and I read the Bible," Nazaretyan told Forum 18 from Yerevan on 7 November 2023. "Jesus Christ teaches us not to kill and he followed this also. We have to love one another, even our enemies, and not kill people." He added that Jesus Christ also instructed his followers not to swear oaths. "If I was given alternative civilian service now, I would do it."

During the winter 2021 call-up Nazaretyan was still in education and call-up was deferred until 2022, according to the subsequent court decision. When called up in summer 2022, he went on 24 June 2022 to Yerevan's No. 2 Regional Division of the Conscription Service and stated that because of his religious principles, he wanted to opt for alternative civilian service. In his written application, he declared: "I, Davit Nazaretyan, inform you that my religion does not allow me to carry weapons, so I ask you to send me to alternative service."

But in his response of 27 June, Serop Armenakyan, the head of Yerevan's No. 2 Regional Division, said that Nazaretyan's application for alternative civilian service would not be considered as it should have been lodged before the call-up period, by 1 June 2022.

Forum 18 was unable to ask Armenakyan why he had refused to accept Nazaretyan's application for alternative civilian service. The duty officer at Yerevan's No. 2 Regional Division told Forum 18 that Armenakyan was out of the office on 9 November 2023. He insisted that "all here work according to the law". He added that decisions on whether to grant alternative civilian service are taken not by the local office of the Conscription Service but by the Alternative Service Commission.

On 27 June 2022, Nazaretyan submitted a further statement to the No. 2 Regional Division: "I am informing you that I, Davit Nazaretyan, want to switch to alternative service, but I was informed that the deadline for submitting applications has already passed. I refuse to receive the Armed Forces conscription notice, at the same time I am informed that after the end of the conscription period, the materials regarding me will be sent to investigative bodies."

Nazaretyan applied for alternative civilian service several more times in 2022, but each time military officials rejected the application, claiming it was not well-founded.

Individuals who refuse or avoid military service or alternative service in peacetime can be prosecuted under Criminal Code Article 461, Part 1 ("Avoidance of mandatory military or alternative service or conscription"). Part 1 carries a prison term of two to five years.

On 12 August 2022, Arsen Topchyan, Acting Investigator of the Fourth Garrison Investigation Department of the Main Military Investigation Department of the Investigative Committee, initiated criminal proceedings against Nazaretyan under Criminal Code Article 461, Part 1 ("Avoidance of mandatory military or alternative service or conscription").

On 4 October 2022, Anna Barsegyan of Yerevan Garrison Military Prosecutor's Office formally charged Nazaretyan. Three days later, Investigator Topchyan banned Nazaretyan from leaving the country as a "preventative measure".

Through colleagues at Yerevan Garrison Military Prosecutor's Office, Prosecutor Barsegyan told Forum 18 that she would not answer questions on Nazaretyan's case by phone and that questions should be sent in writing.

Forum 18 asked Prosecutor Barsegyan in writing in the middle of the working day in Yerevan of 9 November: Why she brought the criminal case against Nazaretyan when he cannot serve in the armed forces because of his conscientious beliefs, when alternative civilian service exists in Armenia, and when he repeatedly asked to be allowed to perform alternative civilian service. Forum 18 received no response by the end of the working day in Yerevan of 9 November.

In early 2023, while the criminal investigation was already underway, officials summoned Davit Nazaretyan to the Alternative Service Commission. This is a state body made up of deputy ministers from a range of ministries, as well as Vardan Astsatryan of the government's Department for Ethnic Minorities and Religious Affairs.

On 23 January, the Commission interviewed more than ten applicants for alternative civilian service, including Nazaretyan.

However, in its 23 January decision, it rejected Nazaretyan's appeal for alternative civilian service as "the applicant failed to prove that his duty to perform mandatory military service is in serious conflict with his conscience or deep and real religious belief or other beliefs," according to the subsequent court verdict.

"I was summoned to the Committee with about 10 other young men, all of them Jehovah's Witnesses," Nazaretyan told Forum 18. "The Jehovah's Witnesses were taken for questioning in groups of three or four and were in there for about two minutes. I went in on my own and was questioned for 10 or 15 minutes about my family background, when I started attending church, and my reasons for rejecting military service. All the Jehovah's Witnesses were given alternative service, but not me."

Following the 23 January meeting, the 30 January written rejection of Nazaretyan's application (seen by Forum 18) came from Grigor Minasyan of the Justice Ministry.

Isabella Sargsyan, 5 October 2023
OSCE/Piotr Dziubak [CC BY-ND 2.0 Deed]

The Deputy Minister of Territorial Management and Infrastructure, Vache Terteryan, chairs the Alternative Service Commission. He wrote to Nazaretyan on 2 February (in a letter seen by Forum 18) rejecting his application for alternative civilian service.

Officials at the Territorial Management and Infrastructure Ministry said Deputy Minister Terteryan was unavailable on 8 November. They referred Forum 18 to Arkady Cherchinyan, head of the Ministry's Administrative Control Department, who they said was in charge of alternative service issues at the Ministry. He told Forum 18 the same day that he had not participated in the 23 January meetings with applicants for alternative civilian service and refused to discuss anything.

Asked on 8 November why the Commission rejected Nazaretyan's application, Astsatryan of the government's Department for Ethnic Minorities and Religious Affairs said he does not remember the name. "If he has these views he should have presented them," he told Forum 18. "There's nothing strange about him not being given alternative service. But he had the right to challenge the refusal in court. He should have gone to court to defend his right."

Human rights defender Isabella Sargsyan questions whether the Commission is competent to evaluate who should or should not be given alternative civilian service. "It is meant to be a public body, but in reality it is a fully government body, staffed mainly with deputy ministers not always knowledgeable or sensitive to human rights and minority issues," she told Forum 18.

Sargsyan of the Eurasia Partnership Foundation noted that Vardan Astsatryan of the government's Department for Ethnic Minorities and Religious Affairs is the only Commission member with expertise in the area of freedom of religion or belief.

"So the Commission seems to follow his recommendation in each case. My experience suggests that government officials – except those who deal with human rights professionally – are not well educated in human rights issues, and often lead by their own perceptions and biases when dealing with matters related to minority rights," Sargsyan maintained.

Investigator Arsen Topchyan handed documents on Nazaretyan's case to the Theology Faculty of Yerevan State University and asked it to review the case and Nazaretyan's religious views. The Theology Faculty is led by Bishop Anushavan Jamkochyan of the Armenian Apostolic Church, according to its page on the University website.

"The dogmatic theology they teach at the Theology Faculty is mostly of the Armenian Apostolic Church," human rights defender Sargsyan told Forum 18. "Obviously it can't be impartial."

Investigator Topchyan confirmed to Forum 18 that he had been the investigator in Nazaretyan's case. But he refused to explain why he handed case materials to and asked for an assessment of Nazaretyan's religious beliefs from the Theology Faculty, which is led by a member of another religious community. "I won't say anything by phone," he told Forum 18 from Yerevan on 8 November. "I don't have the right."

Forum 18 was also not able to ask Investigator Topchan why he thought Armenia's international human rights obligation to respect the rights of conscientious objectors to military service should not apply in Nazaretyan's case.

On 17 April, the Theology Faculty issued its conclusion, claiming that the case materials on Nazaretyan's religious affiliation were allegedly "contradictory". Despite admitting that Nazeretyan regularly attends a Baptist Church with his family, the Theological Faculty claimed: "We conclude from all this that Nazaretyan's religious worldview is either not clearly formed, or he himself does not clearly know what religious affiliation he has. We also do not rule out that his statements are opportunistic."

The Theology Faculty conclusion added: "If we take into account the fact that he presents himself as a follower of the Evangelical Baptist Church and considers himself a 'Christian', then we can state that hatred of weapons is not characteristic of Christianity, otherwise the Christian world system as a religio-political entity cannot be established." It concluded: "The creed of the Baptist Church and the analysis of the presented case materials allow us to state that Nazaretyan's freedom of thought, conscience and religion would not be restricted by military service."

However, Baptist Pastor Mikhail Shubin says that he and his Church think that decisions on whether or not church members should serve in the military are "a personal decision for each church member based on their conscience", he told Forum 18 from Yerevan on 9 November. "We support Davit in his decision."

Bishop Anushavan and a lecturer at the Theology Faculty did not respond to Forum 18's requests for comment. So Forum 18 was unable to find out why they offer views on beliefs they do not understand, and why they also offer views on a legally binding human rights obligation – the freedom of thought, conscience and belief – which they also do not understand.

As Investigator Topchyan would not discuss the case with Forum 18, it remains unclear why he sought views on the implementation of Armenia's legally binding human rights obligations from a group which does not understand Armenia's obligations.

The criminal case against Nazaretyan was halted in early 2023 but soon resumed. On 12 June 2023, the case was sent to Yerevan's Kentron District Court, where it was assigned to Judge Gagik Pogosyan.

Davit Nazaretyan (centre) with parents, Gagik Mirzoyan (left), Mikhail Shubin (right), Kentron District Court, Yerevan, 25 October 2023
Davit Nazaretyan

Davit Nazaretyan's trial began under Judge Gagik Pogosyan at Yerevan's Kentron District Court with a preliminary hearing on 4 July. Anna Barsegyan led the prosecution case in court. Nazaretyan did not have a lawyer. "I didn't think the case would be too difficult," he told Forum 18. The trial lasted for three hearings, though for one of them the hearing was cancelled as the Prosecutor did not turn up.

Nazaretyan's parents and the Church's Pastor Mikhail Shubin attended each of the hearings to support Nazaretyan. Also attending the final hearing was fellow Baptist conscientious objector Gagik Mirzoyan.

(Mirzoyan, who is from what was the Armenian-controlled Nagorno-Karabakh Region, was forcibly taken to a military unit there in December 2004 and beaten after refusing to swear the oath and bear arms. In July 2005 he was given a suspended sentence. But he was then jailed from September 2005 to September 2006. After being freed, he was transferred to a military unit, where he was – eventually – able to serve without swearing the oath and without bearing arms. He was released from service in January 2008. He fled Nagorno-Karabakh with almost all the Armenian population in September 2023.)

At the final hearing in Nazaretyan's trial on 25 October, Judge Pogosyan found him guilty under Criminal Code Article 461, Part 1 ("Avoidance of mandatory military or alternative service or conscription"). He sentenced him to two years' imprisonment, the minimum under Part 1 of the Article. The decision would come into force only after any appeal to the Criminal Court of Appeal is heard, for which Nazaretyan has one month from receiving the written verdict.

In the meantime, the Judge kept in place the ban on Nazaretyan leaving the country. The two-year jail term would run from the time Nazaretyan is taken into custody.

Judge Pogosyan's assistant refused to put Forum 18 through to the Judge. "Everything is written in the verdict," the assistant – who did not give his name – told Forum 18 from the court on 8 November. The assistant pointed out that Nazaretyan has the right to appeal and noted that the verdict has not yet come into legal force.

"Davit asked for alternative civilian service," Pastor Shubin told Forum 18. "If the law allows this, why didn't they give it to him? If an individual's conscientious views do not allow him to carry weapons or swear the oath, why didn't they give him alternative service?"

Asked his view of Nazaretyan's two-year jail term given that he had repeatedly applied for alternative service, Astsatryan of the government's Department for Ethnic Minorities and Religious Affairs told Forum 18: "Of course it's bad, but the law demands it."

Nazaretyan told Forum 18 he will appeal against the conviction and jail term and is looking for a lawyer for the appeal. (END)

Reports on freedom of thought, conscience and belief in Armenia

https://www.forum18.org/archive.php?article_id=2873

Podcast | How the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War has reshaped the region

Nov 9 2023
 9 November 2023
The Second Nagorno-Karabakh War has had a lasting impact on the South Caucasus, leading to a massive geopolitical shift. Azerbaijan emerged victorious, taking control of large swathes of territory in 2020, and eventually what remained of Nagorno-Karabakh in September 2023. Nagorno-Karabakh’s Armenian population was forced to flee the region into Armenia, which since the war, has been forced to reassess its traditional alliance with Russia and to turn West for assistance.

This episode, we spoke to Marut Vanyan, a journalist from Nagorno-Karabakh, about the exodus of the region’s Armenian population and the challenges they face in Armenia. We also spoke to Civilnet’s editor-in-chief, Karen Harutyunyan, about how Armenia changed since the war and its partnership with Russia, to Bahruz Samadov, a PhD candidate at Charles University in Prague, about how the conflict has helped further legitimise President Ilham Aliyev’s rule.

https://oc-media.org/podcasts/podcast-how-the-second-nagorno-karabakh-war-has-reshaped-the-region/

Nagorno Karabakh, surviving war

Nov 9 2023
09/11/2023 -  Armine Avetisyan Yerevan

“There are 14 of us, I am with my family: my brother-in-law, my mother-in-law and my father-in-law, with 5 children”, says Aspram Sargsyan, who moved to Armenia from Nagorno Karabakh a month ago.

Sargsyan has 5 children, and her husband's brother has 3. Before moving to Armenia, the family lived in the Drmbon settlement of Nagorno Karabakh. At the start of the war on September 19, the family first moved to a nearby village, then reached Stepanakert, the capital of Nagorno Karabakh.

On September 19, Nagorno Karabakh was subjected to a large-scale attack by Azerbaijan which lasted less than 2 days.

On September 20, Nagorno Karabakh announced that a ceasefire agreement was reached through the mediation of Russian peacekeepers, and representatives of Artsakh and Azerbaijan would meet in Yevlakh on September 21.

“Since September 19, the Republic of Azerbaijan launched a large-scale attack along the entire line of contact with the Republic of Artsakh, along with massive missile and airstrikes. The analysis of the actions of the Armed Forces of Azerbaijan shows that the task of dividing Artsakh and causing irreparable damage to its vitality is set. …. Taking into account all this, the authorities of the Republic of Artsakh accept the proposal of the command of the Russian peacekeeping mission regarding the cessation of fire”, said the statement released by the information headquarters of Nagorno Karabakh.

According to official data  , more than 200 servicemen and civilians were killed in Nagorno Karabakh as a result of military aggression. About 12 civilians and 30 servicemen are missing. There are cases of torture of at least 14 people, including 12 servicemen and two civilians. As a result of military operations, 3 children were killed, 231 servicemen and 80 civilians were wounded to various degrees.

“On that very day when they shot, iron hail was falling. Somehow, we got out of the village, without taking anything with us. We thought we might go back to the village and take our stuff later”, recalls Anyuta Sargsyan, the grandmother of the Sargsyan family.

“When it was calm, my son went to our village. Then he said to us: ‘You should see what they did! If you see what they did, you will not want to go there. If we got here safely, everything will be fine’”, Anyuta Sargsyan notes.

The Sargsyan family, like almost the entire population of Nagorno Karabakh, moved to Armenia shortly after the end of the military operations. More than 100,000 people have been relocated to Armenia so far. The families have come voluntarily – they say that after this war they could not live there anymore.

The Aghajanyan family – the great grandmother, her sons and their families – moved with the help of a neighbouring family. They all got into a truck and reached Armenia within 2 days.

“We made the 4-5 hour trip in 48 hours. The trip took too long, everyone was coming. There was a big queue, everyone wanted to reach Armenia a minute earlier. We are safe here. But the way of migration was cruel. Our hearts were in pain. There were people who couldn't stand the pain and died on the way, died shortly after entering Armenia”, says Shogher Aghajanyan, the family’s grandmother.

During the emigration, 64 civilian deaths were recorded, which are directly related to the deprivations suffered during the period of blockade, ethnic cleansing operations and displacement, such as hunger, lack of medication and medical aid.

“I lost two houses, but I am so happy that my 4 grandsons who were in war came back safe and sound. About the house, we will rebuild it”, Aghajanyan says.

The large family, which miraculously survived the war disaster, settled in one of the regions of Armenia. Some of their neighbours are here as well. They do not want to be separated from their old neighbours, they are thinking of living in one settlement.

The issue of accommodation for all persons transferred from Nagorno-Karabakh to Armenia has been resolved now. Various aid programmes are being developed and implemented by the Armenian government. First, their reception was organised, then registration and placement were carried out. Within a few days, these persons received various forms of financial support, including for house rent. Everyone's problems have been registered. In general, forcibly displaced families are not only provided with accommodation and basic necessities, but providing them with jobs is also being discussed.

https://www.balcanicaucaso.org/eng/Areas/Nagorno-Karabakh/Nagorno-Karabakh-surviving-war-228067

Still no date for Armenian biometric passport introduction

Nov 8 2023

The government of Armenia is still unclear when it will be possible for citizens to obtain biometric passports without long queues and obstacles.

The country is in the process of procuring a new system for issuing biometric passports and ID cards which is due to be completed through a public-private partnership (PPP). Right now, however, it is still unclear which company will be chosen and how long it will take to technically implement the system, Armen Ghazaryan, head of the Migration Service, said on Monday at the National Assembly of Armenia.

Ghazaryan added that the country’s passport system has been lacking investment for years.

“The fact that this system has survived so far with a minimal investment was thanks to the enthusiasm of the employees,” he said, according to a machine translation from the Armenian news website Tert.am.

Armenia first rolled out its biometric passports in 2021. The following year, however, the government suspended their issuing till early 2024, citing a need for improvements. In April, the country announced it would implement a new system for issuing passports and ID cards, replacing outdated IT systems and standards.

A public statement from the National Assembly issued on Monday promises that the new system will be introduced in “the near future.” The country has been working on introducing legal amendments to support the system in the Law on Citizen’s Passport and Law on Identification Cards.

The government is also pursuing more comprehensive reforms of its biometric document system which will include digital services to citizens and has selected international consultants to conduct studies, the government stated.

Armenia’s previous biometric passport and ID card system supplier was Polish Security Printing Works/ Polska Wytwornia Papierow Wartosciowych (PWPW). Its contract expired on January 1, 2017.

https://www.biometricupdate.com/202311/still-no-date-for-armenian-biometric-passport-introduction