Turkey accused of double standard as Armenian journalist’s killer walks free

Nov 16 2023
Armenian-Turkish journalist Hrant Dink's murderer walked free in Turkey Wednesday while the government's critics pointed aghast to political prisoners held years beyond the court's authority to keep them.


Amberin Zaman

This is an excerpt from Turkey Briefing, Al-Monitor's weekly newsletter covering the big stories of the week in Turkey. To get Turkey Briefing in your inbox, sign up here.

The assassin of prominent Armenian news editor Hrant Dink was freed late Wednesday for “good conduct” in what critics charge is a further example of the politicization of Turkey’s judiciary under the country’s authoritarian president.

Ogun Samast was released on parole under the terms of an amnesty law passed in July (one that excludes terrorism cases) after spending 16 years and 10 months for the 2007 murder of Dink outside the office of his newspaper, Agos, in Istanbul.

Ozgur Ozel, the newly elected leader of the main opposition Republican People’s Party, blasted the move, saying Samast was “supposed to stay for life.” “We have no words. Any who talks about justice after this is truly heartless,” Ozel noted on X.

“This night is a very bad night. The worst night in recent years,” lamented Alin Ozinian, an Armenian-Turkish journalist. Dink had told Ozinian in an interview, the last prior to his death, “The deep state has put a target on me.”

Samast, who was 17 years old at the time of the murder, was widely believed to be acting in concert with rogue ultranationalists and their allies in the security forces. They viewed Dink as a threat because of his efforts to draw attention to the genocide of more than one million Armenians by the Ottomans in 1915, a taboo topic.

His murder struck a chord and more than 100,000 people, many of whom had not previously heard of Dink, marched at his funeral bearing placards that read “We are all Armenians.”

In truth, Samast was expected to be released earlier — in 2020 — and serve his remaining 1.5 years on parole. However, his discharge was postponed after he was given a separate five-year long sentence for striking a prison warden. The actual miscarriage of justice, legal experts say, stems from the fact that Samast was not prosecuted for Dink’s murder as part of an organized terror network and was sentenced instead for voluntary manslaughter and illegal possession of a weapon.

Erdal Dogan, one of several lawyers who represented the Dink family in the case, commented on the matter to Al-Monitor. “The Turkish justice system that penalizes even the slightest criticism of the government as ‘membership of a terrorist organization’ or ‘terrorist propaganda’ chose to treat the political murder of Hrant Dink that was planned by tens of people, including those serving in state institutions, as an ordinary crime,” he said.

Turkey’s justice system has been repeatedly condemned by international legal bodies, notably the European Court of Human Rights, whose rulings Ankara has considered binding since 1990. Yet in recent years Turkey has repeatedly flouted them, most notably with respect to the court’s demands that Turkish philanthropist Osman Kavala and Kurdish politician Selahattin Demirtas be immediately freed.

Kavala, a dogged proponent of Turkish-Armenian reconciliation, has been in jail since 2017, serving the most severe type of life sentence under Turkish law, on flimsily evidenced charges that he sought to overthrow the government of President Recep Tayyip Erdogan as an alleged instigator of the mass Gezi protests that shook Turkey in 2013. 

Demirtas has been convicted on a raft of similarly specious terror charges, with prosecutors demanding life in a case linked to the Kobani riots that erupted in 2014 in the mainly Kurdish city of Diyarbakir over the government’s perceived support for the Islamic State.

In a further twist, Turkey’s Court of Cassation filed a criminal complaint against the Constitutional Court, the highest court in the land, for having ruled in favor of freeing Can Atalay, a human rights activist jailed in the Gezi case, after he was elected to parliament from a left-wing opposition party in the May elections. Under Turkish law, members of parliament are immune to prosecution and Atalay’s continued detention is deemed unlawful under Article 14 of the Turkish constitution.

Erdogan waded into the debate, calling the Constitutional Court’s ruling “a mistake."

In a September interview with PBS’ “Newshour,” Erdogan called Kavala the “financier” of the Gezi protests and Demirtas “a terrorist who caused the death of more than 200 people.” He said that the original ruling was rightfully upheld. When anchor Amna Nawaz reminded him that the European Court of Human Rights disagreed with his assessment, Erdogan erupted. “You're not going to interrupt me. And respect me. And you are going to respect the judgment of the judiciary as well?” Erdogan fumed. Kavala and Demirtas deny all the charges.

'Dark corridors'

Coming only days before a conference on minority rights in Turkey to be hosted by the Hrant Dink Foundation on Nov. 17, Samast’s release has touched a raw nerve among Armenians worldwide.

Khatchig Mouradian is a professor at Columbia University in New York who was written extensively on the Armenian genocide. He told Al-Monitor, “Sunlight, they say, is the best disinfectant. When Ogun Samast walks free and Osman Kavala remains in prison in two cases that have for years been under global spotlight, one can’t even begin to imagine what happens in the darker corridors of Turkey’s justice system.”

Mouradian contended that Samast’s release is further proof of Ankara’s cavalier approach to purported normalization with neighboring Armenia, with which it has yet to establish diplomatic relations or open its land borders.

In 2020, Turkey played a pivotal role in helping Azerbaijan wrest back territories occupied by Armenia in a previous war and sat on its hands in September as Azerbaijan effectively expelled in less than two weeks nearly the entire Armenian population — more than 100,000 people — of the Nagorno-Karabakh enclave, which was until then majority Armenian but formally part of Azerbaijan.

“Over the past three years, Ankara has not displayed a shred of concern for how its words and deeds may impact normalization. Why should it care now? It believes Yerevan has no choice but to stay the course,” Mouradian said.

The case of Gultan Kisanak, the former co-mayor of Diyarbakir who was ousted by the government and jailed in 2016 for her alleged role in the Kobani riots, among other supposed crimes, is one such travesty. She remains behind bars even though under Turkey’s penal code defendants who have not been convicted can only be held for a maximum of seven years. “This is, in essence, an automatic violation of my right to a fair trial. You are aware of this,” she told the presiding judge in a Nov. 12 hearing.  

Borrow books or else

Such violations abound but are rarely noticed as most victims are not in the public eye. Take Mustafa Okcul, who was jailed and sentenced to death in 1993 for membership in the outlawed Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) at the height of the rebels’ insurgency. His sentence was commuted to life imprisonment in 1999 when Turkey scrapped the death penalty in line with its now moribund efforts to join the European Union. Okcul was due to be freed on good conduct six months ago. However, prosecutors deemed that he had not “borrowed enough books from the prison library” and was therefore not fit to “integrate with society.”

Bunyamin Seker, president of the Free Lawyers’ Association, an advocacy group based in Diyarbakir, is dealing with Okcul’s case along with a host of similar ones. He said that the prison set a cap on the number of books inmates are allowed to borrow and that Okcul’s family would send him books on a regular basis. “The claims are laughable,” Seker noted. “Mustafa had fulfilled all the criteria for good conduct. He had not engaged in any violence when he was arrested.”

From his private meetings with Turkish officials, Seker said he had concluded that “the real reason” Okcul was not being freed was because he refused to denounce the PKK and express contrition. Another of his clients, a university student who was jailed for six years for taking part in an anti-government demonstration, saw her release put off by a year. Authorities cited Emine Erol’s refusal to meet with a prison psychiatrist for the delay. She was finally released two weeks ago.

“The system is riddled with double standards,” Seker told Al-Monitor. “Some are more equal than others before the law.”



Music: Planting Apricot Stones: Armenia-Azerbaijan Relations Through the Lens of Eurovision

Brown Political Review
Nov 16 2023

Nestled within the religious, political, and cultural crossroads of the Caucasus mountains, Armenia and Azerbaijan appear to be eternally locked in a heated ethnic struggle. More than a century ago, deep-seated tensions within the region manifested themselves in the brutal Armenian genocide, in which as many as 1.2 million ethnic Armenians living in present-day eastern Türkiye were murdered by the Young Turks-controlled government in the fading Ottoman Empire. Türkiye and Azerbaijan still refuse to recognize the events as a genocide.

Today, those same tensions are woefully unresolved, flaring up most significantly in Nagorno-Karabakh. The region, situated in what is internationally recognized as southwest Azerbaijan, has historically been inhabited mainly by ethnic Armenians and was long governed by the Armenia-backed breakaway Republic of Artsakh. In the past, Russia has played an active role in keeping the peace between Azerbaijan and Armenia, but with the war in Ukraine, its attention has turned elsewhere. Encouraged by Russia’s relative absence, the Turkish-backed Azerbaijani military invaded Nagorno-Karabakh in 2023. Ultimately, Azerbaijan regained control of the region and forced the breakaway government to dissolve. Over 100,000 ethnic Armenians fled to Armenia, fearing a renewed genocide.

The Nagorno-Karabakh dispute is only the most recent episode in a conflict that has raged since Armenia and Azerbaijan joined the Soviet Union in 1922. In recent decades, both countries have begun to court broader international political backing through what is perhaps an unlikely medium: the Eurovision Song Contest. Their approaches have differed, certainly—Azerbaijan has turned to chicanery—but the art presented in the contest invariably reveals the absurdity at the center of the conflict.

Held annually since 1956, Eurovision is a unique and widely-viewed international spectacle. Representative artists from roughly 40 (mostly) European countries present a song every year as up to 200 million viewers watch, vote on, and revel in 25 to 26 final performances, ultimately crowning one winner. The final scores are tabulated through a combination of jury and public votes from each country, with the winning nation traditionally hosting the contest the following year. Each country’s entry is managed by their public broadcaster, which in many countries creates a direct connection between Eurovision and the national government. 

For both Armenia and Azerbaijan, having debuted at the contest in 2006 and 2008 respectively, Eurovision provides a valuable staging ground for the countries to gain soft power. With their entries, they can appeal to the consciences of tens of millions of voting Europeans, with the broader goal of tying the earned international sympathy to more favorable foreign relations.

For Armenia, this appeal is contained in the art itself. The messaging is often unmistakably political despite Eurovision’s ban on political entries. For example, Armenia’s 2010 entry, Eva Rivas’ “Apricot Stone,” is a poignant message to the Armenian diaspora. The lyrics describe a forlorn little girl being given apricots by her mother, endowed with the responsibility to plant the leftover seeds and rear her own apricots—a clear allusion to homeland, family, and legacy. The lyrics even indirectly invoke the conflict with Azerbaijan, as Rivas triumphantly sings, “Now I’m not afraid of violent winds. They may blow, they can’t win.” The impact of this appeal to the diaspora cannot be overstated, as figures such as Kim Kardashian, a fourth-generation Armenian American, front lobbying campaigns demanding US assistance to Armenia.

Armenia’s 2015 and 2018 entries both indirectly invoke the Armenian genocide. The former features Armenians from five continents demanding “don’t deny” (alluding to Azerbaijan and Türkiye’s refusal to recognize the genocide), while the latter employs the aforementioned “wind” imagery. The lyrics of its 2022 entry, “Snap” by Rosa Linn, were not overtly political, and the song enjoyed considerable commercial success after Eurovision. However, while performing at the iHeartRadio Music Festival, Rosa Linn sported a jacket with the words “Stop the blockade” etched across her back (in reference to Azerbaijan’s blockade of humanitarian support to Nagorno-Karabakh) and “#Artsakh” along the sleeve. In a global news environment where Armenia is usually pushed aside, Eurovision provides the country with unique exposure. It’s a place where, for at least three minutes, Armenian culture, music, talent, and, subliminally, political interests, are in the spotlight.

Azerbaijan, meanwhile, has pursued Eurovision success by outsourcing talent and refusing to acknowledge its bordering enemy wherever possible. The country frequently employs Swedish, Dutch, and British songwriters to compose its entries, including the 2011 winning number, “Running Scared.” Its Eurovision singers generally have pretty, congenial faces, impressive social media followings, and a modern “pop star” look—all of which lend themselves to de facto cultural ambassadorship. 2021’s Efendi is a prime example, winning fans on stage with a bumping Dutch-produced dance track, then taking to social media with the message “Stop Armenian terror” and a photoshoot in recently conquered Karabakh territory. The mere 43 viewers in Azerbaijan who dared to vote for Armenia in 2009 were brought in for questioning as a “matter of national security,” and the country’s national broadcaster blatantly refused to show Armenia’s 2021 Junior Eurovision winning performance.

They have also sought to corrupt the integrity of the competition: In 2013, Lithuanian journalists unearthed alleged clandestine Azerbaijani efforts to buy votes from local students in Vilnius. The journalists did so by going undercover, secretly filming a meeting with a Russian-speaking operative, Sergei, in which they feigned the intention of voting for Azerbaijan in exchange for payment. The footage suggested that similar vote buying schemes were simultaneously occurring in 15 different countries, many of which did end up giving the vaunted maximum of 12 points to the Azerbaijani Eurovision entry. However, no connection between the operatives and the Azerbaijani broadcaster has been proven. Sergei also made the broad claim that “all countries who want to win do it” in reference to his vote buying plot—a concerning statement considering Azerbaijan’s victory just two years earlier. These murky details are further compounded by the lack of detailed public voting results from 2013 and Azerbaijan’s comparatively minimal success following a presumed crackdown by the Eurovision’s governing body after the alleged scandal. Similarly, in 2022, Azerbaijan was one of six countries caught participating in a jury vote corruption scheme in the semi-final.

Ironically, a controversy surrounding Armenia’s 2009 entry, “Jan-Jan,” shows that the two neighbors, sworn political enemies, are perhaps more alike than they would like to admit. The performers, Inga and Anush Arshakyan, were accused of appropriating traditional Azerbaijani song and dress, with one YouTube commenter alleging that the performers “came out wearing Azerbaijani clothes.” But their ornate braids, outfits fashioned from deep blue velvet, and swaying duduk, were not solely Armenian, or Azerbaijani, or even Turkish. Rather, they represented the broader Caucasus region. Nevertheless, confronted with the dazzling glee of “Jan-Jan,” reminiscent of the Azerbaijani local hit, “Nakhchivani,” many Azerbaijani people automatically assumed Armenian theft rather than cultural similarity. 

That reality is difficult for governments like Azerbaijan, who weaponize art and culture to stoke their own nationalist individualism, to process. Nationalist governments, particularly those with a defined ethnic “enemy,” often disseminate the idea of shared values, history, and legend coalescing around a single defined homeland. But ethnicity and culture are not and never have been that simple. Modern nation-states have ironed out ethnic boundaries through force, using language and religion to paint endemic inhabitants as genetic “others.” 

Erasure and suppression of language, tradition, and religion are grave issues, and the “Jan-Jan” case does not discredit the very real threat of cultural genocide in the Nagorno-Karabakh region. However, it does challenge the flawed notion at the center of ethnic nationalism: that one group is fundamentally different from another due to entirely disparate cultural and genetic histories.

To this effect, despite all of its utility in politically weaponizing culture, the Eurovision stage still leaves a resounding message of harmony. It shows viewers that inflexible nationalist and cultural divisions are in large part arbitrary. This is why the Azerbaijani government, whose political rhetoric depends heavily on reclaiming their ancestral homeland, felt so threatened by its own citizens recognizing and appreciating regional cultural similarities in 2009. It’s also central to what makes Eurovision so beautiful: Two bejeweled sisters joyously belting “everybody move your body” can threaten despotic ideology. It’s a truth perfectly encapsulated by the aforementioned Azerbaijani residents who voted for Armenia’s entry. Those 43 Azerbaijani voters, the threat of detainment looming over their heads, couldn’t help but reach across that unfordable border and rejoice in what, impossibly, is shared.

https://brownpoliticalreview.org/2023/11/planting-apricot-stones-armenia-azerbaijan-relations-through-the-lens-of-eurovision/

Armenia becomes 124th State Party to International Criminal Court

Jurist
Nov 16 2023

Armenia officially became the 124th State Party to the International Criminal Court (ICC) on Tuesday after Ambassador Mher Margaryan deposited Armenia’s accession documents in a ceremony held at the United Nations Office of Legal Affairs, where Margaryan presented the instrument of ratification to the Director of the Treaty Section.

This ceremony is the conclusion of the accession process which began in 2022 when the government approved a law on Rome Statute ratification and a declaration, accepting the ICC’s retroactive jurisdiction before the Armenian Constitutional Court authorized the ratification. 

In 2003, Armenia implemented partial legislation to give the country jurisdiction over crimes punishable by the ICC under the Rome Statute. However, Progress towards ratification of the Rome Statute has faced obstacles. In 2004, the Armenian Constitutional Court ruled that the Rome Statute conflicted with the country’s national laws. The Armenian Constitution was subsequently changed in 2005 and later in 2015.

The move comes as the country and it population are facing multiple international disputes that may implicate the Rome Statute. Last month, JURIST spoke with international lawyer Sheila Paylan and Member of the UK House of Lords Baroness Caroline Cox about the current conflict and aggression by Azerbaijan in the self-declared independent republic of Artsakh (Nagorno Karabakh), as the region lowered its flag, opting to dissolve all state institutions following a months-long blockade by Azerbaijani forces that brought about an acute humanitarian crisis among its predominantly ethnic Armenian population. Paylan responded to Armenia’s accession telling JURIST:

By ratifying the Rome Statute of the ICC, Armenia has affirmed its sovereignty, demonstrated its shared values with democratic nations, and finally gained a viable avenue to seek criminal accountability for the heinous atrocities committed by Azerbaijanis on Armenian territory.

This move will also obligate Armenia, a former Soviet republic, to arrest Russia’s president, Vladimir Putin, if he were to visit the country, due to the outstanding ICC arrest warrants against Putin. Kremlin spokesperson Dmitri Peskov has warned Armenia that its actions in joining as a signatory of the Rome Statute would be seen as an “extremely hostile” act. 

The instrument of ratification will now be deposited with the UN Secretary-General, who serves as the custodian of the Rome Statute.

Outcry in Turkey over released convicted murderer of Armenian journalist Hrant Dink

MEDYA News
Nov 16 2023

Ogün Samast, the convicted murderer of Hrant Dink, a renowned Armenian journalist and editor-in-chief of the newspaper Agos, was released on Wednesday, sparking a wave of condemnation and intense debate within the Turkish political sphere.

Samast assassinated Dink in a gun attack in front of the Agos office in Şişli, Istanbul, on 19 January 2007, and was released from Bolu F Type Prison under conditional release terms. A minor at the time of the crime, Samast served 16 years and 10 months, sentenced with “premeditated murder” and “possession of an unlicensed firearm”.

The Hrant Dink support group, known as ‘Hrant’ın Arkadaşları’, condemned the release, saying, “While the Hrant Dink murder remains unsolved, many of our friends, human rights defenders, journalists, and politicians are unjustly and unlawfully held in prisons, the murderer of Hrant Dink, Ogün Samast, has been released… There is no justice! No conscience! No integrity!”

Samast’s was reportedly released due to ‘good behaviour’. This decision has been met with strong criticism from various political leaders, who question the justification of releasing someone convicted of such a heinous crime.

Main opposition Republican People’s Party (CHP) Chairman Özgür Özel expressed disbelief and dismay at the release, highlighting the premeditated nature of the murder and its significant impact on the Armenian community in Turkey. He criticised the notion of ‘good behaviour’ in the context of such a brutal act.

Further political reactions include Parliament Deputy Speaker Sırrı Süreyya Önder of the pro-Kurdish Peoples’ Equality and Democracy Party (HEDEP), who paid respects to Dink’s memory, and Gökhan Günaydın, Deputy Group Chairman of the CHP, who emphasised Dink’s role in bridging the Armenian-Turkish divide. Günaydın also raised concerns about the justice system, questioning the rationale behind Samast’s release while many prisoners of conscience remain incarcerated.

HEDEP Group Deputy Chairwoman Meral Danış Beştaş described the release as a “grave news”, contrasting it with the ongoing imprisonment of democrats and freedom of _expression_ advocates. Felicity Party Deputy Group Chairman İsa Mesih Şahin echoed these sentiments, criticising the paradox of releasing a convicted murderer while non-violent offenders remain jailed.

The release of Samast has reopened discussions on judicial reform and the influence of politics in legal proceedings, highlighting concerns over the treatment of criminals versus political prisoners in Turkey.

 

Hrant Dink’s assassination and subsequent legal proceedings

Dink was assassinated on 19 January 2007 by 17-year old Ogün Samast. Samast was arrested in Samsun the following day and incarcerated.

The court filed a criminal complaint against Samast and others for membership of the Fethullah Gülen Organisation (FETÖ), the group accused of plotting the 15 July 2016 coup attempt, linking the murder to their objectives.

Several individuals, including journalist Ercan Gün and former soldier Muharrem Demirkale, received varying prison sentences for related crimes. Cases against some former police chiefs were dismissed due to the statute of limitations.

The case involved 130 hearings, with the prosecution presenting its final opinion in December 2020. The prosecutor requested various outcomes for the defendants, including acquittals and punishments. Some defendants were arrested for prior knowledge of the murder, and others denied connections with FETÖ.

Following Dink’s assassination, the suspect was quickly identified from security footage. Controversy arose when images of Samast with police officers were broadcast, raising questions about official involvement in the murder.

At the funeral, Hrant Dink’s wife, Rakel Dink, said, “No matter their age, 17 or 27, no matter who the murderer is, I know they were once babies. Nothing can be done, my brothers, without questioning the darkness that turns a baby into a murderer.”

Hrant Dink’s family’s statement on court judgement

Dink’s family expressed strong dissatisfaction with the court’s judgment on his murder, stating it was “far from the truth”. They highlighted that the judgment failed to address the deeper state mechanisms and the broader context of events leading to Dink’s assassination.

Before his assassination, Dink had spoken about being targeted by deep state operations, as recalled by his family. He had written about being chosen as a target and mentioned this in his last speeches, indicating a systematic campaign against him.

The family criticised the investigation for neglecting key aspects and individuals mentioned by Dink, and for evidence spoliation and misdirection. They argued that the trial did not adequately address these issues, leading to a judgment that appears to punish the exposure of a crime rather than the crime itself.

The family pointed out the alleged connection between Dink’s murder and the FETÖ organisation, responsible for the 15 July 2016 coup attempt. They lamented that a timely and effective investigation into Dink’s murder could have potentially prevented the loss of many lives in subsequent years.

Questioning the integrity of the judiciary, the family suggested that the current environment is conducive to injustice and similar to the climate when Dink was targeted. They expressed concern about ongoing racism and the potential for future crimes if the deep state mechanism is not thoroughly investigated and dismantled.

Dink’s family continue to emphasise an urgent need for transparency, democracy and legal reform. They advocate for societal confrontation with the crime, the criminals’ confrontation with their actions, and institutional accountability.

https://medyanews.net/outcry-in-turkey-over-released-convicted-murderer-of-armenian-journalist-hrant-dink/

French foreign policy breaks with its Western allies

eureporter
Nov 16 2023

The problem of bias in French foreign policy towards South Caucasus is not a new phenomenon. France, alongside the US and Russia, was a member of the OSCE (Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe) Minsk Group since its foundation in 1992 with the goal of seeking a negotiated resolution to the war that had take place between Armenia and Azerbaijan, writes Taras Kuzio.

The Minsk Group failed to achieve any breakthroughs during its three-decade existence and went into stagnation from 2010 when France and the US lost interest. With France and the US absent, Russia was able to capitalise on the vacuum during the Second Karabakh War as the main international negotiator and supplier of so-called ‘peacekeeping’ troops.

Throughout the decade prior to the Second Karabakh War, Baku became increasingly frustrated at France’s open bias in favour of Armenia. The reasons for this were two-fold. Firstly, France and the US have the largest Armenian diasporas outside the Russian Federation. Secondly, French foreign policy has supported Greece over Turkey and Armenia over Azerbaijan.

The US was little better as Washington had long punished Azerbaijan by denying it military assistance. US policy created a false impression that Azerbaijan was the guilty party in the conflict when in fact, Armenia was illegally occupying a fifth of internationally recognised Azerbaijani territory. Poor relations between Washington and Ankara reinforced lobbying by the Armenian diaspora.

France’s inability to adopt a balanced approach to the South Caucasus became evident after the Second Karabakh War when both houses of the French parliament voted to support Armenian separatism in Karabakh. In November 2020, 295 French Senators (with only one voting against) adopted a resolution to recognise Karabakh as an ‘independent’ republic. The next month, 188 deputies in the National Assembly voted (with only three opposed) to also recognise Karabakh as an independent ‘republic.’

France’s National Assembly also called upon the EU to end negotiations with Turkey on the accession process. Azerbaijan is collateral damage of widespread Turkophobia in France.

Support for Armenia is probably the only policy that has support across the entire French political spectrum. French President Emanuel Macron has never hidden his support for Armenia, saying, ‘France reconfirms its future friendship with the Armenian people in view of our close human, cultural and historic ties. We are on Armenia’s side in this dramatic context.’

Recently, France sold an air defence system to Armenia, a military ally and economic partner of Russia. Earlier this year, Paris supplied the same Thales GM 200 system to Ukraine. As Russia operates Armenia’s air defence, it is highly likely this technology will end up being scrutinised by the Russian military and even transferred to Russia.

France’s support for Armenia away from Ukraine was re-confirmed by the delivery of the first batch of 24 Bastion armoured vehicles from the French defence company Arquus to Armenia. Negotiations on the sending of these armoured personnel carriers to Ukraine had been taking place since October of last year ago.

Ukraine is fighting an existential war for survival; Armenia is not at war or under threat. Armenian claims that it is threatened by Azerbaijani territorial revanchism have no basis.

Armenia is a founding member of the Russian-led CSTO (Collective Security Treaty Organisation). Although Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan did not attend the November 8 CSTO summit in Moscow this does not mean Armenia is considering an ‘Armexit’ from the organisation, despite his protestations of its ineffectiveness. Armenian Deputy Foreign Minister Vahan Kostanyan told journalists on November 9 that Armenia is currently not discussing the legal process of leaving the CSTO.

France’s security relationship with Armenia conflicts with NATO and the EU’s policies towards Russia and Iran with whom Armenia has long-term embedded security relationships. Armenia has yet to publicly state which side of the anti-Western axis of evil fence it is sitting. Indeed, if Yerevan is siding with the West, Yerevan must cut its security relationships with Russia and Iran.

France, like many EU members, would welcome Armenia’s integration into Europe but this should be grounded in the real world and not in the realm of fantasy. Deep Armenian-Russian relations are a product of three decades of integration that cannot be changed overnight. Armenia’s economy is heavily reliant on Russia through transfers from migrant workers, trade, and membership of the Eurasian Economic Union (EEU). Armenia is reliant on Russia and Iran for its energy.

France is jumping the gun in militarily supporting Armenia. Although the Kremlin supported the UK’s Brexit from the EU, there is no evidence Putin would permit Armenia’s ‘Armexit’ from the CSTO and EEU.

France’s bias towards Armenia and support for separatism in Azerbaijan sends a signal it’s sincerity cannot be trusted on the question of restoring Ukraine’s territorial integrity. Meanwhile, France’s supply of military equipment to Armenia has compromised Ukraine’s air defence and security at a critical point in the war with Russia.

France pursues contradictory goals of restoring Ukraine’s territorial integrity and encouraging Armenian separatism. Meanwhile, France’s supply of military equipment indirectly provides Russia and Iran with access to Western military equipment that constitutes a threat to both Ukrainian and Israeli security.

Taras Kuzio is a professor of political science at the National University of Kyiv Mohyla Academy and an associate research fellow at the Henry Jackson Society. He is the winner of the 2022 Peterson Literary Prize for the book “Russian Nationalism and the Russian-Ukrainian War: Autocracy-Orthodoxy-Nationality.”


Armenia PM defends move to hike military budget

Nigeria – Nov 16 2023
By AFP

Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan on Thursday defended Yerevan’s decision to increase military spending next year, saying he was still committed to normalisation talks with arch foe Azerbaijan.

Baku and Yerevan have been locked in a decades-long territorial conflict over Azerbaijan’s Armenian-populated region of Nagorno-Karabakh, which Baku reclaimed in September in a lightning offensive.

Addressing lawmakers in Yerevan, Pashinyan said his government’s planned increase in defence spending by some seven percent next year “isn’t a preparation for war, but rather a preparation for peace.”

“I am confident, our neighbouring countries know it well that we are not going to attack anyone,” he said.

“Reforming armed forces is not only a right, but also an obligation of an independent country and that’s what we are doing.”

He also said that Yerevan’s “political will to sign, in the coming months, a peace agreement with Azerbaijan remains unwavering.”

Internationally mediated normalisation talks between the ex-Soviet republics have seen little progress but both Pashinyan and Azerbaijan’s Ilham Aliyev pledged to sign a comprehensive peace agreement by the end of the year.

The pair have held several rounds of talks under EU mediation.

But last month, Aliyev refused to attend a round of negotiations with Pashinyan in Spain, over what he said was the “biased position” of one of the participants, France.

French President Emmanuel Macron and German Chancellor Olaf Scholz had been scheduled to join EU-chief Charles Michel as mediators at those talks.

So far, there has been no visible progress in EU efforts to organise a fresh round of negotiations.

Russia, the traditional power-broker in the region, has been bogged down in its war in Ukraine and Europe has taken a lead role in mediating the decades-long dispute between Armenia and Azerbaijan.

https://guardian.ng/news/armenia-pm-defends-move-to-hike-military-budget/

‘Israeli police’ order evacuation of Armenian Quarter in Jerusalem

Roya, Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan
Nov 16 2023

The Israeli Occupation police in Jerusalem issued an evacuation order to local Armenians in the Armenian Quarter area, also known as the Cows' Garden in the Old City.

They accused them of property misappropriation, as reported by several Armenian news sources.

Residents expressed their resilience and said that the Armenian community of Jerusalem is resisting and will remain in the area.

The Israeli Occupation police are enforcing the directives of the Israeli Occupation settlers in the Armenian Quarter, demanding residents leave the area so that the besiegers can take control over it, he explained.

Since Nov. 12, a significant number of Jerusalemite Armenians, in collaboration with the Armenian Patriarchate of Jerusalem, have been protesting in the area.

Wednesday, the page Save the ArQ, went live from the are reporting on the gravity of the situation and calling on those who can join them in the protest to head to the area.

Residents have blocked access to the wall using vehicles and fences to prevent further unauthorized and illegal construction on Armenian property.

-Armenian Patriarchate-

The Armenian Patriarchate of Jerusalem announced that it is facing the "greatest existential threat," according to Armen Press.

It explained that a development company called Xana sought to buy around 25 percent of the Armenian Quarter and ignored a letter by the patriarchate canceling the controversial real estate deal

The Armenian Patriarch, Archbishop Nourhan Manougian, had in the past leased the "Cows' Garden" to a Jewish businessman for 99 years; a decision that was deemed controversial and was eventually canceled.

An unnoticed ethnic cleansing: We must not forget the Christians of Nagorno-Karabakh

Nov 16 2023
by Simon Kennedy

An Armenian bishop recently prayed what could be the last liturgical Christian prayer in Artsakh, otherwise known as Nagorno-Karabakh. This is a terrible tragedy, and we must not look away or be distracted by the other conflicts occurring in Europe and Middle East. An ancient Christian people are being displaced before our very eyes.

Nagorno-Karabakh is a formerly autonomous republic nestled between Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Iran. It was, until very recently, home to over 120,000 Christians and operated as an ethnic enclave under the watchful eye of Russian peacekeepers.

The region is a disputed territory. The dispute erupted into open war in 2020 between Armenia and Azerbaijan. Tensions have remained high after the ceasefire. Since the beginning of the war in Ukraine, Russian peacekeeping oversight has diminished to the point where Azerbaijan’s government could act decisively and take control of the region.

The past two months has seen a dramatic shift in the direction of Azeri control. A putative anti-terrorism operation in late September was, in fact, a bombardment of Armenian Christian centers, including the capital, Stepanakert. The attacks, which continued over the next weeks, led to the end of Armenian resistance.

On Sept. 28, the president of the Republic of Artsakh decreed that all local governments in the region would cease to operate and exist by Jan. 1. By this time, over half of the Armenian population of the breakaway republic had fled.

The Azeri president, Ilham Aliyev, assured the international community that the Armenian population retained their rights as ethnic minorities within Azerbaijan’s legal framework. However, the reality has been much darker for the Armenian Christians of Nagorno-Karabakh.

By Oct. 3, as the Azeri army entered the region with a ground force, it was clear that the Armenians had abandoned hope. Within 24 hours, Azeri control of the region was assured, with reports of half-eaten food and personal belongings left behind indicative of the haste with which the Christian population fled.

The reasons for this haste have become clear as reports of starvation, shelling, and terror on the Armenian civilians emerged. Ethnic cleansing and genocide have been used to describe the actions taken by the Azeris as they acted to clear the region of Armenian elements.

Nagorno-Karabakh was the last ancient site of Armenian culture.

This is unquestionably a massive human tragedy. More than 120,000 people have been displaced from their homes and forced to flee in the face of terror and the threat of extinction. But there is more for Christians to consider as this unfolds.

Nagorno-Karabakh is an ancient site of Armenian culture and Christianity. Christianity has been present in the region for something like seventeen centuries, with traditional claims that it stretch back to the first century after Christ. Indeed, Armenia was the first nation to make Christianity its established religion.

Nagorno-Karabakh is more than simply a Christian and Armenian enclave. As the Danube Institute’s Csaba Horváth writes, “Nagorno Karabakh … represented the last remaining intact ancient pocket of unbroken Armenian demographic continuity.”

Armenians have been a pilgrim people, shunted from place to place over the centuries. Nagorno-Karabakh was the last ancient site of Armenian culture. It is also the last ancient site of Armenian Christian culture, one that is now entirely in the hands of a Muslim regime that has acted for decades to destroy the Armenian Christian heritage.

Events in Israel and Ukraine continue to hold the attention of the international community, and that’s understandable. The Azeris and Armenians are close to striking a peace deal, meaning the conflict will further retreat from the news cycle.

Yet, as Azerbaijan seizes control and begins recriminations against Armenian leaders, and Azeris look to move into the region, western Christians seem almost uninterested in the sad fate of tens of thousands of their brothers and sisters in Christ.

The destruction of Christianity in Nagorno-Karabakh is both a humanitarian tragedy and a religious tragedy. Western Christians must not look away.


Simon Kennedy

Simon Kennedy is a research fellow at the University of Queensland and a non-resident fellow at the Danube Institute. He is also associate editor of Quadrant Magazine.

East Jerusalem: Israeli settlers seek to take over Armenian Quarter by force

Nov 16 2023
Armed settlers, backed by Israeli security forces, attempt to occupy almost 25 percent of Armenian Quarter in 'existential threat' to centuries-old community
By Elis Gjevori

A convoy of Israeli settlers' cars and motorcycles entered the Armenian Quarter in occupied East Jerusalem on Wednesday, looking to usurp the Armenian-held area, the community has said in a statement. 

The Movement for the Protection and Preservation of the Armenian Quarter, in a post on Instagram, warned that tensions were high and that Israeli police had “without probable cause” arrested three Armenians, including a minor, while backing Israeli settlers. 

“Instead of removing the trespassers, the Israeli police permitted a few settlers to continue their presence intended to possess the Armenian property,” said the community in a statement. 

With Israel’s war on Gaza taking much of the world's attention, Israeli settlers in the occupied territories, including the Old City in East Jerusalem, have increasingly used the distraction to press illegal land claims.

The movement said that the attempt by Israeli settlers to overrun the “Armenian Gardens” – known as the “Cows' Garden” in the Old City of Jerusalem, was a “malicious attempt to change facts on the ground”.

“We are fighting now for the integrity of the Armenian and Christian quarters,” said Hagop Djernazian, a co-founder of the movement to save the Armenian quarter, and member of the Jerusalemite Armenian Community. 

The dispute started after the Armenian Patriarchate of Jerusalem signed a murky and secretive deal with a company named Zana Capital, leasing the historical Armenian gardens, to build a luxury hotel, he explained.

'We may face an existential threat, not only to the Armenian presence in Jerusalem, but also to the Christian'

- Hagop Djernazian, activist

“Unfortunately this deal includes manipulations and fraud,” said Djernazian, speaking to Middle East Eye. 

The community now faces an existential threat from a deal that would see some 25 percent of the Armenian quarter sold on a 99-year lease to Israeli settler communities looking to purportedly build a luxury development. 

The Armenian Patriarchate of Jerusalem announced on 26 October that a letter was sent to the companies managing the development that the deal would be cancelled. 

Though signed in 2021, the deal became public in 2023, when one of the Israeli businesses sought to take ownership, sparking protests from the Armenian community. 

“Since 26 October, the so-called Zana Company, which turns out was backed by settlers and Ateret Cohanim, a settler organisation trying to change the demographic makeup of the Old City into a Jewish majority, are trying to provoke and to take over parts of the land by force,” said Djernazian. 

Israeli settlers had attempted to intimidate the community and the movement to save the Armenian Quarter by, amongst other things, bringing bulldozers and trucks to demolish walls and the land, said Djernazian. 

“They brought in armed settlers two weeks ago to take over the land by force using armed settlers and attack dogs,” he added. 

“Yesterday and today the so-called company brought a security company so they can take over the land by force with the support and cooperation of the Israeli police.”

The far-right Israeli government, headed by Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, which is also comprised of settlers, has created an even more permissive climate for such land grabs. 

A group of Armenians in cooperation with the Patriarchate, protested in the Armenian Quarter to stop illegal construction on their land (Movement to Protect Armenian Quarter)

“Authorities are not doing anything to save and help the Armenian community,” said Djernazian, adding that “they are doing the opposite of saving the Armenian community. They are pressuring us.”

Djernazian said that they now believe Israeli settlers are behind the deal whereby the land was initially sold to an Australian businessman. 

“These Israeli settlers are backed by the Israeli government, and ministers in the Israeli government are pressuring the community and putting the community in a great existential threat,” added Djernazian. 

The future of the Armenian community and more broadly that of the wider Christian community in the Old City now hangs in the balance. 

“If we succeed in this struggle to protect the integrity of the Armenian Quarter to protect our lands, we can continue and live in Jerusalem as we did since the fourth century by encouraging our youth to stay here,” said Djernazian. 

“But, unfortunately, if we do not succeed to cancel the deal officially, we may face an existential threat, not only to the Armenian presence in Jerusalem, but also to the Christian presence, because this deal puts the Armenian and Christian quarters in great danger,” added Djernazian.

“Christians should unite and join forces with the Armenians in order to protect the status quo and the mosaic of the holy city of Jerusalem and also for us to have a future in this city,” he added.

https://www.middleeasteye.net/news/israeli-settlers-jerusalem-take-over-armenian-quarter-force

Central Bank of Armenia: exchange rates and prices of precious metals – 15-11-23

 17:16,

YEREVAN, 15 NOVEMBER, ARMENPRESS. The Central Bank of Armenia informs “Armenpress” that today, 15 November, USD exchange rate down by 0.27 drams to 402.92 drams. EUR exchange rate up by 5.19 drams to 437.49 drams. Russian Ruble exchange rate up by 0.09 drams to 4.52 drams. GBP exchange rate up by 6.68 drams to 502.16 drams.

The Central Bank has set the following prices for precious metals.

Gold price up by 474.20 drams to 25507.42 drams. Silver price up by 3.37 drams to 289.53 drams.