Month: December 2020

​In Caucasus War, Russia Succeeded to Demonize Democracy

Kajoyan Gevork
The National Interest
Dec 15 2020

The United States essentially forfeited its influence over the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict and allowed Russia’s Vladimir Putin to wield power in the region.

by Michael Rubin

Turkish president Recep Tayyip Erdoğan joined his Azerbaijani counterpart Ilham Aliyev on  a podium in Baku on Dec. 10 to watch a parade celebrating “Victory in the Patriotic War.” The procession marked Aliyev’s latest celebration as he cements his legacy as the man who returned territories Azerbaijan lost to Armenia in the 1988–1994 Nagorno-Karabakh War.  

Aliyev is a short-term thinker. He does not yet understand the tremendous price of his victory: Azerbaijan’s sovereignty. Russia and Turkey have stationed forces inside Azerbaijani territory. Turkey also reportedly controls several thousand mercenaries transported into Azerbaijan from Syria, Libya, and other Arab countries. None of these forces are under Aliyev’s control and both Moscow and Ankara can easily leverage them against Aliyev and his family should he stray too far from Erdoğan or Russian president Vladimir Putin’s dictates. 

Aliyev may focus on Nagorno-Karabakh but for Putin, the game is much bigger and extends across the Caucasus, if not beyond. It involves not territory, but rather than nature of government. Alas, in the latest Caucasus war, Putin won again as he signals to the region that Russian authoritarianism offers security while liberal democracy brings only chaos and territorial loss.

Neither the Trump administration nor the Obama administration before it particularly cared about the Caucasus. Their strategic neglect was unfortunate, not only because of the region’s strategic value but also because of its cultural weight. In 301 AD, the Kingdom of Armenia declared Christianity to be its official religion and so became the oldest Christian country on earth. More importantly, the peoples of the South Caucasus have both early and repeatedly embraced democracy, a cultural attitude that Putin resents. Iranian democrats operating largely from Tabriz, the capital of Iranian Azerbaijan, modeled their 1905 Constitutional Revolution after the successful Russian effort to subordinate the Tsar to a legislative body earlier that year. In subsequent years, Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia each achieved independence against the backdrop of the Russian Empire’s dissolution, before subsequently losing it to Soviet aggression.  


Each of the three independent countries in the Caucasus have now had experiences with popular revolution and democracy. When Azerbaijan seceded from the Soviet Union, Ayaz Mutallibov, the first secretary of the regional communist party, simply took over as president but he was ousted following a series of disastrous military and economic events. On June 7, 1992, Azeris went to the polls in their first democratic election. Abulfaz Elchibey won 60 percent of the vote in a field of five, and formerly assumed power nine days later as Azerbaijan’s first non-communist leader. Elchibey sought to pivot Azerbaijan’s foreign policy away from Russia, but his efforts at setting Azerbaijan down a democratic path floundered in the face of both Russian opposition and a disastrous military campaign in Nagorno-Karabakh. Elchibey fell within a year, fleeing into exile as former KGB operative and communist functionary Heydar Aliyev assumed power, consolidating a dictatorship and eventually handing power over to his son and current leader.

Georgia, too, followed a similar path. Former dissident Zviad Gamsakhurdia led protests and demonstrations which, against the backdrop of the Soviet Union’s collapse, culminated in the restoration of Georgian independence. Gamsakhurdia did not last long, however. Opposition grew to his dictatorial tendencies. He sought to repress South Ossetian nationalism which he accused the Kremlin of encouraging. Ultimately, a Russian-backed coup unseated Gamsakhurdia after less than a year in office, and he died under mysterious circumstances in exile less than two years later. Former Soviet foreign minister Eduard Shevardnadze became president. He understood the need to balance relations between Russia and the United States, although he encouraged NATO’s eastward expansion and sought to orient Georgia more in the Western camp. Ultimately, in 2003, after parliamentary elections which international observers deemed fraudulent, protestors in the so-called “Rose Revolution” forced Shevardnadze’s resignation. Mikheil Saakashvili, a leader of the revolution, dominated subsequent polls winning 96 percent in an election with more than 82 percent turnout. Saakashvili interpreted his landslide as a mandate to more firmly tie Georgia to the West. Putin despised Saakashvili and, in 2008, intervened directly in support of both Abkazian and South Ossetian secession efforts. The Russian occupation kneecapped Saakashvili’s ambitions and his popularity plummeted. In 2013, after losing a parliamentary election, Saakashvili fled Georgia and subsequently moved to Ukraine where he renounced his Georgian citizenship in order to avoid extradition on corruption and abuse-of-power charges. In the post-Saakashvili-era, Georgia returned to a more balanced foreign policy deferential to Kremlin sensitivities and red lines. 

Armenia, perhaps culturally the closest country in the Caucasus to Russia, has followed the same pattern. Former journalist turned politician Nikol Pashinyan shot to power against the backdrop in 2018 of mass protests against attempts by Serzh Sargsyan, Armenia’s long-time prime minister, to extend his term. Pashinyan sought greater foreign policy neutrality. While he did nothing either to challenge Russia’s influence in Armenia or the presence of the Russian base in Gyumri, both his willingness to cultivate the West and his rise in a people power revolution were deeply offensive to Putin for whom such uprisings are a nightmare scenario. 

Armenians may be disappointed that Russia did little to protect them against the Azerbaijani and Turkish onslaught in the most recent Nagorno-Karabakh War but, in hindsight, protecting Armenia—and especially the self-declared Artsakh Republic in Nagorno-Karabakh—was secondary to reinforcing a lesson the Kremlin had previously applied to Azerbaijan and Georgia: Democratic revolutions may bring short-term political freedom, but they also lead to territorial loss and an erosion of sovereignty.

In contrast, Putin has shown that dictatorships and counter-revolutionary regimes succeed where their democratic predecessors fail. Elchibey in Azerbaijan, Saakashvili in Georgia, and now Pashinyan in Armenia all assumed office amidst popular acclaim. All presided over significant territorial loss—Elchibey to Armenia, Saakashvili to Russian-backed forced, and Pashinyan to Azerbaijan. Both Elchibey and Saakashvili ended their political careers in exile and disgrace and, if opposition parties in Armenia have their way, Pashinyan may not be far behind.  

Such Russian success need not have been foreordained. The United States essentially forfeited its influence long before the first shots were fired in the most recent conflict, and neither the White House nor the State Department has done anything to regain leverage. Too often it seems that U.S. officials fail to see the forest through the trees and recognize the long game that Putin is playing.  

Michael Rubin is a resident scholar at the American Enterprise Institute and a frequent author for the National Interest.



Armenians displaced from Nagorno-Karabakh fear their medieval churches will be destroyed

Garnik Zakarian
The Conversation
Dec 16 2020

December 16, 2020 12.19am AEDT

Christina Maranci

Professor and Department Chair, Arthur H. Dadian and Ara Oztemel Professor of Armenian Art and Architecture, Tufts University


A six-week war in Nagorno-Karabakh, a mountainous region in the South Caucasus, ended on Nov. 9 after Russia brokered a peace deal between Armenia and Azerbaijan.

Under the deal, several ethnically Armenian provinces in Nagorno-Karabakh, which Armenians call Artsakh, were surrendered to Azerbaijan in November and December.

This is the latest chapter in a conflict that dates back at least a century. In 1921, the Soviet Union declared Nagorno-Karabakh part of Azerbaijan despite its ethnic Armenian majority. Since that time, the territory has been the site of massive demonstrations, failed international agreements and a brutal war from 1992 to 1994.

The human tragedy has been devastating. In the 2020 fighting alone, over 5,000 soldiers died and more than 100,000 people were displaced. Though the war is over, the rich architectural heritage of the region is still at risk.

Heritage organizations worry that the numerous historic Armenian churches, monasteries and tombstones of the region may face damage or destruction now that they are out of Armenian hands.

The war had already damaged many Armenian monuments. In the fall, Azerbaijani offensives shelled the ancient city of Tigranakert, founded in the first century B.C. by the Armenian king Tigranes the Great.

It also damaged the historic Holy Saviour “Ghazanchetsots” Cathedral in Shusha, one of the largest Armenian cathedrals in the world. Shusha, called Shushi by Armenians, is Karabakh’s cultural capital.

After Azerbaijani soldiers took control of the city, online images showed its 19th-century Armenian cathedral defaced with graffiti. Another 19th-century church nearby, known as the Kanach Zham and dedicated to Saint John the Baptist, also appears to be damaged.

The Armenian monuments of Nagorno-Karabakh form part of the broader architectural tradition of Armenian art and architecture which I study. For over 20 years, I have conducted research and fieldwork in historical regions of Armenia, including Nagorno-Karabakh.

Nagorno-Karabakh forms a remarkable chapter in Armenian art history because of its antiquity and its visual and religious distinctiveness.

The Monastery of Amaras, in the southeast, was founded in the fourth century, when Armenia became the first country to make Christianity its national religion.

It is the burial place of Saint Grigoris, grandson of Gregory the Illuminator, the patron saint and evangelizer of Armenia. It is also the site of the first school to use the Armenian script.

The walled complex houses a large basilica. Underneath it lies Grigoris’ fifth-century tomb – one of the oldest surviving Armenian Christian burial structures.

Recent archaeological excavations show that this tomb could be entered from the east – quite unusual in traditional church architecture. Scholars link the layout to the Holy Sepulcher in Jerusalem, the place both of the crucifixion and the tomb of Jesus.

Many other churches in Nagorno-Karabakh date later, from the 13th to 18th centuries, and incorporate carved cross-stones called khachkars into their walls. Khachkars often feature inscriptions written in Armenian that record the donor’s name and family members.

A cross-stone, or khachkar, is built into a church wall in the Armenian village of Sotk. Alexander RyuminTASS via Getty Images

In a church in Takyaghaya, the entrance is a beautiful patchwork of khachkars of various sizes and shapes. To the south, near Handaberd, a khachkar that likely dates to the 12th or 13th century is carved with a rare image of the Virgin Mary breastfeeding the Christ Child.

Meanwhile, the church of Tzitzernavank, in the west, is an extraordinary example of an intact early Christian basilica. It dates from the fifth or sixth century. An upper-level gallery above its sanctuary is an unusual design in church architecture. It is not clear why worshipers would be permitted to stand above the holiest area of the church.

Tzitzernavank also offers evidence of continued Armenian presence through the early modern period. An inscription on the church from before the 10th century asks Christ to “Remember the prayers of your servant, the undeserving Grigor, for his beloved brother Azat.” Another, from 1613, states that “By the will of God … the fortress wall was repaired by the hand of Prince Haikaz…”

Bearing the names of parents, children and other individuals, these inscriptions – and the monuments on which they appear – form a veritable history book of the region.

Nagorno-Karabakh is home to multiple architectural traditions. There are prehistoric caves and petroglyphs, or rock carvings, as well as medieval and modern Islamic tombs and mosques, and bridges, fortresses and palaces. They reflect the layered and diverse communities of the region.

But heritage organizations, museums, scholars, journalists and church leaders are most concerned about the fate of the vast number of Armenian Christian monuments which represent the indigenous Armenian populations – and which may suffer for precisely that reason.

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Scholars worry the monuments could face the same fate as the Armenian sites located in the nearby Azerbaijani exclave of Nakhchivan, where soldiers demolished thousands of khachkars between 1997 and 2007.

I believe digital documentation of the Armenian monuments in Nagorno-Karabakh is crucial to record their condition in the immediate aftermath of war. If destroyed, they are gone forever, which scholars like me believe would be a tragic impoverishment of world heritage.


Two men beheaded in videos from Nagorno-Karabakh war identified

Emma Jilavian
The Guardian, UK
Dec 15 2020

Exclusive: Ethnic Armenian men refused to leave their villages before Azerbaijani forces arrived, locals say

Andrew Roth Moscow correspondent
Tue 15 Dec 2020 05.00 GMT
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Two elderly men who were beheaded by Azerbaijani forces in videos widely shared on messaging apps have been identified, confirming two of the bloodiest atrocities of the recent war in Nagorno-Karabakh.

The ethnic Armenian men were non-combatants, people in their respective villages said. Both were beheaded by men in the uniforms of the Azerbaijani armed forces. The short, gruesome videos of the killings are among the worst of a torrent of footage portraying abuse, torture and murder that has continued to emerge more than a month after a Russian-brokered ceasefire came into force.

The villagers’ testimony in interviews with the Guardian corroborates identifications by a human rights ombudsman for the Armenian-backed local government and two prominent Armenian human rights lawyers preparing a criminal case relating to the murders.

The Guardian also confirmed one of the victim’s identities with a relative, and reviewed a passport application photograph that strongly resembles the other victim.

Human rights groups detail 'war crimes' in Nagorno-Karabakh

In videos posted online on 22 November and 3 December, men in uniforms consistent with those of the Azerbaijani military hold down and decapitate a man using a knife. One then places the severed head on a dead animal. “This is how we get revenge – by cutting off heads,” a voice says off camera.

Two residents of the village of Madatashen, in Nagorno-Karabakh, identified the victim as Genadi Petrosyan, 69, who had moved to the village in the late 1980s from the city of Sumgait, in Azerbaijan.

Gayane Petrosyan (no relation), the head of the local school, lived directly across from Petrosyan’s modest, two-room house. She said his father had helped install the village’s electrical system, and he had shown her pictures of a son who had moved to Russia with his ex-wife.

She said of one of the videos: “I could clearly see his face and I could recognise that it was him.” The Guardian has also seen a photograph of Petrosyan that closely resembles the victim in the video.

Genadi Petrosyan, who lived alone, resisted leaving the village as Azerbaijani forces closed in. When a neighbour tried to drive him away, he got out of the car and walked home.

Eduard Hayrapetyan, the village head, said he had known Petrosyan for more than three decades and considered him a close friend of his family’s. He received his last call from Petrosyan on the morning of 28 October, to say he had seen enemy forces in the village. Then, after weeks of silence, the video emerged.

“I feel great sorrow that I took him away from the village and then he came back and this happened,” Hayrapetyan said. “I just can’t find my place.”

Artak Beglaryan, a human rights ombudsman for the local Armenian-backed government, said Petrosyan had been identified by combing 35 missing persons reports for the region and then contacting acquaintances, who confirmed his identity.

He called for greater efforts by the international community to investigate war crimes from the conflict. “Western countries have kept silent and they haven’t taken practical steps,” he said. “They have the duties and levers to speak about this … we don’t see any results, we don’t see any process from them.”

Siranush Sahakyan, a human rights lawyer, also confirmed Petrosyan’s identity and said she and a colleague, Artak Zeynalyan, had prepared a criminal investigation into the murder.

“Emotionally, it is hard to watch the videos. From a professional perspective, it can be very useful evidence,” Sahakyan said, cautioning that they had to carefully vet videos to make sure they were not faked.

Amnesty International has called on Armenia and Azerbaijan to investigate videos of the decapitations and desecrations of corpses. The organisation has used digital verification techniques to authenticate the footage reviewed in this article, as well as footage of the murder of an Azerbaijani border guard who had his throat cut. Other videos show soldiers desecrating the bodies of enemy fighters.

While both sides have been implicated, online channels are increasingly dominated by videos of Armenian soldiers and civilians being abused by advancing Azerbaijani troops.

New revelations of torture and abuse mean that for many the violence continues even long after the war was halted. “Armenians and Azerbaijanis are watching those videos day in and day out, and every day there is a new video which is sending a new wave of assault on the public and public sensibilities,” said Tanya Lokshina, a researcher for Human Rights Watch, which prepared a painstaking report on abuses against Armenian prisoners of war, released early this month. “That trauma also results in increased levels of hatred. Even now when the active stage of the fighting is over.”

Some of the most gruesome and widely watched videos have also been some of the most difficult to confirm. A video posted on a Telegram channel on 7 December showed two soldiers in uniforms consistent with the Azerbaijani military pinning down an elderly man near a tree. Another soldier passes a knife to one of the attackers, who begins slicing at the victim’s neck. The victim’s head begins to separate from the neck before the video ends.

Three residents of the village of Azokh identified the victim in this video as Yuri Asryan, a reclusive 82-year-old who had refused to leave the village on 20 October as Azerbaijani forces approached.

“He didn’t communicate with others very much. He just refused to leave,” said Georgi Avesyan, the longtime head of the village until 2019 and one of the people who identified Asryan. He said it was possible Asryan did not fully understand what was happening.

Azerbaijani forces entered the village days later and it has remained under Baku’s control under the ceasefire agreement signed on 9 November.

There was no news of Asryan’s fate until a 29-second video appeared last week on social networks, including Telegram channels that traffic in gory footage from the conflict.

Araik Azumanyan, the current head of the village, said: “I received calls from many people from the village, and even people who had moved from the village to Armenia many years ago saying it looked like [Asryan] in the video.”

A third villager who recognised Asryan said: “I felt terrible after watching it, my blood pressure was high, I couldn’t compose myself for a week after seeing that.”

Beglaryan, the human rights ombudsman, and Sahakyan, the human rights lawyer, also confirmed Asryan’s identity. His closest relative, an elderly sister who occasionally visited him, knows that Asryan has died but has not seen the video. Asryan’s niece also confirmed to the Guardian that it was him in the video.

Azerbaijan’s general prosecutor last month publicly launched an investigation into war crimes by both Baku and Yerevan. On Monday it made its first arrests, detaining two Azerbaijani soldiers for defiling the bodies of dead Armenian troops and two for destroying graves. It has not publicly opened any criminal cases into beheadings.

There are hundreds more videos of abuses online. Sahakyan said she and a colleague were pursuing 75 cases of captive Armenian soldiers and civilians in the European court of human rights, including 35 that included video evidence. On Monday evening, the two government conducted a mass prisoner exchange, media in both countries reported.

In one video, a villager named Kamo Manasyan is kicked and beaten as blood streams from his right eye. “How many more of you are here,” his interrogator yells in heavily accented Russian, aiming a rifle at Manasyan’s head. “Shoot me if you want,” Manasyan replies. The man hits him with the rifle instead.

“It was hard to watch this video with this cruelty,” said Gagik, his nephew, in a video call. “I think they just want to show their success in this war and to humiliate Armenians, to show that they won.”

Manasyan’s sister, Nora, cannot bear to watch the video. “I want the prisoners of war to come back as soon as possible,” she said, crying. “I want peace.”

Asked for comment on allegations of human rights abuses during the war, a spokesman for the Council of Europe’s Commissioner on Human Rights said: “At this stage we can only say that the Commissioner has received videos and other material alleging human rights violations. Before expressing herself publicly, she wants to carry out a mission in order to assess the situation in first person. She is planning a mission to the region soon.”

* Gohar Martirosyan contributed reporting and translating from Yerevan, Armenia


Armenia’s ‘Songs of Solomon’ to Compete for International Feature Film Oscar

Ophelia Vardapetian
Variety Magazine
Dec 15 2020
By Dave McNary

 


Armenia has chosen Arman Nshanian’s feature film debut “Songs of Solomon” as its official submission to the 93rd Academy Awards in the international feature film category.

“Songs of Solomon,” written by Audrey Gevorkian and based on “The Past Unsung” by Sirvart Kavoukjian, explores the life of the composer Archbishop Solomon, also known as  Komitas, who had a profound impact on ethnomusicology. It centers on a childhood friendship, torn apart by the Hamidian massacres in the 1890s as a brave Turkish woman at a time of dire prejudice risks her own life and the life of her family to save her best friend, who is hunted down for her religious beliefs.  The film spans the period from 1881 to 1915, which marks both the Armenian Genocide and Komitas’ final concert.

“Songs of Solomon” stars Samvel Tadevossian, Arevik Gevorgyan, Tatev Hovakimyan, Sos Janibekyan, Arman Nshanian, Artashes Aleksanyan and Jean-Pier Nshanian along with child actors Slava Seyranyan, Iren Ayvazyan and Mery Hovsepyan.

The film, released on Nov. 26 in Armenia, is produced by Nick Vallelonga of Vallelonga Productions, Asko Akopyan of Oscar Gold Productions and Nshanian under his People of Ar Production Company in association with AnEva Productions in Armenia. Karo Kavoukjian serves as Executive Producer. Vallelonga won Academy Awards for best picture and and best original screenplay for 2018’s “Green Book.” “Songs of Solomon” will be opening in the U.S. in 2021.

In light of the September 2020 invasion of Armenian inhabited Nagorno- Karabakh at the hands of Azerbaijan and Turkish forces, the filmmakers hope that the film can be a cathartic experience for all Armenians and serve to educate others to prevent such atrocities from occurring again.

The 93rd Oscars ceremony, originally scheduled for Feb. 28, 2021, will now take place two months later on April 25, 2021, due to the COVID-19 pandemic.


Artsakh Conflict Sparks California Protests in Solidarity with Armenians

Lara Chatinian
Dec 14 2020

12/14/2020 Washington, D.C. (International Christian Concern) – Over the past several months, the conflict between Azerbaijan and Armenia in the Caucasus region has sparked protests among some California residents, condemning the transgressions of Azerbaijan and its ally Turkey. Protestors have conducted demonstrations outside of the Turkish Consulate in Los Angeles, expressing their distain towards Turkey’s involvement in the conflict.

The conflict began earlier this year with an Azeri attack against Armenian forces in the Nagorno-Karabakh region (referred to as Artsakh by Armenians) controlled by Armenia. The region has long been disputed between the two countries, though it was taken back by Azerbaijan as a result of the most recent cease-fire agreement.

The protests in California began following the break of one of the cease-fire agreements between the two countries back in October. Many expect that the resumption of hostilities over the weekend will cause more protests.

Southern California is home to the largest Armenian population in the United States. Many Armenian families settled there after fleeing their homes as a result of the Armenian genocide, perpetrated by the Ottoman Empire. Based on the aggressive rhetoric used by Turkish and Azeri leaders today, some fear that these two Muslim-majority countries are attempting to intimidate Armenian Christians and reinvigorate anti-Christian sentiment from the genocide.

Many of the Armenian-Americans protesting were both expressing their solidarity with Armenians who remain in danger from Azeri and Turkish transgressions, while also condemning U.S. media companies for their lack of coverage on the conflict. Protestors demonstrated in front of the CNN and LA Times buildings during rallies in October.

In response, Los Angeles’ City Council approved a resolution recognizing the sovereignty of Artsakh and plans to advocate for the US government to follow suit. San Francisco’s government also took similar actions, submitting a petition to Congress calling for an end to the hostilities and reaffirming their condemnation of aggressions of the Azeri military. As more domestic pressure continues to grow, it is expected that this conflict will gain the greater attention both from Congress and the White House.






https://www.persecution.org/2020/12/14/artsakh-conflict-sparks-california-protests-solidarity-armenians/?fbclid=IwAR2jSW3Q7K541DqkTPAZ4xYzafpQXDaKoRwdPJFLWaGpFf1VXH_Gz_aA0MA#.X9kE2eGzdWw.facebook








Moderna’s co-founder Noubar Afeyan on the growing pushback against a COVID-19 vaccine

Kanayan Tamar
GZero Media
Dec 14 2020
GZERO Media


"In any debate, if one side has to offer facts and the other side can offer doubts and they're considered of equal value, then the ones who offer doubts will always have an advantage." Moderna co-founder Noubar Afeyan isn't naïve about the pushback that his company's COVID-19 vaccine will receive when it hits the US market. Disinformation around vaccine safety and efficacy was rampant even before the pandemic began. His conversation with Ian Bremmer was part of the latest episode of GZERO World.

Watch the GZERO World episode: A Shot in the Arm: Moderna’s Co-Founder on the COVID-19 Vaccine


Nagorno-Karabakh: Azerbaijan, Armenia exchange prisoners as part of peace deal Access to the commentsCOMMENTS

Emil Karabekian
EuroNews
Dec 15 2020
By Euronews with Associated Press


Azerbaijan and Armenia exchanged prisoners on Monday as part of the peace deal that ended a recent war over the territory of Nagorno-Karabakh.

Tigran Avinyan, Armenia's deputy prime minister, announced that 44 captives had been returned to the country from Azerbaijan.

Meanwhile, 12 captives were handed over to Azerbaijan, the Russian Defense Ministry confirmed.

The exchange was facilitated by Russian peacekeepers that have been deployed to the region under the deal, which was brokered by Moscow.


It wasn’t immediately clear how many more prisoners the two countries intend to exchange.

  • Amnesty International calls for investigation into alleged war crimes in Nagorno-Karabakh
  • Armenia and Azerbaijan accuse each other of breaching Nagorno-Karabakh ceasefire

Armenia and Azerbaijan fought a bloody war over Nagorno-Karabakh in the early 1990s which ended in a truce although sporadic episodes of violence have since taken place.

The latest flare-up erupted on September 27 with both sides blaming each other for the renewed violence — the worst episode in decades.

More than 5,000 people lost their lives and tens of thousands were displaced.

The peace deal brokered by Moscow came into force on November 10. As part of the agreement, Armenia handed over some territory it holds outside of Nagorno-Karabakh's borders, while Azerbaijan also retained control over areas of the disputed region it had taken during the conflict.

The peace deal was celebrated in Azerbaijan as a major triumph, and last week a military parade was held in Baku to mark it.

In Armenia, the truce sparked outrage and mass protests, with thousands regularly taking to the streets to demand the country’s prime minister be ousted over his handling of the conflict.

Thousands of people rallied in the Armenian capital, Yerevan, once again on Monday, chanting “Nikol, go away!” and “Armenia without Nikol!"


SONGS OF SOLOMON is Armenia’s Official Submission for the 93rd Academy Awards

Vardan Badalian
Broadway World
Dec 15 2020


by TV News Desk


Amidst a time of war, Armenia has proudly announced that Arman Nshanian's (in his feature film directorial debut) visually arresting and emotionally stirring historical drama SONGS OF SOLOMON as its official submission to the 93rd Academy Awards in the International Feature Film category.

Written by Audrey Gevorkian, based on the true story "The Past Unsung" by Sirvart Kavoukjian, a film that explores the life of iconic composer Komitas, who's impact on ethnomusicology still prevails to this day while addressing the first genocide of the 20th century.

Released on November 26, 2020 in Armenia, SONGS OF SOLOMON resonates even louder today in light of the September 2020 invasion of Armenian inhabited Nagorno- Karabakh at the hands of Azerbaijan and Turkish forces. The filmmakers hope is that the picture will not only act as a cathartic experience to all Armenians, but also touch and educate us all to help eliminate such atrocities from ever occurring again anywhere in the world.

SONGS OF SOLOMON stars Samvel Tadevossian, Arevik Gevorgyan, Tatev Hovakimyan, Sos Janibekyan, Arman Nshanian, Artashes Aleksanyan and Jean-Pier Nshanian And introduces three wonderful child actors: Slava Seyranyan, Iren Ayvazyan, Mery Hovsepyan.

The feature is produced by two-time Oscar Winner (for Green Book) Nick Vallelonga of Vallelonga Productions and Hollywood based Producer Asko Akopyan of Oscar Gold Productions. Arman Nshanian Produced under his People of Ar Production Company in association with AnEva Productions in Armenia. Karo Kavoukjian serves as Executive Producer.

Inspired by true events, this is a film about a childhood friendship, torn apart by the horrific Hamidian massacres infiltrated by the Ottoman Empire. A brave Turkish woman at a time of dire prejudice risks her own life and the life of her family to save her best friend who is hunted down for her religious beliefs. This epic portrayal spans from 1881 to 1915, Constantinople, taking us on an emotional journey to the last concert given by Archbishop Komitas. A biographical film which takes place on the backdrop of the sacred and ancient music of Archbishop Solomon, also known as Komitas.

Armenia is proud to put SONGS OF SOLOMON into the Oscar race as its official entry for the 93rd Academy Awards – and thinks it could go the distance this year.



https://www.broadwayworld.com/bwwtv/article/SONGS-OF-SOLOMON-is-Armenias-Official-Submission-for-the-93rd-Academy-Awards-20201215


Dec. 15, 2020  

Second stage of prisoner swap between Armenia, Azerbaijan expected in coming days – MP

Emil Lazarian
Public Radio of Armenia
Dec 15 2020

The second stage of prisoner swap between Armenia and Azerbaijan is expected in coming days, member of the ruling My Step faction Nazeli Baghdasaryan told reporters after the faction’s meeting with Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan.

“It’s about the captives Azerbaijan has confirmed officially, but we have doubts that the number could be larger,” she said.

According to the MP, the number of prisoners left in Azerbaijan is significantly less than those who returned to Armenia yesterday.

“At the moment, the discussion is about the confirmed prisoners, but we do not rule out that the process will be continuous,” she said.

Fourty-four Armenians, including 14 civilians, returned from Azerbaijani captivity on the eve.

Artsakh’s President Arayik Harutyunyan, Armenia’s Deputy Prime Minister Tigran Avinyan, Human Rights Defender Arman Tatoyan welcomed the returnees at the airport.