THE ‘GENDER EQUALITY LAW’ HYSTERIA IN ARMENIA
By Samson Martirosyan // September 20, 2013 in Featured, Headline,
Special Reports
(Special to the Armenian Weekly)
YEREVAN (A.W.)-In May 2013, Armenia’s Parliament adopted the law on
“Equal Rights and Equal Opportunities for Men and Women.”For the past
two months, adoption of this piece of legislation has been the topic
of an extremely frenzied debate. The discussion became even more heated
during the last two weeks of August, when it drew in voices from almost
all segments of Armenian society, including civil society groups,
the church, nationalists, traditionalists, state representatives,
various NGOs, human rights advocates, bloggers, the mass media,
pop stars, and political parties.
Women’s Resource Center participating in a demonstration for increased
equality Yerevan. (Photo by Svetlana Antonyan)
The main focus, at least in the beginning of this hysteria, was Article
3 of the legislation, wherein gender is defined as the “acquired,
socially fixed behavior of persons of different sexes.”
Essentially, this definition of gender was either ill understood, not
understood at all, or deliberately distorted by many, making gender
related issues-LGBT among them-the most discussed topic in Armenia.
The law
Although many believe that the law was orchestrated to destroy
traditional Armenian values, it is in fact the over-reaction to its
adoption that was orchestrated.
If we look at the process of the draft law’s preparation, it becomes
clear why it was the logical continuation of the gender equality
policy. Back in 2009, then-MPs Heghine Bisharyan and Hovhannes
Margaryan from Orinats Erkir (Rule of Law Party) proposed the bill.
Until 2011, hearings regarding this bill proposal were delayed in
parliament several times until the government of Armenia proposed
a similar bill. Since the proposed bills were almost identical,
a decision was made to combine the two. As a result, the draft of
what was adopted this May as law was created.
Hearings on this new draft bill were once again delayed in parliament.
In May 2012, parliamentary elections were held, and the expected
hearings in the newly elected parliament were delayed twice, as there
was a need to reexamine the proposed drafts. Eventually, parliament
held the long awaited hearings this past May, and the draft became
law No. 57 on “Equal Rights and Equal Opportunities for Men and Women.”
Here, it is worth mentioning that unlike this law, other official
state decisions pertaining to gender equality had never attracted the
ire of Armenian society. Armenia had developed its gender equality
policy long ago; the adoption of law No. 57 was nothing new.
In 2010, the government adopted a protocol decision on gender
equality, which clearly indicates priority areas, main goals, and
strategies for the implementation of gender policy. “Gender equality
fosters sustainable development, intensifies democratic processes,
and contributes to vital activity and organization of public life for
the real equality of all social groups, for solidarity, cooperation
and tolerance, for the effective utilization of human potential,
and for better quality of life.” These words, written in the protocol
decision, never caused exasperation, and there was not a single person,
let alone an organized mob, that publicly attacked this decision or
blamed women’s groups for sabotaging the image of the traditional
Armenian family. Everyone seemed to agree with the concepts of gender
and gender equality.
There was also another protocol decision that established strategies
and action plans of a gender equality policy for the years 2011-15.
Again, no one’s rights were violated by this decision, no one’s
traditional Armenian family was perverted, no one seemed to even care
that the government defined a task of “including gender component
in state policy of education and science”(No. 28) in this decision,
and no one suggested gender equality would jeopardize the future of
their children.
In 2004, the government adopted decision No. 645 on establishing a
“National Project for Improving the Status of Women and Enhancing
Their Role in Public” for the years 2004-10. The decision had many
components, including the task of enhancing knowledge of gender
equality-related issues in educational and state institutions. Why
didn’t the same individuals, who now attack those working towards
gender equality in Armenia, speak against this 2004 decision? Where
were they then?
In 2012, a methodology guidebook titled “Gender Sensitive Indicators”
was published by the Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs. Apart
from national legislature, Armenia also signed several international
treaties. In 1993, Armenia signed and ratified the United Nations
Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against
Women, and in 1995 joined the Fourth World Conference on Women’s
Beijing Declaration. Armenia also signed the UN Millennium Declaration
and agreed to the Millennium Development Goals, the third goal of
which aims at promoting gender equality and women’s empowerment.
None of these decisions, treaties, or documents engendered a fraction
of the anger that the bill on “Equal Rights and Equal Opportunities
for Men and Women” seems to face.
Despite the fact that the above-mentioned decisions are aimed at
promoting gender equality, and consequently improving the general
notion of what gender is, none of these steps have resulted in a
tangible shift in women’s role in society.
On paper, the state policy of pushing forward gender equality was
a good process, and showed that at least on an institutional level
concrete actions were being taken. Unfortunately, the implementation
of these actions remained solely on a formal level. The 2013 law,
too, was a routine gender equality-related law that likely would
have remained on paper, and not become a robust working piece
of legislation or bring about palpable changes. What is extremely
vexing is that reaction to the adoption of this law was overwhelming,
and people who were unaware of Armenia’s gender equality path felt
that gender equality was an extremely exotic and alien phenomenon,
something that contradicted everything Armenian.
Reaction
Reaction to the law was a clear indicator that there is little to
absolutely no concept of what gender equality really is, and why it
is vital for women in any society.
The word “gender” quickly became an adjective. Ardent opponents
of this law used the word to describe anything perverted and
sinful, which aimed to undermine traditional Armenian values,
families, and even history. Some opponents went further, and
equated gender equality with homosexuality, mindful of the high
levels of homophobia in Armenia. According to a survey conducted
by the Caucasus Research Resource Centers (CRRC), 96 percent of
Armenian respondents-representing the highest percentage in the
South Caucasus-said homosexuality could never be justified (see also
CivilNet’s video segment about the overall level of intolerance in
Armenia). Some now view the debate as a strategic move to unite the
homophobic masses against gender equality.
Amnesty International’s latest report presents hate crimes,
discrimination, and harassment cases against LGBTI individuals in
Armenia-another indicator of homophobia. The same persons who endorsed
the firebombing of the gay-friendly DIY bar in Yerevan and the events
that followed are the same persons who supported those who attacked
and hijacked the International Diversity Day March last year. They are
also the same individuals who were part of a protest movement against
screening the film “Prada,” which deals with LGBT issues and which
was organized by the German Embassy and the European Union (E.U.).
The so-called “Pan-Armenian Parental Committee” joined the smear
campaign against the gender equality law, fueling the anger. The main
platform they used for disseminating hate speech and disinformation
was their Facebook page, where they posted articles and videos (many in
Russian) of suspicious origin and content. This page quickly garnered
7,000 “Likes.” The creators used it actively and did not stop with
only hate speech; they also started labeling specific individuals-who
had publicly expressed their concerns regarding the growing hysteria
and manipulation surrounding the issue-and posting their pictures,
and granting them a made-up “Prominent Gender of Armenia” award. One
of their prominent members, Arman Boshyan, along with many provocations
and vague definitions, said during apress conference that “the Armenian
government gives money from state budget for gender propaganda,”
adding, “I assure you, 99 percent of Armenia’s population is against
[gender propaganda].”
The name of another Facebook group tells all-“No to ‘Gender’ Law! No
to National Treason.” The only difference between the page of the
“Pan-Armenian Parental Committee” and this group is that it is not
a page but a group, which means that all members (and not just one
person) can contribute to it. In terms of content, the two are almost
identical, except with the latter, the discourse is more aggressive.
A quick glance at the content of this group is more than enough
to understand the level of hatred and aggressiveness espoused by
its members: “Gender is perversion. We won’t let it be. Gender =
transvestite,” “Gender = homosexuality,” “Stay human or become gender?
This is the question,” are but a few of the posted comments. The
group is also pushing a petition against the “legalization of sexual
perversion” and have a message to all Armenians, where they claim
that the definition of gender in the law is “ambiguous and is beyond
traditional legal perception of equality of men and women.” Members
of this campaign will soon hold a demonstration.
Various mass media organizations have also joined this big game.
Numerous articles have appeared both in printed and online newspapers.
TV reports didn’t lag behind, and very ably manipulated the issue.
Armenia TV produced a report that claimed that “parliamentarians
decided that [biological] sex is not a gift of nature but a gender.”
The author of the report also highlighted the section of the draft law
that mentions the state should have supervision over gender equality,
and commented, “this means that new monuments of women according to
gender will soon be installed in the city, or some artists will write
articles saying that Mother Armenia is a male and a Roman Soldier
in the Cascade is a female. The state will do anything to have women
priests, women generals, and women criminals in law…we will start
celebrating Day of Fathers and Unshaved Faces.”
Another completely distorted report, which took the words of Women’s
Resource Center founder Lara Aharonian out of context, was disseminated
by the TV station A1+ and broadcasted by ArmNews. The report made it
seem as though Aharonian’s response, during a press conference, to the
question, “Could a person be taught how to become a homosexual” was,
“If society teaches so, then [they] should learn so.”
In reality, such a question was never posed and Aharonian’s response
was to a completely different question. Later, the real unedited
short version footage of the press conference revealed the truth.
Not only were TV stations, newspapers, and Facebook groups part of
this hysteria, but also public figures. “From Sept. 14-21 a meeting
of homosexuals will soon be organized in Armenia that is financed by
some European organization. The meeting will have 23 homosexuals. Their
hotel expenses will be covered, as well as 70 percent of their travel
expenses. It is homosexuality propaganda,” said former MP Khatchig
Stambolcyan, commenting on recent developments. As it turned out
later, Stambolcyan was referring to the youth project of the Armenian
Progressive Youth NGO, called “Gender Perspectives in Europe.” The
Armenian Progressive Youth NGO refuted Stambolcyan’s comments, and
clarified that the project was organized in the framework of the
EU-funded “Youth in Action” program. It demanded that Stambolcyan
publicly apologize or face slander charges. Stambolcyan hasn’t yet
apologized, and is still determined to “fight against foreign forces.”
Famous pop culture personalities Lusine Badalyan (aka Lulu) and Nazeni
Hovhannisyan, too, joined the anti-gender-equality mainstream. Both
were active on social media sites, expressing their concerns and
essentially endorsing the hateful and aggressive mob mentality with
their posts and comments.
Bishop Bagrat Galstyan, the head of the Social Doctrine Department of
the Holy See, posted an article on his personal Facebook page that was
later disseminated by online media. In his article, he too criticized
the definition of gender in the law, saying, “this perception bears
absolutely no relationship to the equality of rights between men
and women,” later suggesting that the word gender be replaced with
“men and women,” which, according to him, would resolve all the
existing problems.
Another priest, Shmavon Ghevodyan, said in an interview, “I think
last year the gay parade was prevented due to social networks,”
in a reference to the aforementioned International Diversity Day March.
“Why cannot we tell Europe that our national identity does not let us
legalize homosexuality,” he asked, despite the fact that homosexual
acts have not been illegal in Armenia since 2003, and Armenia is one
of 94 states that supported the UN declaration on sexual orientation
and gender identity in 2008. Not a single priest was against this UN
declaration back then. “It is wrong that we have gotten used to the
idea that there must be homosexuals near us,” he added.
The Armenian police were also quick to react. A draft of an amendment
to the Administrative Code was posted on the official website of
the police department. The proposal suggested placing high fines
on individuals and organizations if they were found to be spreading
“propaganda on non-traditional sexual relationships.” (There was no
definition provided of what a non-traditional sexual relationship
might be.) Overall, the proposal was too vague to become a piece
of legislation. Despite the fact that it was later withdrawn due to
“shortcomings,” it greatly contributed to the gender hysteria.
The actions of these groups, mass media representatives, and
individuals cumulatively caused tremendous harm to many human rights
organizations, women’s groups, and individuals, whose positive image in
Armenian society was deliberately spoiled. The Women’s Resource Center
received many threats and was accused of promoting sexual perversion,
leading its members to take additional measures for their personal
safety. Thirty-six organizations issued a joint statement regarding
threats against the Women’s Resource Center.
Result
The government shortly after replaced the word “gender” with “men and
women” in law No. 57, which had been almost unanimously adopted-108
for, and not a single against. The change in the law was the result of
great pressure by the above-mentioned groups and individuals. Heghine
Bisharyan, who had co-authored the law, quickly stepped back after
witnessing the hysteria, and noted that “previously their draft bill
didn’t contain the definition of gender.”
The government too bears fault here. The anti-gender campaign included
a large portion of anti-government rhetoric.
And, not only was its response inadequate in stopping the dissemination
of misinformation and hatred, but its decision also created a
precedent. This precedent proved that by using misinformation, slander,
and egregiously hostile extremist groups, and uniting them against
any issue (experience shows that the easiest way to unite them is to
use anti-gay and anti-gender equality rhetoric), it will be possible
to force change. No one has guarantees that these easily controlled
and easily manipulated groups will not be used later to stifle other
civil movements by the ruling regime itself, by different oligarchs,
or by third parties that have leverage on the mass media and those
orchestrating such hysteria.
An overpowering wave of misogynistic, homophobic, and unjustified
hatred covered Armenian society for two months. And it was a hard blow
to the sustainable development of Armenian society. It will take a
great deal of time for civil society to overcome its repercussions, and
move towards efforts to refrain from reacting similarly in the future.
Samson Martisosyan is The Armenian Weekly correspondent in Yerevan.
http://www.armenianweekly.com/2013/09/20/the-gender-equality-law-hysteria-in-armenia/