History In Your Garden… This Week: Greengage (Prunus Domestica)

HISTORY IN YOUR GARDEN… THIS WEEK: GREENGAGE (PRUNUS DOMESTICA)
By Monty Don

le-1051337/History-garden–This-week-Greengage-pru nus-domestica.html
01st September 2008

In my opinion, greengages are the best of all plums. Unfortunately,
they can be tricky to grow and young trees take their time to set
fruit – but they are worth the trouble and the wait.

Greengages can be tricky to grow and young trees take their time to
set fruit

It is believed that they originated in Armenia, just to the east of
Turkey, and spread to Europe quite late, entering this country in
the early 1700s – although there are references to the greengage
before that time from travellers to Italy, where it was known as
verdocchia. The French called it Reine-Claude after Queen Claude,
wife of Francis I, whose reign overlapped that of our own Henry VIII.

We know this green-skinned plum as the greengage because, in 1724, an
English Catholic priest called John Gage, who was studying in Paris,
sent some young trees to his brother, Sir William Gage, who lived at
Hengrave Hall just outside Bury St Edmunds. But the trees lost their
labels in transit so the gardener planted them and labelled them ‘green
Gages’ after his master. The name stuck and has endured to this day.

http://www.dailymail.co.uk/home/ireland/artic

2.5 Thsd Tons Of Petrol To Be Delivered To Armenia On September 3

2.5 THSD TONS OF PETROL TO BE DELIVERED TO ARMENIA ON SEPTEMBER 3

arminfo
2008-09-01 16:15:00

ArmInfo. 2.5 thsd tons of petrol will be delivered to Armenia on
September 3. The petrol is currently being unloaded from tankers,
Armenian MP, Co-chairman of the Association on Armenian-Georgian
Business Cooperation Vladimir Badalyan told journalists.

A total of 982 waggons (54 thsd tons of cargoes), 68 of them
with petrol, 350 with wheat, and about 500 with mixed cargoes were
delivered to Armenia after restoration of the side railroad in Georgia,
he said. According to him, this way is used not only for trains to
Armenia and from Armenia, but also for those from Azerbaijan, and
this makes the whole process difficult.

"The main bridge will be restored only in a month", the MP noted. To
recall, the side railroad in Metekhi-Grakale section was restored
on August 20, and this helped establish the railroad service between
Georgia and Armenia, which was suspended due to the explosion of the
bridge in Gori-Tbilisi railroad section on August 16.

Turkey’s Initiative To Create Caucasian Platform Of Stability And Se

TURKEY’S INITIATIVE TO CREATE CAUCASIAN PLATFORM OF STABILITY AND SECURITY TO BE DISCUSSED DURING TURKISH DELEGATION’S UPCOMING VISIT TO YEREVAN

arminfo
2008-09-01 16:13:00

ArmInfo. Turkey’s initiative to create a Caucasian platform
of stability and security will be discussed during the Turkish
delegation’s upcoming visit to Yerevan, Turkish Foreign Minister Ali
Babacan said, Radio Liberty reports with reference to the Associated
Press. Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov will leave for Istanbul,
Tuesday, to discuss this initiative.

Peoples of the Caucasus have single future, they also have common
history, Babacan said. "All of us must work to form this future",
he added. "When canons calm down, time for diplomacy comes. Now each
of the parties should display more equanimity to avoid aggravation of
the situation and disagreement. As the history shows, nobody benefits
from it, on the contrary, everyone loses something", Babacan said.

Turkey offers Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia, Turkey and Russia to
sign a relevant agreement to ensure stability and security in the
Caucasus. The Turkish diplomatic delegation is expected to visit
Yerevan this week.

From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

Turkish Diplomatic Mission To Visit Armenia

TURKISH DIPLOMATIC MISSION TO VISIT ARMENIA

arminfo
2008-09-01 13:00:00

ArmInfo. A high-ranking diplomatic delegation of Turkey will visit
Armenia before the visit of President Abdullah Gul to Yerevan, Turkish
Foreign Minister Ali Babacan said at a press conference with his
Georgian counterpart on 31 August, 1news.az reports. The source reports
the delegation will settle security issues and describe the problems
to be discussed during the visit of A. Gul to Yerevan. A. Babacan
declared that he sends a delegation to Armenia to discuss the visit
of Gul. To recall, Armenian President Serzh Sargsyan invited A. Gul
to watch Armenia vs. Turkey qualifier match in Yerevan.

Alternative Railway To Iran Is Necessity For Armenia, Member Of Arme

ALTERNATIVE RAILWAY TO IRAN IS NECESSITY FOR ARMENIA, MEMBER OF ARMENIAN PARLIAMENT THINKS

arminfo
2008-09-01 16:17:00

ArmInfo. The alternative railway to Iran is necessity for Armenia,
member of the Armenian parliament co-chair of Association of
Armenian-Georgian business cooperation Vladimir Badalyan told
journalists today.

He also added if Armenia builds a railway towards Iran, opening of the
Abkhazian sector of the railway, that connects Armenia and Georgia with
Russia, will become the next step of the republic in this direction.

‘Railway is a form of business and if railway communication with
Iran is opened with a potential of big volume cargo shipment, this
business will be also beneficial for Georgia’, – he said and added
that it is necessary to restore about 80 km of railway in Abkhazia
and this requires $250-300 mln.

Western Union Leaving Money Transfer Market Of Armenia To Lead To Gr

WESTERN UNION LEAVING MONEY TRANSFER MARKET OF ARMENIA TO LEAD TO GROWTH OF CIRCULATION OF OTHER PAYMENT SYSTEMS

arminfo
2008-09-01 16:11:00

ArmInfo. One of the biggest money transfer systems Western Union’s
leaving the money transfer market of Armenia will lead to growth of
circulation of other payment systems.

As director of money transfer system service of Unibank Natalya
Ter-Gevorkyan told ArmInfo correspondent, the bank will continue
serving the Western union system up to 26 September. Then she thinks
tension of international system of money transfer UNIStream may
grow as geography of the main service of the system (75 countries)
is almost the same as geography of Western Union. ‘Earlier we wanted
to finish the current year with $1 bln circulation of the UNIStream
system, but after leaving of the Western Union it is not ruled out
that we shall manage to reach this indicator’, – she said.

At the same time Ter-Gevorkyan added that according to the results
of the first half-year 2008 the share of UNIStream was 51,2% out
of the general volume of money transfer to Armenia and 44,5% – from
Armenia. The volume of UNIStream money transfer in Armenia has grown
by 40% over the first half-year 2008 if compared with the same period
of 2007 and amounted to $324.

BAKU: US Vice President To Discuss Energy Issues And War On Terror I

US VICE PRESIDENT TO DISCUSS ENERGY ISSUES AND WAR ON TERROR IN BAKU

Today.Az
7323.html
Sept 1 2008
Azerbaijan

One of the main issues to be discussed during the meetings of US vice
president Dick Cheney in Baku will become energy issues.

Novosti-Azerbaijan reports with reference to White House that Cheney’s
visit to Azerbaijan will be held on September 3 in the framework of
his trip to the South Caucasus region, which will start on September 2.

It is noted that the United States want to help Azerbaijan develop
its energy reserves and ensure their safe supply to the market which
responds to the mutual interests of not only the United States but
also all of the European countries.

"Azerbaijan offers great opportunities for development and supply
of additional energy sources both from the Caspian region as well as
Central Asia to the international markets", says the statement.

In the framework of the visit, the sides will also discuss the
peaceful resolution of the Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict over Nagorno
Karabakh conflict, US support of efforts for strengthening democracy
and supremacy of law in Azerbaijan, preparing to hold presidential
elections.

Presidential elections will be held in Azerbaijan on October 15 of
this year.

Cheney will also discuss the recent events in Georgia and issues of
war on terror in Baku.

"Azerbaijan is an important partner not only in the framework of
cooperation in combat with terrorism. Azerbaijan’s peacekeeping forces
are deployed in Afghanistan and Iraq. The US vice president will
express gratitude to Azerbaijan for this help", says the statement.

http://www.today.az/news/politics/4

BAKU: PACE Bureau To Discuss Appointment Of Chairman Of Ad Hoc Commi

PACE BUREAU TO DISCUSS APPOINTMENT OF CHAIRMAN OF AD HOC COMMITTEE ON NAGORNO-KARABAKH CONFLICT

Trend News Agency
Sept 1 2008
Azerbaijan

Azerbaijan, Baku, 1 September / Trend News corr. I.Alizade / A new
chairman of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe’s
(PACE) Ad Hoc Committee on Nagorno-Karabakh conflict may be appointed
at a meeting of the PACE Bureau to be held in Paris on 5 September.

"Appointment of the new chairman of the PACE Ad Hoc Committee on
Nagorno-Karabakh will be discussed at the Bureau’s meeting," Arif
Mammadov, the Azerbaijani permanent envoy at the CE, told Trend News
over telephone from Strasburg on 1 September.

PACE adopted resolution 1416 in January 2005 concerning the
Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. The resolution states that Armenia has
occupied 20% of the Azerbaijani land, including Nagorno-Karabakh
region, and should immediately withdraw its troops from the occupied
territories, refugees should be repatriated and the conflict should
be solved only through the peaceable way.

The subcommittee has been established to exercise control over the
implementation of the Resolution and to assist in solution of the
conflict. Lord Russell Johnston, a British MP and the chairman of
the PACE Ad Hoc Committee on the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, passed
away several months ago.

The conflict between the two countries of the South Caucasus began in
1988 due to Armenian territorial claims against Azerbaijan. Azerbaijan
lost the Nagorno-Karabakh, except of Shusha and Khojali, in December
1991. In 1992-1993, the Armenian Armed Forces occupied Shusha,
Khojali and seven regions attached to Nagorno-Karabakh. In 1994,
Azerbaijan and Armenia signed a ceasefire agreement and the sides
continue peace negotiations.

The OSCE Minsk Group, including co-chairmen from three countries – USA,
Russia, France, are mediating in the solution of the Nagorno-Karabakh
conflict through peaceable way.

During the meeting members of the Bureau will be informed about the
death of the Ad Hoc Committee chairman and vacancy for the position of
chairman, Samad Seyidov, the chairman of the Azerbaijani Parliament’s
standing commission on international and inter-parliamentary
relations and the head of the Azerbaijani Delegation at the PACE,
told Trend News.

"Firstly, appointment of new chairman of the Ad Hoc Committee should
be discussed at the PACE Political Committee," Seyidov said.

ANKARA: Turk Troubles In Caucasus

TURK TROUBLES IN CAUCASUS
By Michael Reynolds

Sept 1 2008
Turkey

There are abundant reasons for one to expect that Turkey would have
been following events in Georgia and the Caucasus with great diligence.

The outbreak of the Russian-Georgian War earlier this month apparently
caught Ankara as poorly prepared as it caught Washington. The Turkish
Foreign Ministry’s section dealing with the Caucasus reportedly was
virtually unstaffed. The head of the section was in Mosul on temporary
assignment, the section’s number-two spot is empty and has been for the
last six months. The number three was also away on temporary assignment
in Nakhichevan and the other assigned section members were on vacation,
thus forcing on-duty diplomats from other desks to scramble.

This may surprise. There are abundant reasons for one to expect that
Turkey would have been following events in Georgia and the Caucasus
with great diligence. The two countries share common borders and
intertwined histories. Istanbul ruled large chunks of the Caucasus,
including much of Georgia, for centuries, and today there remains
inside Turkey a small but vibrant community of Abkhazians and related
Caucasian peoples. Russia for most of the past three centuries has
loomed over Turkey as its greatest rival and threat, yet at critical
times, such as during the Turkish War of Independence (1919-22), it
has been a key ally. Today Russia supplies somewhere around 70 percent
of Turkey’s natural gas and is Turkey’s second largest trading partner.

Georgia is a transit point for Caspian and Central Asian oil and
gas and as such is critical to Turkey’s ambitions to become an
energy hub and to diversify its own energy supplies. As a member
of NATO, Turkey has been involved in training and supplying the
Georgian military. Finally, given Turkey’s own struggle with Kurdish
separatists, other instances of ethno-separatism and border revision
logically should command Ankara’s keen attention. In short, both
Russia and Georgia are of great strategic, economic, and historic
importance to Turkey, and the principles of territorial integrity and
self-determination over which the Russo-Georgian War was (nominally)
fought are directly relevant to the most sensitive of Turkey’s
security concerns.

Turkey’s lack of preparedness for the Russo-Georgian war is not
coincidental, but instead reflects a long-standing legacy of
Kemalism. The fundamental precept of the foreign policy course
laid out by Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, summed up in his famous phrase,
"Peace at home, peace in the world," was that Turkey should bury its
imperial past, avoid foreign entanglements, and focus on internal
development. Thus the Turkish Republic deliberately isolated itself
from its neighbors, especially those to its south and east. It cut
cultural and other ties across the board, and preferred cordial
but distant relations over close involvement and interaction. As a
result, Turkey today has a strong cadre of diplomats, professors,
analysts and others fluent in English and familiar with the United
States and Western Europe, but it lacks the sort of expertise about
its own neighborhood that one might assume it would naturally possess
given its imperial history. Although challenges to this policy of
isolation have emerged on occasion (briefly in the 1950s and perhaps
during the early 1990s), a preference for cool detachment and inward
focus has remained dominant in the Turkish bureaucracy.

There is much to be said for avoiding foreign entanglements, and
the reasoning behind "Peace at home, peace abroad" was anything but
frivolous. Yet self-imposed isolation carries its own costs. Those
costs rose precipitately for Turkey following the end of the Cold
War as its neighborhood underwent tremendous political and economic
transformation. Ignoring the events taking place around it was no
solution. At this time, Turkey’s self-confidence began to grow, and
more Turks began to advocate that their country play a more active
role in its region. One positive development has been the emergence in
Turkey of think-tanks, both official and non-governmental, dedicated
to foreign and domestic issues.

Old habits and institutional practices die hard, however, and playing
an active role in such a complex region is no simple matter. As a
way to break out of the old mindset and gain experience in regional
affairs without great risk, Turkey has been trying to play the role of
mediator in regional conflicts. The architect of this approach is Ahmet
Davutoglu, a former professor and close adviser to Prime Minister Recep
Tayyip Erdogan who now holds the rank of ambassador. Thus Turkey has
involved itself in negotiations between Syria and Israel. Similarly,
Turkey’s Foreign Minister Ali Babacan has at times tried to position
himself as a broker between the West and Iran.

Erdogan in the midst of the Russo-Georgian War tried to apply a
slightly more advanced variant of this formula by flying to Moscow,
Tiblisi, and Baku and proposing a "Caucasus Stability and Cooperation
Platform." The idea of the platform, which is sometimes also called
a pact, is to bring together the three South Caucasian states of
Georgia, Armenia, and Azerbaijan with Turkey and Russia, and enable
them to mediate and solve their conflicts among themselves.

The idea sounds attractive, but it will not go far. Such pacts
can work only if all members are willing to prioritize stability
and good relations over their other interests. Yet if there is one
thing we know, it is that there is no consensus for stability in the
Caucasus. Russia just mounted a calculated and successful effort to
overthrow the status quo in the Caucasus at the expense of another
putative pact member, Georgia. Russia’s war aims, moreover, extend
beyond altering the balance of power in the Caucasus to restoring
its position as the dominant power in Eurasia and restructuring its
relations with the United States and Europe. Abkhazia and South Ossetia
are pawns in a game bigger than the Caucasus. The notion that what
Russia and Georgia need in order to come to a mutually satisfactory
agreement is a nearby neutral venue for their diplomats to meet
verges on the surreal. Perhaps for this reason, the Russian press
chose to give short shrift to Erdogan’s call for a stability pact,
and instead interpret his visit as signifying support for Russia in
South Ossetia. It was not the finest moment in Turkish diplomacy.

Azerbaijan is another state in the Caucasus that has for some time
been voicing an intense dissatisfaction with the status quo. In recent
months, Baku has been dropping subtle threats that it might seek to
revise it by going to war. In particular, Azerbaijan is dissatisfied
with the outcome of the war it fought with Armenian forces over
Nagorno-Karabakh (to use the most widespread English rendering of
the region’s name), a predominantly Armenian enclave (technically it
held the title of "autonomous oblast" in the Soviet Union) inside the
Republic of Azerbaijan. The Karabakh War started in 1988, i.e. when
the Soviet Union was still in existence, and ended with a ceasefire
some six years later in 1994. During the war not only did Karabakh
break free of Baku’s control, but Armenian forces managed to seize
roughly fifteen percent of the Republic of Azerbaijan’s territory
and expelled the Azeri inhabitants thereof, some 800,000 people.

Since that time, Baku has not been able to achieve any redress through
diplomatic measures. But thanks to foreign investment in its oil
industry it has accumulated some wealth, and has used that wealth to
engage in a military build-up. Whether or not Azerbaijan’s military is
capable of defeating and driving out Armenian forces and restoring the
occupied territories and Karabakh to Baku is by no means clear, but
building frustration among Azeris might tempt them to test their luck.

Turkey and Armenia are the two states in the Caucasus that have the
greatest interest in preserving and building upon the status quo. The
Armenians, i.e. the unrecognized Nagorno-Karabakh Republic (NKR) and
the Republic of Armenia, won the Karabakh War and wish to keep their
gains. They would like Azerbaijan and the wider world to acknowledge
the de facto independent NKR as sovereign Armenian territory (either
as part of the Armenian Republic proper or as a separate republic).

Armenia in addition would like to see Turkey lift the blockade it
imposed in 1993 in response to the Armenians’ seizure of Azerbaijani
territory. That blockade has stunted land-locked Armenia’s economic
development, leaving it dependent upon Georgia and Iran for surface
routes to the outside world. The disruption Russia’s invasion
has caused to the operations of Georgia’s ports, rail lines, and
roads (ironically, Turkish goods are among the biggest commodities
imported along those roads into Armenia) has hit Armenia’s economy
especially hard. and underscored Armenia’s isolation and fundamental
vulnerability. Indeed, even before this most recent war, it was clear
that Armenia’s lack of relations with Turkey had left it excessively
dependent upon Russia–an unhealthy situation for any state pretending
to sovereign status. (Indeed, with Armenia already virtually in its
back pocket, one might imagine that Russia may seek to woo Azerbaijan
to its side by compelling Armenian concessions on Karabakh.)

For its part, Turkey since the end of the Cold War has benefited in
numerous ways from the retreat of Russian power and had reason to be
generally satisfied with the state of affairs in the Caucasus prior
to this war. The big exception is the state of its relations with
Armenia. Although Turkey was one of the very first states to recognize
Armenia’s independence in 1991, it never followed up to establish
relations. Several difficult issues divide the two states. One bone
of contention between them is Turkey’s insistence that Armenia
definitively renounce any claims on the territory of the Turkish
Republic. Another is Armenia’s insistence that Turkey recognize the
massacres and deportations from Anatolia of Ottoman Armenians during
and after World War One as a genocide. A third is Turkey’s demand that
Armenia withdraw from the territory of Azerbaijan that it occupies.

A fourth issue is, of course, the blockade. Although the imposition
of the blockade was greatly appreciated by Azerbaijan, which sees
itself as the victim of Armenian aggression, it has harmed Turkey’s
image worldwide by reinforcing the stereotype of the "Terrible Turk"
as a bully. This is something the Turks, never mind the Azeris,
find particularly irksome given that it is the Armenians now who are
occupying territory seized in war. Turkish support for Azerbaijan has
impaired Turkish efforts to counter the lobbying by Armenian diaspora
groups of legislative bodies worldwide to classify the mass deaths of
Ottoman Armenians in 1915 as genocide. Opening the border with Armenia,
some Turkish officials believe, would enable Turkey to thwart these
efforts more effectively.

Economics provides another incentive for Turkey to open its
borders. Turkey’s east is isolated, distant from markets, and remains
underdeveloped. Opening the border with Armenia would provide a boost
to the local economy by enabling cross-border trade. It would also
make available better routing options for oil and gas pipelines
from the Caspian and export corridors to the Caspian and beyond,
and thereby provide a boon to Turkey’s national economy as well.

In a gesture intended perhaps to break the stalemate in
Turkish-Armenian relations, the Armenian President Serzh Sarkisian
invited his Turkish counterpart Abdullah Gul to come to Yerevan on
September 6 to watch the national soccer teams of the two nations
play a World Cup qualifying match. Gul, some Turks hope, will seize
the moment to initiate a major shift in the region’s diplomacy. Gul
has not yet committed. Were Gul to do so, it would mark a significant
change not just in Turkish-Armenian relations, but even more so in
Turkish diplomacy, which has a tradition of working slowly and with
exceeding caution, and of letting opportunities slip by.

Indeed, with Russian forces now inside Georgia, both Turkey and Armenia
(as well as Azerbaijan) probably already have missed an opportunity to
overcome their differences and to chart a path toward more secure and
prosperous futures for their societies. The Russian state, whether
in its Tsarist, Soviet, and contemporary forms has demonstrated
substantial skill in manipulating ethnic and other cleavages on
its borderlands to weaken its competitors. It is worth remembering
that Russia was involved in the emergence of all of the conflicts
mentioned above (Turkish-Armenian, Azeri-Armenian, Ossetian-Georgian,
and Abkhazian-Georgian) among others. That is not to say that Russia
invented these conflicts. Hardly. At times Russia has expended
considerable efforts to contain and resolve them. But Russia is not
an outsider to them and possesses an intimate familiarity with them–a
familiarity that it can, has, and will deploy to its advantage.

Strength is a relative thing. Sapping the cohesion and power of
one’s potential rivals is often as effective, and occasionally even
more useful, a method for overcoming them than is building up one’s
own strength. There are more fissures for Russia to exploit in the
Caucasus. The Turkish-Armenian-Azerbaijani fissure is an easy one to
exploit. For reasons of history, memory, and culture, all of these
societies remain deeply conflicted regarding relations with each
other. Finding and pushing the buttons to poison the atmosphere and
disrupt any move toward reconciliation is not difficult.

Russia exerts tremendous influence over Armenia, and considerable
influence over Azerbaijan. Turkey, too, is vulnerable to Russian
pressure. Already Turkish businessmen are fretting over the way
increased scrutiny by Russian customs of their goods is harming
Turkish exports and are wondering if such scrutiny is intended as a
message to Turkey to refrain from close cooperation with the United
States against Russia.

Keeping Turkey, Armenia, and Azerbaijan at loggerheads serves Russia
by neutralizing the power and options of its Caucasian neighbors,
keeping them dependent, and blocking the development of the Caucasus as
an alternative corridor for energy and trade. It also serves varied
domestic interests in each of those states. But it does nothing
for those societies aside from depriving them of options for future
development.

It is not clear that Russia’s defeat of Georgia will restore it to
the position of hegemon in the Caucasus, but it will increase Moscow’s
ability to play the role of regional spoiler. Although many Turks and
Armenians retain doubts about the propriety of closer relations between
their countries, important constituencies inside the governments and
societies of the two nations recognize the multiple benefits better
ties would bring. Their difficulty is convincing others that improved
relations are, in fact, conceivable. Thus were Gul and Sarkisian to
meet this September and announce together that they intend that their
states should, together with Azerbaijan, overcome their differences,
their words would have a real impact.

As the larger, more senior, more established, and more powerful state,
Turkey is the better candidate to take the lead in the drive toward
reconciliation. But it is not likely to happen. With Russia inside
Georgia, and the Caucasus reverting again to a theater of Great Power
confrontation, time is running out. Boldness is required. Yet whereas
Moscow drew from its imperial collapse the lesson that fortune favors
the bold, Ankara took from the Ottoman experience the lesson that
extreme discretion is the better part of valor.

www.worldbulletin.net

1,000 Jews Cannot Be Wrong

1,000 JEWS CANNOT BE WRONG
Rami Tal

Ynetnews
,7 340,L-3590419,00.html
Sept 1 2008
Israel

Descendants of centuries-old Jewish community in China’s Kaifeng
rediscover Jewish heritage after near complete assimilation in local
community

In Chinese terms, the city of Kaifeng, about 500 miles southwest of
Beijing, is reminiscent of the Israeli city of Hadera: The number
of its residents is 700,000 – as opposed to Beijing’s 15 million or
Shanghai’s 20 million – and it doesn’t even have its own airport.

However, a thousand years ago, Kaifeng was the capital of the Chinese
empire, the largest, richest and most advanced in the world at the
time, with 600,000 residents that made it the most populated city
on earth.

Ancient Kaifeng had a Jewish community – a small but thriving one,
whose story is unique in the history of the Jewish people. For the 800
years of its existence, Kaifeng’s Jews never suffered from persecution
or discrimination. The Chinese authorities, as well as the general
population, welcomed their Jewish neighbors, viewed them as citizens
in every respect and allowed them to observe their religion with
complete freedom.

In spite, or perhaps because of these freedoms, the community dwindled
until about one hundred and fifty years ago, when the assimilation
and integration proved complete. It is only in the past 20 years
that the descendents of Kaifeng Jewry, who now number about 1,000
people, have rediscovered their Jewish tradition. Some of them have
considered undergoing proper conversion and making aliyah, and a few
of them have done so already.

Thirty-year-old Shi Lei does not try to hide his excitement when he
takes his guest, an Israeli journalist, to the central room in his
parents’ home. His family, which is of Jewish descent, has lived in
this home for more than 100 years. After the death of his grandmother
and grandfather, Shi, together with his father, turned this room into
a mini-museum and a small Jewish center, where he gives classes on
Jewish tradition to children and adults of Jewish descent.

Shi Lei, who graduated with a degree in English from the University of
Kaifeng, spent close to three years in Israel studying at Jerusalem’s
Machon Meir and at Bar-Ilan University: "I was the first person
from Kaifeng that studied in Israel. I was privileged to receive a
wonderful welcome at the Machon Meir yeshiva, and I was treated as a
Jew in every respect, although I am not technically a Jew according
to Jewish law, and had not yet undergone conversion.

"I decided to return to Kaifeng and to develop my mini-museum, because
if I would leave here then there would be no one to teach the younger
generation. We feel connected to the Jewish people and to the State
of Israel – it’s in our blood."

An emperor’s welcome It is not clear when exactly the first Jews came
to China or when the Jewish community in Kaifeng was formed. In the
prophecy of the redemption in the book of Isaiah it states: "See,
they will come from afar – some from the north, some from the west,
some from the region of Sinim ("Chinese")" (Isaiah, 49:12); but
biblical scholars agree that the verse does not speak of China per
se. Some claim that the Jews of Kaifeng are descendents of the Ten
Lost Tribes. Others theorize that they came to China in the second
century following the downfall of the Jews in the Bar Kokhva revolt
(132-135CE).

DNA testing done over the past few years on the descendents of the
Kaifeng Jews, proved them distant relatives of Armenian, Iranian
and Iraqi Jews. Most of the researchers, as well as the Kaifeng
descendents themselves, tend to suggest that the original Jews in
China were merchants from Persia that came by way of the Silk Route
(in today’s southern Turkey) to the city of Xian in central China.

Historical references and archaeological findings have proven that
the Persian Jews first arrive in China in the eighth century; and
since the long, difficult journey made family life difficult, the
solution was to establish a permanent base in China. The location of
choice was Kaifeng – China’s capital from 927BC to 1127AD.

A stone tablet dating back to the 1489 Kaifeng synagogue – which is now
in the city museum – in inscribed with the following: "According to the
commandment of their god, the Jews came from Tian-Sho (Chinese for both
"India" and "every state to the west of China") with woven materials
from the west in their hands, meant as a gift for the emperor."

The last emperor, according to the tablet was pleased with the
beautiful and said "welcome to our country; dwell here and keep the
customs of your ancestors".

The emperor’s warm welcome provided them with automatic Chinese
citizenship, not a trifle feat at a time the Jewish communities in
Europe and the Muslim countries were suffering persecution. It is
believed that one of the reasons for this show of tolerance was that
the Chinese of the time did not have a "religion" in the sense of any
of the three monotheistic faiths: The common practices of faith based
on the teachings of Chinese philosopher Confucius, were an array
of ethical and behavioral codes more than the belief of religious
ordinances commanded by a higher power.

While each of the three monotheistic religions claims to state
the absolute truth god, Confucianism is willing peacefully coexist
with any religious belief. Kaifeng’s Jews found it easy to adhere
to Confucianism since it doesn’t require the recognition of a new
Messiah or prophet and there was no need to give up on the rules of
keeping kosher or observing the holidays.

The ancient stone tablet also states that one of the emperors from the
Ming Dynasty (1368-1644) bestowed "the gift of incense" upon the Jewish
community. It was given to the Jewish doctor Yung-Ching who appears to
have been his personal physician. This indicates that Kaifeng’s Jews
used Chinese names rather than Hebrew names, and incorporated a Chinese
ceremony into their religious rituals – the lighting of incense.

Eligible bachelors Kaifeng’s Jews were away from any Jewish center,
as they had no contact to other Jewish communities around the world. At
its peak, the community numbered no more than 6,000 people. There was
no yeshiva and the young Jewish men that were interested in academic
studies naturally attended the local institutions, which cultivated
knowledge of Chinese literature and tradition. Given the circumstances,
the chances of the small, isolated Jewish community to maintain its
unique features in the hub of China were remote.

According to researchers, another key to the demise of the Kaifeng
community lies in the fact that China was the first to allow all its
residents to join the top rank of government officials – the Mandarins
– by taking qualification exams.

Most of the Jews in Kaifeng were proficient in Chinese and some also
in Hebrew, which gave them an advantage over most of the residents
in the empire; and so the number of Jewish descendents that applied
for the Beijing positions was substantially higher than their actual
representation in the population.

After five years of study in the emperor’s courtyard, they were sent to
various regions in the vast empire. If they hadn’t married during their
years as students, they were certainly interested in doing so when they
began their government service, and as Mandarins, whose careers were
mapped out they were considered eligible bachelors. Excluding Kaifeng,
however, there were no eligible Jewish brides to be found in China,
prompting the assimilation further.

According to the information available, the Jewish community life
in Kaifeng came to a virtual halt about 150 years ago. The community
synagogue existed for almost 700 years, until 1854, when Kaifeng was
flooded by the Huáng Hé – the Yellow River. It was never rebuilt.

Although Kaifeng’s Jews had already completely assimilated, their
descendants continued to observe several customs, like keeping kosher
and keeping Shabbat. Many continue to live the old city in the old
section, and the Jewish names of two of the neighborhood’s streets
still appear in Hebrew and English. The community is now slated for an
evacuation-renovation project, like many of its Chinese counterparts.

Highly regarded second-rate citizens When Mao Zedong took over China
in 1949, his regime faced several dilemmas pertaining to national
minorities, as 20% of China was, and is, not dominated by the Han –
the largest national group. In 1953 the new regime decided to recognize
55 national minorities but the Youtai – the Jews – were not one of
them. Mao was rumored to have made the decision personally.

By that time, the majority of Jews living in Harbin and Shanghai
had already left China and the move was undoubtedly prompted by this
decision; but there is no doubt among scholars that the decision had
nothing to do with anti-Semitism, since China has never, to this day,
demonstrated any signs of anti-Semitism.

Jews enjoy a very positive image in China. The decision not to
recognize them is believed to have stemmed from sheer math – they
community was simply too small – a few hundred in a country of a
billion people.

In the 1980’s, as China started moving toward a free-market economy
and opened up to the West, Jews from Canada and the US came to Kaifeng
and met with the old community’s descendants in the city. These visits
strengthened the Jewish awareness of the descendants.

In the last several years, Shavei Israel has been the main Jewish
organization that has been actively involved with the Kaifeng’s Jewish
descendants. According to Michael Freund, an American Jew who made
aliyah 13 years ago and is now heads Shavei Israel, the group is
"the extended arm of the Jewish people, and supplements the work of
the Jewish Agency.

"We believe that strengthening the connection with them should be a
top priority for Israel. Since establishing contact with the Jews of
Kaifeng, we have translated numerous books and articles for them, and
have provided them with basic materials on Judaism and on Israel. Even
more importantly, we have already assisted 10 young adults from the
community to make aliyah and get settled here in the country".

While many of the descendants are interested in a much more intensive
connection with Jewish tradition, only a small group is interested
in immigrating to Israel and converting.

A bull in a china shop?

As of now, Shavei Israel’s activities amongst the descendants of
the Kaifeng Jews do not enjoy the cooperation of any official Israeli
bureau. Freund frowns on what he calls Israel’s ignoring of the Kaifeng
Jewry, and claims that that even though many of the Jewish descendants
of Kaifeng are interested in reconnecting with Israel, the staff of
the Israeli Embassy in Beijing refuse to give them the time of day.

The Foreign Ministry offered the following comment: "The Jewish
community in Kaifeng assimilated within its host country completely
by the 17th century. There is no Jewish community in Kaifeng today,
but some individuals are aware of having some Jewish lineage and
ancestry. Official Israeli delegates have visited Kaifeng more than
once and were impressed by the historical connection it has to Jewish
heritage."

The careful diplomatic wording suggests Freund’s claim is not
completely farfetched, but things are far from simple: Foreign relation
analysts warn that Freund and his organization are the proverbial
"bull in a china shop" and may potentially harm the diplomatic
relations between Israel and China.

"Russia aside, China has a great deal of influence over Iran," a
foreign relation expert told Yedioth Ahronoth. "Israel has to have
China’s assistant on the Iranian front, as well as in an array of other
political and financial issued on the international community’s level,
where China is becoming a significant force.

"The subject on national minorities in China is a very sensitive one,
because of the Tibet as well as due to the large Muslim minorities
which inhabit its west, where they border the Muslim republics of
the former Soviet Union," he continued. "The Chinese government is
wary of nationalistic movement which may turn separatists and try to
break away from it.

"Kaifeng’s Jews are no such threat, of course, but Beijing wants top
maintain the status-quo. The Israeli government can’t and shouldn’t
upset the Chinese government over such a delicate matter."

On the ground, however, the Chinese authorities have yet to voice
any objection to Shavei Israel’s activities in Kaifeng. Freund sees
that as a sign: "If some of Kaifeng’s Jews decide to reclaim their
Jewish heritage – as I believe they will – it would make for some
very important and historical closure."

–Boundary_(ID_tLZgxqo9SBAtJq0Gzm3 vAw)–

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