EuroVision Song Contest: First Semi-Final: The Qualifiers!

FIRST SEMI-FINAL: THE QUALIFIERS!
by Marco Brey

EuroVision Song Contest
e-2008?id=1039
May 20 2008

The First Semi-Final of the 2008 Eurovision Song Contest has
just finished, and the ten countries qualifying for the Final are
known. Read more about the magnificient show and the outcome here
on Eurovision.tv!

The representatives of nineteen countries have presented their
songs tonight in the First Semi-Final of the 2008 Eurovision Song
Contest. The theme of the show, presented by Jovana JankoviÄ~G and
Željko JoksimoviÄ~G, was "City", whereas the theme of the Second
Semi-Final will be "Water". After all songs had been presented,
televoting started in all the participating countries as well as
in Spain and Germany, who are already qualified for the Final, but
were drawn to vote in the First Semi-Final, while the other directly
qualified finalists – France, The United Kingdom and Serbia – get
to vote in the Second Semi-Final. Nine of the qualifying countries
were decided by televoting. Furthermore, the highest placed song in
the result of the national backup juries which was not yet qualified
through televoting got a place in the Final as well. However, the
TV public will only find out which country it was after the Final of
the 2008 Eurovision Song Contest on Saturday.

The qualifiersThe following countries have qualified for the Final
of the 2008 Eurovision Song Contest (in order of announcement):

Greece Romania Bosnia and Herzegovina Finland Russia Israel Azerbaijan
Armenia Poland Norway

–Boundary_(ID_fkOC+7nUJIeHZbDKRvROhg)–

http://www.eurovision.tv/page/news/belgrad

BEIRUT: Lebanese Rivals Set To Elect President After Historic Accord

LEBANESE RIVALS SET TO ELECT PRESIDENT AFTER HISTORIC ACCORD
By Hussein Abdallah

Daily Star – Lebanon
May 22 2008

BEIRUT: Lebanese lawmakers are set to elect the commander of the
Lebanese Armed Forces, General Michel Suleiman, as president on Sunday
after rival political leaders clinched a deal in Doha on Wednesday
to end an 18-month feud that exploded into deadly sectarian fighting
and threatened to plunge the nation into all-out civil war.

The deal that was reached at Doha after four days of intensive talks
will lead to electing Suleiman, forming a national unity cabinet,
and drafting a new electoral law for the 2009 parliamentary elections.

The agreement was announced by Qatari Emir Sheikh Hamad bin Khalifa
al-Thani at noon Wednesday as the rival leaders gathered at a
roundtable.

"Some of you took to the streets asking your leaders not to return
to Lebanon without reaching an agreement … I would like to tell
you that your leaders have finally agreed and they will shortly be
on their way back," Sheikh Hamad said, addressing the Lebanese people.

The rival leaders officially signed the agreement shortly after it
was announced. They arrived in Beirut later in the day.

As the good news reached Beirut, people in the capital and in different
areas of the country could not help but show their content and relief.

The feeling of relief was followed by instant action as opposition
supporters began to remove tents at the site of their 18-month
sit-in in Downtown Beirut after Speaker Nabih Berri declared an end
to the protest.

Berri said that ending the sit-in was a gift from the opposition to
the Doha agreement.

The speaker also thanked Qatari and Arab mediators for their role in
helping Lebanese parties reach an agreement.

The long-awaited deal addressed two key issues of contention between
the opposition and ruling majority.

As far as forming a national unity government is concerned, the
opposition has managed to get its long-demanded veto power.

The new cabinet will be made up of 16 ministers for the parliamentary
majority, 11 for the opposition, and three for the elected
president. The 11 ministers (one third plus one of the 30-member
cabinet) are all that it takes for the opposition to block any
government decision to which its is opposed.

However, the next cabinet is not due to last long as it will resign
by default when the parliamentary elections are due next spring.

Meanwhile, the most important deal of all was the agreement reached
on drafting a new electoral law for the 2009 parliamentary elections.

The issue of the electoral law was the major hurdle to the success
of the Doha talks after the rival sides, which approved adopting the
qada (smaller district) as an electoral constituency, appeared at
odds over how to divide seats in Beirut.

As the Doha talks were moving close to failure, a late night meeting on
Tuesday of a six-member committee to discuss the electoral law finally
achieved a breakthrough. Following a short session, opposition MP Ali
Hassan Khalil told NBN television that a settlement was in the offing.

The feuding parties have finally managed to agree on dividing Beirut
into three balanced constituencies. The first constituency is a
Christian one with five seats, the second is a mixed one with four
seats, and the third is a Sunni-dominated one with 10 seats.

The formula is likely to secure for parliamentary majority leader
Saad Hariri at least 10 out of Beirut’s 19 seats.

On the other hand, Reform and Change bloc leader Michel Aoun will
have to fight to win the five seats in the Christian district as the
Armenian vote will be a deciding factor in the mixed constituency. Up
until the last minute, Aoun was reportedly fighting to put six seats
in the Christian district, but ended up accepting the 10-5-4 formula.

As for other parts of the country, the two sides agreed on adopting
the divisions of the 1960 electoral law.

Prime Minister Fouad Siniora described the agreement as a "great
achievement in … the history of Lebanon."

Speaking shortly after the Qatari emir announced the agreement, Siniora
called on all Lebanese parties to condemn violence and pledge not to
use arms to settle political disputes.

The Doha agreement has committed all parties not to use violence
and stated that security was the exclusive responsibility of the
Lebanese state.

Under the agreement, a dialogue is set to begin in Beirut to address
the issue of the state’s relations with political groups in the
country. Such dialogue is to be held under the auspices of the new
president.

The issue of Hizbullah’s possession of arms was not discussed at the
Doha talks or mentioned in the agreement as the Arab committee decided
to make do with banning the use of violence, a clear reference to
the recent clashes in Lebanon between opposition and pro-government
militants.

The clashes left up to 65 dead and 250 wounded.

Hariri also praised the deal.

"Today, we are opening a new page in Lebanon’s history," he said.

"I know the wounds are deep, but we have no one except each other,"
he added.

Hariri thanked both his allies and opponents for facilitating mutual
concessions and facilitating an agreement.

Hariri reportedly left Doha for Saudi Arabia’s capital, Riyadh,
while other leaders returned to Beirut.

Two other March 14 stalwarts, Lebanese Forces leader Samir Geagea and
former President Amin Gemayel, sounded more cautious as they welcomed
the agreement on Wednesday.

Both Geagea and Gemayel agreed that what was achieved in Doha was the
best of all possible options, but stressed that the most important
part was implementing the agreement.

"After ending the sit-in in Downtown Beirut, we will now move to
electing a president … The Parliament, which was closed for more
than a year, will now open its doors," Geagea said. "We will finally
leave the streets and return to state institutions," he added.

Geagea also said that Suleiman would be Lebanon’s first "real"
president after 18 years of waiting, a reference to the influence
Syria exerted on Lebanese politics after 1990 .

"Suleiman will be the first real president after the late Rene
Mouawad," he said.

Mouawad was assassinated in November 1990 shortly after he was elected
as president.

Hizbullah MP Mohammad Raad said that the agreement reached at Doha
was not an ideal one, but nevertheless "is enough to take Lebanon
from one stage to another."

Text of the agreement

DOHA: Under the auspices of Qatari Emir Sheikh Hamad bin Khalifa
al-Thani and in continuation of the efforts of the Arab Ministerial
Committee, headed by Qatari Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Sheikh
Hamad bin Jassem bin Jabr al-Thani, and the efforts of Arab League
Secretary General Amr Moussa and the foreign ministers of Jordan,
United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, Algeria, Djibouti, Oman, Morocco,
and Yemen,

And based on the Arab initiative to contain the Lebanese crisis and
in implementation of the Arab-brokered Beirut agreement which took
place on May 15, 2008,

The Lebanese National Dialogue Conference was held in Doha from May
16, 2008 to May 21, 2008 in the presence of the different Lebanese
political leaders, who asserted their will to save Lebanon by ending
the current political impasse and avoiding its dangerous consequences
on national coexistence and civil peace between the Lebanese, and
voiced their commitment to the principles of the Lebanese Constitution
and the Taif Accord.

As a result of the different meetings, discussions, and consultations
that the Arab committee had with all the parties participating in
the conference, the following agreement has been reached:

1 – The Parliament speaker will summon the Lebanese Parliament
to convene, according to rules in force, within 24 hours to elect
consensus candidate General Michel Suleiman as president.

2 – A national unity government of 30 ministers to be formed. It
will comprise 16 ministers from the majority, 11 ministers from the
opposition and three ministers to be named by the new president. All
parties pledge not to resign from the government or hinder its work.

3 – Adopting the qada as the electoral constituency based on the 1960
electoral law, but the qadas of Marjayoun and Hasbaya will continue
to be one constituency and so will the qadas of Westrern Bekaa and
Rashaya and the qadas of Baalbek and Hermel.

As for Beirut, it will be divided in the following manner:

First constituency: Achrafieh, Rmeil, Saifi

Second constituency: Bashoura, Medawar, Marfaa

Third constituency: Mina al-Hosn, Ain al-Mreisseh, Mazraa, Mosseitbeh,
Ras Beirut, Zokak al-Balat.

The parties also agree on forwarding to the Lebanese Parliament the
electoral reforms that were proposed by the National Committee for
Drafting the Electoral Law, headed by former Minister Fouad Boutros.

4 – All parties will commit not to resort to arms or violence in
order to resolve political conflicts.

Resuming dialogue over strength ening state authority over all parts of
Lebanon and defining the relations between the state and the different
political groups in the country.

This dialogue has already started in Doha and resulted in:

– Agreeing that security and military powers to be solely in the
hands of the state and spreading state authority over all parts of
the country so that outlaws will have no safe havens.

5 – Reiteration of a pledge by Lebanese political leaders to
immediately refrain from using language that incites political rifts
or sectarianism and from accusing each other of treason.

This agreement was signed in Doha on May 21, 2008, by the Lebanese
leaders participating in the conference and in the presence of the
head of the Arab Ministerial Committee and its members.

BEIRUT: Something Radically New After Doha

SOMETHING RADICALLY NEW AFTER DOHA
By Michael Young

Daily Star – Lebanon
May 22 2008

Whatever else is said about the agreement between Lebanon’s leaders
reached in Qatar on Wednesday, it will likely transform the country’s
political landscape. With the election of a president, alliances will
change and with that we may see growing intricacy and reversals in
the relationships between March 14 groups and opposition groups.

One thing that will not change, however, is the attitude of a majority
of Lebanese when it comes to Hizbullah’s behavior. Party officials have
recklessly downplayed their armed occupation of Beirut two weeks ago,
but no one, least of all the Sunnis, will soon forget what happened. So
even if genuine politics return, those of compromise and shifting
calculations, the structural inability of Hizbullah to coexist with a
sovereign Lebanese state will not disappear. This may push domestic
parties to acquire weapons for when Hizbullah again uses bullets to
overcome its political shortcomings.

Like most compromises, the Doha agreement has created winners
and losers on all sides – but remains nebulous enough so that the
losers still feel they might gain from it. But it’s difficult not to
interpret what happened in Qatar as a definitive sign that Syria’s
return to Lebanon is no longer possible. No doubt the Syrians were
in on the arrangement, and the suspicious delay in establishing the
Hariri tribunal until early 2009 makes one wonder whether a quid pro
quo is taking shape behind the scenes. Reports of a breakthrough on
the Syrian-Israeli track, the Iraqi Army’s entry into Sadr City,
certainly with an Iranian green light, and signs that a truce may
soon be agreed in Gaza, suggest a regional package deal may have
oiled the Lebanese deal.

If there was one message emerging from the recent fighting, it was
that Syria could not conceivably return its army to Lebanon without
reconquering the country. Hizbullah committed several mistakes, of
which two were especially egregious for Syria: The Sunni community,
like the Druze and many Christians, are mobilized and will fight any
Syrian comeback; and the Lebanese file is more than ever an Iranian
one, because Hizbullah’s destiny is at stake. Syria’s allies, other
than Hizbullah, were ineffective in Beirut and the mountains, in some
cases even siding with the majority. This confirmed that Damascus
has less leverage than ever when it comes to employing those smaller
armed groups it completely controls.

The election of a president, even if he is the troubling Michel
Suleiman, opens a new phase in Lebanon, one in which it is possible
to imagine consolidating a state gradually breaking free from Syria’s
grip. That’s the priority today, and has been the priority since
April 2005 when the Syrian Army withdrew from the country. Whether
Suleiman likes it or not, from now on he is a president, not a
candidate maneuvering to become a president, which will require
him to take a strong position on defending the sovereignty of the
state both vis-Ë~F-vis Syria and Hizbullah. That could either push
him closer to the position favored by March 14 and most Lebanese,
or it could damage him if he proves to be indecisive.

Will March 14 survive after this? It probably will in the face of an
armed Hizbullah and Syria’s foreseeable efforts to regain a foothold
in Beirut. But the parliamentary majority may transform itself into
a looser alignment, united on the large issues but with its leaders
behaving parochially when it comes to elections and patronage. Once
Suleiman is elected, he becomes an arbiter, an axial figure, in the
political game. Politicians will have to position themselves either
for or against him, as the president strives to build up a power
base for himself in the state, particularly in Parliament. Expect
Suleiman to use the army as his bludgeon, which would be regrettable,
and expect tension between the officers and traditional politicians.

One unanswered question is who will be prime minister. If it is Saad
Hariri, and it is difficult to imagine it won’t be, the relationship
between him and Suleiman will determine the face of Lebanon in
the coming year before parliamentary elections. Neither of the two
would relish a return to the discord between Emile Lahoud and Rafik
Hariri. On top of that, if Saad becomes head of the government,
he would benefit from using that position as a foundation to create
networks of alliances transcending those of March 14. An electoral
compact with the Armenians, particularly the Tashnag Party, would be
a smart move, and could shift the balance in Beirut decisively away
from Hizbullah, Amal and Syrian peons.

Another question is what happens to Walid Jumblatt? The Druze leader
has placed himself at the center of March 14 – a key mediator and
usually prime initiator of the coalition’s policies. With a new
president in place, Jumblatt’s role will be largely determined by the
relationship between Suleiman and his prime minister. If the prime
minister is Hariri and Hariri and Suleiman work well together, Jumblatt
could find himself isolated. In that case, and if history provides
any lessons, he will soon be contesting Suleiman and the officers
the president relies upon. Jumblatt also will have to keep Suleiman
away from his Christian electorate in Aley and the Chouf. Expect him,
in that case, to move closer to Christians as unenthusiastic about
Suleiman: Samir Geagea and Michel Aoun.

Aoun is the great loser from a presidential election. It’s not like
the old general wasn’t warned. He could have used his parliamentary
bloc to be presidential kingmaker; instead he decided to obstruct
everything in order to be elected himself. Now he has only dust to
feed on, and in his final years he may find himself trying to protect
his shriveling flock from the overtures of Suleiman, who, if he is
clever, will pick up a large share of the disoriented Christians. One
can already imagine most of Aoun’s parliamentarians in the Metn
gravitating toward Suleiman, knowing that their re-election depends
on the goodwill of Michel Murr, who will be instrumental in moving
the district the president’s way.

Samir Geagea is in a better position than Aoun, both because of his
close ties to Hariri and the Christian community’s propensity to create
counterweights to its presidents. However, his power in the Cabinet
is uncertain and he too will have to fight off Suleiman’s poaching
among his voters. That’s why his rapport with Aoun is bound to improve.

The matter of Hizbullah’s weapons will be the first test for Suleiman
once he is elected. The president risks losing the Sunnis if he comes
out with a limp formula that sidelines any serious discussion of the
topic. Now is the time to put the question of weapons on the table
seriously, and Suleiman, as a former commander of the army, is in an
ideal position to propose a sensible compromise. A second test for
the president will be the choice of a new army commander. The head
of military intelligence, George Khoury, is pining for the post,
but given the army’s indolence during the fighting in Beirut and
Hariri’s deep doubts about what happened, Suleiman may need all his
dexterity to propose a successor who satisfies all sides.

Can Hizbullah be pleased with the result? It will now be able to say
that it received veto power in the government and that the matter of
its weapons was not discussed in Doha. It will also be able to convince
its supporters that this was its latest victory after the government’s
decision to withdraw the two decisions last week that Hizbullah found
offensive. But that may be only half the story. By so foolishly taking
over Beirut militarily, the party only scared the other communities
into sustained hostility. The two decisions the government went back
on were decisions it could never have implemented anyway, so Hizbullah
effectively revealed its coup plan at an inopportune time and for
little gain. The party also has lost two cards: It has dismantled its
downtown protest camp and won’t be able to close the airport road for
some time. Its weapons have become a subject of legitimate national
discussion. And what kind of war can Hizbullah hope to wage against
Israel in South Lebanon when most Lebanese, and quite a few Shiites,
have no desire for war? Most importantly, Hizbullah has been about the
negation of the state. If the post-Doha process is about the building
of a state, then the party and that state will eventually clash.

Much will depend on Michel Suleiman. That the president will get only
three ministers in a new Cabinet affirms he has serious credibility
problems on all sides. Suleiman is an unknown quantity. Will he be
a faithful partner of Syria, as when he was army commander? Or will
he realize that he can be more than that? In many ways Suleiman is a
peculiar creation as president, someone never destined to inherit the
office. Now he has a chance to become the long-awaited patron of a
new and consensual Lebanese political order. Let’s hope he’s up to it.

–Boundary_(ID_x2zSXRWdn9R8cdIz8VcQNQ)–

Armenian Community Of Israel Hopeful Genocide Issue Will Be Put On K

ARMENIAN COMMUNITY OF ISRAEL HOPEFUL GENOCIDE ISSUE WILL BE PUT ON KNESSET AGENDA

PanARMENIAN.Net/
21.05.2008 15:56 GMT+04:00

/PanARMENIAN.Net/ The Armenian community of Israel hopes that the
Armenian Genocide recognition issue will be introduced into the
Knesset’s agenda after the parliamentary vacation finishing May 18.

"Zeev Elkin continues lobbying the hearings. True, we come across
fierce opposition of the Azeri lobby.

Knesset members allegedly representing Baku’s interests, as a matter
of fact, act on orders from Turkey. Unfortunately, Israel depends on
Turkey," head of the Jerusalem Hai Dat Office, Dr Georgette Avakian
told a PanARMENIAN.Net reporter.

"Anyway, the Armenian community is optimistic.

Meetings between the Armenian and Israeli parliamentary groups have
become more frequent recently. We suppose that this fact can be
positive for the Armenian Genocide debate in Knesset," she said.

Cypriot Armenians’ Trust In Turkish Community Depends On Its Attitud

CYPRIOT ARMENIANS’ TRUST IN TURKISH COMMUNITY DEPENDS ON ITS ATTITUDE ABOUT ARMENIAN AND GREEK GENOCIDES

PanARMENIAN.Net
21.05.2008 16:19 GMT+04:00

/PanARMENIAN.Net/ The contacts between the Armenian and Turkish
communities of Cyprus have become more active, head of the Hai Dat
Cyprus Office said.

"Both Armenian and Turkish communities were invited by presidential
candidates for discussion of a scope of issues on the threshold of
the election. During the meeting, the representatives of the Armenian
community noted that the degree of trust in the Turkish community
depends on its attitude about the Armenian and Greek genocides,"
Hakob Manoogian told a PanARMENIAN.Net reporter.

As to unification of the Greek and Turkish parts of the island,
the UN plan is unreal, according to him.

"The population of Cyprus understands that Kofi Annan’s plan can’t
be implemented unless Turkish troops are withdrawn," Mr Manoogian said.

ARFD Backs Javakheti Armenians’ Struggle For Autonomy Within Georgia

ARFD BACKS JAVAKHETI ARMENIANS’ STRUGGLE FOR AUTONOMY WITHIN GEORGIA

PanARMENIAN.Net
21.05.2008 16:47 GMT+04:00

/PanARMENIAN.Net/ Armenia should take every opportunity for recognition
of Javakhk as autonomy, an ARFD Bureau member said.

"The ARFD backs Javakheti Armenians’ their struggle for autonomy
within Georgia. However, we come across a wall of silence of Tbilisi
and the international community. That is why, it’s time to convey a
new impulse to the process," Hrant Markarian said in his address to
the ARF Dashnaktsutyun General Meeting.

The Armenian-inhabited Samtskhe Javakehti region is situated in the
north of Georgia, the Tayk region of historical Armenia. Its population
reaches 238 thousand people.
From: Baghdasarian

Information About Transfer Of Norashen Armenian Church To GOC Is Can

INFORMATION ABOUT TRANSFER OF NORASHEN ARMENIAN CHURCH TO GOC IS CANARD OF RUSSIAN MEDIA, BAKU SAYS

PanARMENIAN.Net
21.05.2008 17:02 GMT+04:00

/PanARMENIAN.Net/ The information about transfer of Norashen Armenian
church under the jurisdiction f the Georgian Orthodox Church is a
"provocation of Russian media," Azeri political scientist Rasim
Musabekov.

"It was supposed that ‘indignant’ Armenians will prefer pro-Russian
candidates to Saakashvili’s team during the parliamentary elections,"
he said.

"The current Armenia-Georgia relations can be described as ‘better
a bad peace than a good quarrel’, because Georgia experiences
problems in normalizing relations with neighbors and opposition
with Armenia will result in a new wave of Javakhetians’ autonomy
claims. On the other hand, Armenia’s only outlet to the sea lies
through Georgia. Complete isolation would be a calamity for it. So,
despite Kremlin’s instigations, Armenia will not strain relations
with official Tbilisi," Musabekov concluded, 1news.az reports.

Last week the Georgian Diocese of the Armenian Apostolic Church
expressed indignation at the encroachment on Saint Norashen Church
and its surroundings instigated by Father Tariel Sikinchelashvili of
the Georgian Orthodox Church.

Saint Norashen Church was built in the middle of 15th century. In
1930-ies along with other places of worship, it was closed and used
as a book depository.

After restoration of state independence, the Georgian government did
not return the Church to its legal historical owner.

During the recent several days a brigade of workers has been building
an iron fence with depiction of religious elements typical for the
Georgian Orthodox Church. The

Armenian Diocese views the act as violation of the agreement to find
a civilized solution to the problem of belonging of Saint Norashen
and four other churches in Tbilisi.

Meanwhile, Father Tariel informed that in the near future he plans
to start "reconstruction works" within the church for holding divine
services by Georgian clergy.

The AAC Georgian Diocese called the Patriarchy of the Georgian Orthodox
Church to take action to prevent infringement of constitutional
rights and to observe the agreement, violation of which can bring to
irreparable injury.

ARFD Believes In Karabakh Conflict Peaceful Resolution

ARFD BELIEVES IN KARABAKH CONFLICT PEACEFUL RESOLUTION

PanARMENIAN.Net
21.05.2008 17:35 GMT+04:00

/PanARMENIAN.Net/ ARF Dashnaktsutyun believes that the Nagorno Karabakh
conflict will be resolved through talks, an ARFD member said.

"However, we have the right to demand peace guarantees from the
international communities," Hrant Markarian said in his address to
the ARF Dashnaktsutyun General Meeting.

"West-sponsored defeatist moods of Azerbaijan can lead to weakening
of Armenia’s positions. We do stand for talks which would guarantee
our security," he underscored.

Yuri Merzlyakov: Karabakh Participation In Talks Premature

YURI MERZLYAKOV: KARABAKH PARTICIPATION IN TALKS PREMATURE

PanARMENIAN.Net
21.05.2008 17:43 GMT+04:00

/PanARMENIAN.Net/ OSCE Minsk Group Russian Co-chair, Ambassador Yuri
Merzlyakov supposes it’s too early to speak of Karabakh’s participation
in the talks.

"After the base principles are approved, representatives of the
region can join elaboration of an agreement on Karabakh," he said,
Trend Azeri news agency reports.

Earlier, NKR President Bako Sahakian said that Nagorno Karabakh should
hold talks immediately with Karabakh.

"There is a main party to conflict, the Nagorno Karabakh republic,
with priorities like in other foreign states," President Sahakian said.

Armenian Peacekeeping Brigade To Meet NATO Standards By 2015

ARMENIAN PEACEKEEPING BRIGADE TO MEET NATO STANDARDS BY 2015

PanARMENIAN.Net
21.05.2008 17:58 GMT+04:00

/PanARMENIAN.Net/ The Armenian peacekeeping brigade will meet NATO
standards by 2015, the RA Defense Minister said.

"The first step will be replenishment of the Armenian peaceful
contingent in Kosovo. As result of the transfer of the mandate from
UN to NATO, some countries, including Azerbaijan, withdrew troops from
the region. However, this will not influence of Armenia’s decisions,"
Seyran Ohanyan said.

Presently, the number of Armenian blue berets in Kosovo reaches 34. An
extra rifle regiment is awaiting dispatch.

Minister Ohanyan reminded that the Armenian peacekeepers have been
numerously praised for their efficient service. "Pursuing a peaceful
policy on Karabakh, Armenia strengthens its peacekeeping contingent,"
Minister Ohanyan said, Novosti Armenia reports