The release of Alan Johnston

The release of Alan Johnston
Irish Times
Published: Jul 05, 2007

The release of the BBC Gaza correspondent Alan Johnston is very
welcome, despite the propaganda it served for Hamas in freeing him.
He’d been held for 114 days in conditions he described as "like being
buried alive" by the Army of Islam group, the heavily armed Doghmush
family clan which is both linked to Al Qaeda and criminality.

Mr Johnston was released into the hands of Hamas leader and former
Palestinian prime minister, Ismail Haniyeh (still PM in his
organisation’s eyes), in what was designed as a public demonstration of
the group’s authority in Gaza following its recent routing of the Fatah
forces of President Mahmoud Abbas. Hamas is determined to show that its
writ runs in the beleaguered territory, and, just as importantly, as a
spokesman insisted, that it "is serious in imposing security and
stability". The group also suggested the Israeli soldier Gilad Shalit,
kidnapped by Hamas-allied militants last year, could be freed next,
although, true to form, adding that Israel must release hundreds more
Palestinian prisoners. Some good sign, although Hamas has made clear it
has no intention of disarming the Army of Islam. Hamas will have to do
much more to convince of its bona fides as a partner in peace.

Mr Johnston’s kidnap has raised once again the issue of the
vulnerability of journalists in conflict zones and in states where
democratic values remain precarious. Often they are easy targets
because they guarantee international media attention. The NGO Frontline
records some of the attacks in the last month alone: on June 22nd,
investigative journalist Iren Karman was brutally attacked on the
outskirts of Budapest; on June 20th in Yemen’s capital Sana’a,
journalist Abdul-Karim al-Khaiwani was arrested and beaten for
oppositional activities.

In Istanbul the trial opened on Tuesday of those accused of murdering
Hrant Dink, editor of Agos, killed because he was prepared to challenge
Turkish silence on the Armenian genocide. Yet, ironically, as it
prosecutes his alleged killers, the Turkish state has also initiated
the prosecution of his son, Arat Dink, and three other Argos
journalists for "insulting Turkish identity" under article 301 of the
criminal code.

In Iraq two journalists from a Sunni TV station have been killed in the
last four weeks. According to the International News Safety Institute,
since the US invasion, at least 82 journalists have been kidnapped in
Iraq. Of those, 28 have been killed and six are still being held. Some
47 journalists have been freed and the condition of one is unknown. At
least 29 journalists are being held by kidnappers worldwide. In all
1,000 news media personnel around the world have been killed trying to
report the news over the past 10 years.

Last year the UN Security Council (Resolution 1738), required states to
regard journalists as civilian non-combatants and protect them
accordingly. A worthy gesture, but it would be unwise to rely on it.

The first step against ‘Liberty’ has been made

Armenian paper says draft laws aimed at banning Radio Liberty broadcasts

Armenian newspaper 168 Zham, Yerevan
30 Jun 07

Excerpt from report by Armine Avetyan in Armenian newspaper 168 Zham
published on 30 June and headlined "Slaves against freedom" and
subheaded "The first step against ‘Liberty’ has been made":

Yesterday [28 June] the National Assembly [parliament] passed in the
first reading the draft laws that will help terminate the broadcasting
of the Radio Liberty [Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, RFE/RL] on the
territory of Armenia. The drafts were adopted by 79 votes in favour, 16
against and one abstention.

The draft laws will be voted in the second reading over 24 hours, and
there is no doubt that MPs who come to the parliament just to push
buttons will pass them today because people who do not care for
freedom, do not need free speech either, neither do they care for the
[Radio] Liberty. All button-pushers want is for the government – that
thinks for them – to last as long as possible.

"I wish to explain why I am sure that those are politically-motivated
bills and are ordered at 26 Baghramyan Street – the presidential
office. What was the need to debate those bills in an extraordinary
session [of the parliament]?" Yerevan Press Club expert Mesrop
Harutyunyan asked at yesterday’s news conference.

Amendments to two laws are debated at the National Assembly’s
extraordinary session: the law on TV and radio and the law on state
fees. Authors of the amendments suggest that the Armenian Public Radio
and TV should not have a right to allow any media outlet to broadcast
on its frequencies. Currently, the Public [TV and Radio] decides on its
own whether it should allow others to air on its frequencies. After the
law is passed, the Public [TV and Radio] will not have the right to
allow other broadcasters use its frequencies.

Under the amendments to the law on state fees, TV and radio companies
will have to pay 70,000 drams [about 200 dollars] for each programme of
other broadcasters aired on their frequencies. And since programmes of
only one "other broadcaster" – the Radio Liberty – are aired on the
Public [TV and Radio], there is nothing else left than to admit that
the goal of those draft laws is to terminate the broadcasting of the
Radio Liberty on the territory of Armenia.

"Usually, extraordinary sessions [of parliament] are called to debate
laws that are urgent and crucial for the society," Mesrop Harutyunyan
says. "Now, I am asking [President] Robert Kocharyan and [Prime
Minister] Serzh Sargsyan, who have drafted these amendments. I am not
asking [Justice Minister] Gevorg Danielyan because he is just a doer.
What crucial and urgent needs of the society do these draft laws meet
so that they had to be debated in an extraordinary session?"

[Passage omitted: if included on the agenda of regular sessions, the
draft laws would be discussed in parliamentary committees and by public
before being adopted]

No TV company was present at the yesterday’s news conference condemning
this draft laws. Neither a radio company was present. This fact led to
conclude that TV and radio companies were instructed from 26 Baghramyan
Street not to cover the news conference. This means that electronic
media is censored by the residents of this address.

"The authorities intend to fist of all impede the broadcasting of the
Radio Liberty," Ashot Melikyan, chairman of the committee for
protection of free speech, said yesterday. "I can compare this with the
shutdown of the A1 Plus [TV company]. High-ranking officials, however,
had promised during our meetings that any draft law on information
sector would be widely discussed before debated in parliament. [Former
Justice Minister] Davit Harutyunyan, in particular, gave such a
promise. These promises too are not kept. Also, OSCE representative on
freedom of the media Miklos Haraszti’s calls not to adopt these
amendments are ignored too."

The government explains that the amendments are needed to ensure
equality in economic competition in the broadcasting sector.

[Passage omitted: other views on the issue]

Our authorities have never worried about the channels that rebroadcast
[foreign] programmes because they have never caused problems for them;
they air programmes about Armenia very rarely. The Radio Liberty, in
contrast, airs programmes that deal with the Armenian domestic and
political life, and this poised danger to the authorities.

[Passage omitted: the president will undoubtedly sign the drafts into
law]

So, Armenia will become the next country following Uzbekistan,
Turkmenistan, Belarus and Azerbaijan to ban the broadcasting of the
Radio Liberty.

Political prisoners unacceptable for CE member state – Euro official

Political prisoners unacceptable for CE member state – European official

Arminfo
4 Jul 07

Yerevan, 4 July: If a Council of Europe member state fulfils its
commitments, then a phenomenon, like political prisoners, is something
unacceptable for a Council of Europe member state, Rene van der Linden,
the Council of Europe’s Parliamentary Assembly [PACE] president, told a
news conference in Yerevan today [4 July] when commenting on a question
about the arrest of former Armenian Foreign Minister Aleksandr
Arzumanyan.

Without getting into "various" trials, Linden pointed to the importance
of having this issue discussed by the Council of Europe [CE]. The
rapporteur on Armenia should take this issue into serious
consideration. "If this specific case is a political arrest, then it is
unacceptable," he said.

Armenian Parliament Speaker Tigran Torosyan said, in turn, that the
report on Armenia was approved by the PACE winter session in January
and that it notes significant progress in Armenia’s fulfilment of its
commitments to the Council of Europe and further European integration.

"As for political arrests, it is absolutely unacceptable for any CE
member country. However, in this particular case, opinions of some
people cannot serve as grounds for a conclusion that it is a political
arrest. Fortunately, no political prisoners have ever existed in
Armenia, and this is a fact. No matter who the suspect is – a former
minister or a Karabakh war veteran – his activities should be assessed
after a trial. Charges have been pressed against the above mentioned
individuals and only the investigation can show whether those charges
ware fair or not," he said. He said it is necessary to demand reliable
assessment from law enforcement agencies.

Armenian president, PACE head discuss relations

Armenian president, PACE head discuss relations

Arminfo
4 Jul 07

Yerevan, 4 July: Armenian President Robert Kocharyan received PACE
[Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe] President Rene van
der Linden.

The presidential press service reported that the parties discussed
issues related to cooperation with European bodies. They also discussed
prospects of Armenia’s economic development as well as a number of
regional issues, including the possibilities of improving the relations
between Armenia and Turkey in its bid for the membership of the
European Union.

Ultranationalists becoming more brazen in Russia, HR activists say

Ultranationalists becoming more brazen in Russia, human rights
activists say

Ekho Moskvy radio, Moscow
5 Jul 07

[Presenter] Journalists should not help incite interethnic strife by
their publications. This call is contained in a book by Vera Malkova, a
researcher with the Ethnology and Anthropology Institute of the Russian
Academy of Science. Human rights campaigners are also concerned with a
rise in extremist sentiments in society. Andrey Gavrilov reports.

[Correspondent] The number of xenophobia-related crimes is rising. In
January-June this year alone, there were 35 murders and more than 200
attacks on non-residents. These figures were given today by the
director of the Moscow Human Rights Bureau, Aleksandr Brod. He noted
that those who come from Azerbaijan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Armenia
and African countries were the most likely to be attacked. Moreover,
Brod pointed out, whereas before attacks happened late in the evening
or at night, now they can occur in broad daylight in a crowded place.

[Brod] Radical nationalists are acting more and more aggressively and
ostentatiously, attacking and killing in the streets and on the
underground quite openly. More and more often they use methods of an
openly terrorist nature – one can recall the explosions at
Cherkizovskiy market, the explosion at McDonald’s in St Petersburg, the
explosion on the Moscow-Groznyy train. Radical nationalists are showing
off their aggressiveness, their might; they have their own armed units.

[Correspondent] Brod is worried that there can be a significant rise in
the number of xenophobia-related crimes in the next few months. The
director of the Moscow Human Rights Bureau links this to the election
to the State Duma due in December. He thinks it is possible that a
number of parties and movements will try to play the nationalist card
to their best advantage, using chauvinistic slogan s in the process.

He expressed regret that the authorities, both federal and Moscow ones,
have no thought-out system to fight those who incite interethnic strife.

[Brod] It is hard to speak of a state strategy. It is just sporadic
pinpoint actions. Say, the other day at a State Council meeting in
Rostov-na-Donu the president spoke of the need to counter youth
extremism – and two days later Tesak was arrested.

[Correspondent] Let me remind you that Maksim Martsinkevich, known as
Tesak [the Hatchet], is the leader of the Format-18 group of skinheads.

Human rights campaigners have urged journalists to be more cautious in
choosing their words so as not to provoke interethnic clashes
themselves. Vera Malkova, a Russian Academy of Science researcher who
published a book on the subject, complained that xenophobic headlines
and reports can be found in many leading Moscow and federal
publications. This, she said, should not happen.

[Presenter] Aleksandr Brod promised that starting from September, human
rights campaigners will monitor this area more closely.

From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

Political briefing: Foreign-born medic tells positive story

Politics: Political briefing: Foreign-born medic tells a positive story

MICHAEL WHITE, The Guardian – United Kingdom
Published: Jul 05, 2007

It has not been the best of weeks for foreign-born medics working in
the NHS. But the appointment yesterday of Sir Ara Darzi to spearhead
Gordon Brown’s "I Love NHS Staff" campaign tells a more positive story
about their contribution.

A Baghdad-born Armenian who grew up in Ireland, Sir Ara is one of the
world’s leading surgeons, a charismatic Renaissance man who operates at
6am, pioneers robotic non-invasive technology, and still finds time to
be a formidable committee man. His review of London hospital
reorganisation is due out next week.

All of which will come in handy as he becomes Lord Darzi (he needs the
peerage to become a minister) and takes up the challenge announced by
the health secretary, Alan Johnson, after Mr Brown’s first PMQs
yesterday: a sweeping staff-friendly review of how a properly-funded
NHS should function, completed in time for its 60th birthday – one year
from today.

Mr Johnson is admitting publicly what Patricia Hewitt came to
acknowledge privately, that years of hard-driving Whitehall targets,
ring-fenced funds and reorganisations has broken staff morale.

In pushing reform Hewitt became too much the budget-fixated manager,
too little the politician, her friends admit. Johnson’s matey tone and
refreshing candour yesterday (he even admitted that drugs are rationed)
pleased MPs, even those who complain that the Darzi review wasn’t worth
a full oral statement. That misses the point, which is symbolic: "This
time we really are going to listen and learn," ministers are saying.

They are bent on Brown-style devolution: patient choice as a better
driver of efficiency than targets, plus practice-based commissioning of
services – hospitals being given their orders by GPs, GPs who may work
in what Sir Ara likes best; multi-skilled "poly-clinics" which do some
hospital work cheaper.

All difficult stuff and not everyone will welcome a bunch of
clinicians, even led by Sir Ara, taking up the reins of reform. But
doctors’ goodwill, lost despite their generous pay rises, is vital to
pushing through better working practices and the acceptance of hospital
and ward closures. Meanwhile Mr Johnson promises to withdraw from using
his powers to resolve politically-sensitive cases.

Tory spokesman Andrew Lansley, who survived a Cameron cull, was
dismissive enough to invite Johnson to "come on and steal our clothes".
But No 10 seems to have gone off Cameron-esque ideas of a Bank of
England-style independent board to run the NHS. A constitution or
BBC-style charter may be its answer.

There is even speculation that chancellor Brown squirrelled away extra
cash for the NHS that prime minister Brown will announce in his October
spending review. Alan Johnson may have inherited the easy bit.

AI Report 1998: Turkey

AI REPORT 1998:TURKEY

(This report covers the period January-December 1997)

Hundreds of people were detained because of their non-violent political
activities; most were released after a short period of police detention
but others were sentenced to terms of imprisonment. Torture continued
to be widespread and systematic in police stations and gendarmeries,
although new legislation on detention procedures had some impact. There
were at least six reported deaths in custody. At least nine people
reportedly `disappeared’ in security force custody and at least 20
people were killed in circumstances suggesting that they had been
extrajudicially executed. There were no judicial executions, although
courts continued to pass death sentences. Armed opposition groups
committed deliberate and arbitrary killings of prisoners and civilians.

The government headed by Necmettin Erbakan of the Islamist Welfare
Party in coalition with the right-wing True Path Party ended with his
resignation in June, largely as a result of pressure from the armed
forces. Later that month, a new coalition headed by Motherland Party
leader Mesut Y.lmaz was formed together with the Democratic Left Party
and Democratic Turkey Party. State of emergency legislation was lifted
in three provinces in October, but remained in force in six provinces
of the southeast, where the 13-year conflict between government forces
and armed members of the Kurdish Workers’ Party (PKK) claimed the lives
of 6,000 people, including civilians, during the year.

Trade unionists, students and demonstrators were frequently taken into
custody at peaceful public meetings or at their organizations’ offices,
and were held in police detention for hours or days because of their
non-violent political activities.

The trial under Article 8 of the Anti-Terror Law, which outlaws any
advocacy of `separatism’, of 184 members of Turkey’s literary and
cultural elite for publishing a book entitled Freedom of Thought (see
Amnesty International Report 1997) was halted in October under the
terms of a law which suspended judicial proceedings against editors for
three years.

Other articles of the Turkish Penal Code (TPC) were also used against
writers, journalists and political activists whose statements
criticized the Turkish state. In June the writer and lawyer Ahmet Zeki
Okçuo©lu was imprisoned under Article 159 of the TPC for `insulting the
institutions of the state’, after the Supreme Court upheld a 10-month
sentence handed down in 1993 by Istanbul Criminal Court No. 2 for his
article published in the newspaper Azadi (Freedom). He was released in
October. The trials under Article 159 continued against Münir Ceylan, a
trade unionist; Ercan Kanar, president of the Istanbul branch of the
Turkish Human Rights Association (HRA); and Ã`anar Yurdatapan,
spokesperson for the Together for Peace initiative (see Amnesty
International Report 1997). They had publicly accused the Chief of
General Staff of covering up the Güçlükonak massacre, in which state
forces allegedly detained and killed 11 civilians and village guards.
The security forces presented the killings as having been committed by
the PKK.

Prisoners of conscience Hatip Dicle, Orhan Do©an, Selim Sadak and Leyla
Zana, former parliamentary deputies for the Democracy Party, continued
to serve 15-year sentences, imposed in 1994 for alleged membership of
the PKK, at Ankara Closed Prison. No conclusive evidence was presented
to support the charges against them during the course of a blatantly
unfair trial and they appeared to have been imprisoned because of their
criticism of state policy in the predominantly Kurdish southeastern
provinces.

People expressing political beliefs from an Islamic point of view were
also held as prisoners of conscience. Former parliamentary deputy Hasan
Mezarc. was serving an 18-month sentence imposed in 1996 under Law 5816
for insulting Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, founder of the Turkish Republic.
He was released in October. In April members of the Aczmendi religious
order detained in October 1996 were sentenced to prison terms by Ankara
State Security Court (SSC) for appearing in public in Ankara in turbans
and cloaks _ garments which contravened the Dress and Hat Laws
instituted by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk. Ilyas Eldi, Yakup AkkuÒ, Ahmet
Arslan, Ã-mer Faruk, Bülent Baykal, and Servet Dündar were sentenced to
four years’ imprisonment after conviction under Article 7/1 of the
Anti-Terror Law for `membership of an organization founded to transform
the Republic by means of intimidation or threats.’ In fact, the
Aczmendi order does not advocate violence. Another 110 Aczmendi
defendants received sentences of three years’ imprisonment.

The HRA was subjected to intense harassment. Three branches were shut
down including the Diyarbak.r branch, which was closed on the grounds
that `its activities threaten the unity of the state.’ Aziz Durmaz,
president of the Ã`anl.urfa branch, was detained and reportedly tortured
in June. He was committed to prison on apparently bogus charges of
membership of an armed organization. He was a prisoner of conscience.
Aziz Durmaz was released in November.

Turkey does not recognize the right of conscientious objection to
military service and there is no provision for alternative civilian
service. In January the General Staff Military Court in Ankara
sentenced Osman Murat Ã`lke, chairperson of the Izmir War Resisters’
Association (ISKD) (see Amnesty International Report 1997), to six
months’ imprisonment and a fine for `alienating the public from the
institution of military service’ by publicly declaring his
conscientious objection and burning his call-up papers in 1995. In
February the General Staff Military Court opened a new trial against
Osman Murat Ã`lke and a further 11 defendants from the HRA and ISKD on
charges of `alienating the public from the institution of military
service’ in speeches that they had given during Human Rights Week in
1995. Osman Murat Ã`lke was conditionally released in May, but was
rearrested in October at EskiÃ’ehir Military Court after being convicted
of `persistent insubordination’, for which he received a five-month
prison sentence, and `desertion’, for which he received a further
five-month sentence.

In March detention procedures were amended for people held under the
Anti-Terror Law (which includes non-violent offences). The Turkish
Government announced this as a measure to combat torture. The new law
shortened the maximum terms of police detention from 30 to 10 days in
provinces under state of emergency legislation, and from 14 to seven
days throughout the rest of the country. The new provisions were a
substantial

improvement but still failed to meet international standards. The law
provides for four days’ incommunicado detention, described by the
European Committee for the Prevention of Torture and Inhuman or
Degrading Treatment or Punishment as `unacceptable’. Incommunicado
detention is widely recognized as being conducive to torture.

The revised detention procedures appeared to have some inhibiting
effect on the practice of torture. Nevertheless, there were many
well-documented reports of torture by police and gendarmes (soldiers
carrying out police duties, mainly in rural areas) in many parts of the
country. Male and female detainees frequently complained that they were
sexually assaulted. The victims included those detained for common
criminal offences as well as for offences under the Anti-Terror Law.
Children and juveniles were again among the victims. Sixteen-year-old
Murat Yi©it reported that he was tortured at a police station in Ankara
while detained in January. He stated that he was blindfolded and
stripped naked, drenched with cold water, beaten on the soles of his
feet and given electric shocks to his penis and feet by police officers
who wanted him to sign a confession to a series of burglaries. He was
later released without charge. A medical report issued by Ankara
Forensic Medicine Institute recorded injuries consistent with his
statement.

Hatun Temuzalp, a reporter for a left-wing journal, stated that she was
tortured while held for interrogation at Istanbul Police Headquarters
for seven days during March. Police officers insulted and threatened
her, and pulled some of her clothes off. Her arms were tightly bound to
a wooden bar and two people grabbed her, lifted her onto a chair, hung
her up, and pulled the chair away. This happened repeatedly. After a
period of intense pain she started to lose consciousness. A radiography
report indicated a fractured shoulder blade. When brought before a
judge, Hatun Temuzalp made a complaint of torture. She was released,
but her interrogators were not prosecuted.

In a judgment in September the European Court of Human Rights found
that Turkish security forces had tortured Ã`ükran Ayd.n while she was
detained at Derik Gendarmerie Headquarters in Mardin in 1993. She was
17 years old at the time. The Court found that Ã`ükran Ayd.n had been
raped, paraded naked in humiliating circumstances and beaten, and that
the Turkish authorities had failed to conduct an adequate investigation
into her complaint. The Court ordered the Turkish Government to pay
Ã`ükran Ayd.n compensation of approximately US$41,000.

There were at least six deaths in custody apparently as a result of
torture. Fettah Kaya died at Aksaray Police Station in May, after being
detained by vice-squad officers at the music hall where he worked.
Police authorities reportedly claimed that the 23-year-old man had died
of a heart attack, but a detainee who was in custody with him stated
that both of them had been tortured by police, who struck them with
sandbags.

At least nine people were reported to have `disappeared’ in the custody
of police or soldiers. In February witnesses saw four armed men,
apparently plainclothes police officers, stop Fikri Ã-zgen outside his
house in Diyarbak.r, check his identity and drive him away. His family
made inquiries with all the relevant authorities, who denied that he
was detained. In common with several other victims of `disappearance’,
Fikri Ã-zgen had relatives reported to have PKK connections.

At least 20 people were reported to be victims of political killings,
many of which may have been extrajudicial executions. In January Murat
Akman was killed during a house raid in Savur, Mardin province, shortly
after two security force officers had been killed by the PKK. According
to a family member who witnessed the killing, members of the Special
Operations Team (a special heavily armed police force unit) came to the
door, asking for Murat Akman. When he appeared and showed his identity
card, they opened fire, killing him instantly. The family made an
official complaint, but by the end of the year those responsible for
the killing had not been brought to justice.

The forcible return to their country of origin of recognized refugees
and asylum-seekers, including Iraqi and Iranian nationals, continued
throughout the year. On several occasions, Amnesty International
expressed grave concern to the Turkish Government about these
refoulements. No response was received.

For the 13th consecutive year there were no judicial executions,
although courts continued to pass death sentences.

Armed separatist, leftist and Islamist organizations were responsible
for at least 13 deliberate and arbitrary killings of civilians and
prisoners. Armed members of the PKK were allegedly responsible for at
least 10 of the killings. According to reports, in July PKK members
killed Mehmet Ã-zdemir at Ã`zümlü village, near Eruh in Siirt province,
and also abducted Abdullah TeymurtaÃ’ from the same village before
killing him. In October Merka Akay was taken from her home in Nusaybin,
Mardin province, and strangled by PKK members. The Turkish Workers and
Peasants’ Army (TIKKO) reportedly claimed responsibility for the
killing in June of Devrim Yasemin Ã?ld.rten and Behzat Y.ld.r.m in
Istanbul, claiming that they were `traitors and collaborators’. The
Islamic Raiders of the Great East_Front claimed responsibility for the
bombing of a sewage treatment plant in Istanbul in June. Mehmet Ã`ahin
Duran, a worker at the plant, was wounded in the blast and subsequently
died of his injuries. Amnesty International condemned these grave
abuses and publicly called on armed opposition groups to ensure that
their members were instructed to respect international humanitarian law
and human rights standards.

Throughout the year Amnesty International appealed for the release of
prisoners of conscience and urged the government to initiate prompt and
independent investigations into allegations of torture, extrajudicial
executions and `disappearances’. Reports published during the year
included Turkey: Refoulement of non-European refugees _ a protection
crisis.

Amnesty International delegates observed several trial hearings,
including the January hearing in the trial at Izmir SSC of a group of
juveniles who had been tortured at Manisa Police Headquarters in 1996
and subsequently accused of membership of an armed organization, and
the final hearing in May of a trial at Adana Primary Court in which Dr
Tufan Köse, an employee of a rehabilitation centre for torture victims,
was sentenced to a fine for refusing to give officials access to
treatment records.

Annual Report UPDATE:
>From January to June 1998

The irresponsibility of the Turkish authorities created the climate for
the shooting on 12 May of Ak2n Birdal, President of the Turkish Human
Rights Association (HRA) Ak2n Birdal was wounded by six bullets from
the guns of two assailants who entered the headquarters of the
association in Ankara.

The authorities have not only consistently failed to investigate or
condemn earlier fatal attacks on officials of the association, but the
judicial authorities had apparently contrived to leak spurious but
highly dangerous allegations about Ak2n Birdal. These were contained in
confessions alleged to have been made by a former military commander of
the Kurdish Workers’ Party (PKK) recently taken prisoner by the
security forces. Although Turkish law provides that evidence collected
during preliminary investigation is secret, these statements, which
cited Ak2n Birdal as well as numerous other prominent personalities
critical of the government as being implicated as having actively
supported the PKK, were given enormous publicity.

While Ak2n Birdal was struggling very close to death the Prime Minister
Mesut Yilmaz compounded the offence by describing the attack as an
"internal dispute" among people connected with the PKK. In fact, seven
men close to right wing political groups — one of them a gendarmerie
officer — were shortly afterwards arrested and charged with planning
and carrying out the attempted killing.

Eastern Prelacy: Crossroads E-Newsletter – 07/05/2007

PRESS RELEASE
Eastern Prelacy of the Armenian Apostolic Church of America
138 East 39th Street
New York, NY 10016
Tel: 212-689-7810
Fax: 212-689-7168
e-mail: [email protected]
Website:
Contact: Iris Papazian

July 5, 2007

ST. GREGORY OF DATEV SUMMER INSTITUTE
IN FULL SWING IN PENNSYLVANIA
Seventy-seven participants, with their instructors and advisors, have
enjoyed a week-long intense immersion in learning and recreation as is
evident from the following photographs that have been transmitted to us from
the St. Mary of Providence Center in Pennsylvania where the Institute is
currently in session. Yesterday, on the fourth of July, the Datevatzis were
treated to a lavish picnic prepared and hosted by Mrs. Asdghig Kazanjian of
Philadelphia’s Armenian Delight. Shish Kebob with all the trimmings and much
more were enjoyed by all.

PRELATE ATTENDS HMEM OLYMPIC GAMES
On Tuesday and Wednesday, July 3 and 4, Archbishop Oshagan attended the HMEM
Olympics in Detroit, Michigan. His Eminence offered prayers and messages
during the banquet and the closing ceremonies. Hundreds of athletes from
various parts of the United States and Canada participated.

PRELATE WILL BE WITH DATEV ON SATURDAY
Archbishop Oshagan will spend Saturday, July 7, with the Datevatzis in
Pennsylvania. He will attend the seminar led by Father Paul Tarazi,
Professor of Old Testament at St. Vladimir’s Orthodox Theological Seminary,
and spend time with the Datevatzis as they conclude their week-long
experience.

DIVINE LITURGY ON SUNDAY IN PHILADELPHIA
On Sunday, July 8, Archbishop Oshagan will preside over the Divine Liturgy
at St. Gregory the Illuminator Church in Philadelphia. Bishop Anoushavan
Tanielian will officiate, assisted by the pastor Rev. Fr. Nerses Manoogian.
Attending the Liturgy will be the seventy-seven Datev students. A picnic
lunch hosted by the Armenian Relief Society will bring the 2007 Datev
program to an end.

TWELVE APOSTLES OF CHRIST AND
SAINT PAUL THE THIRTEENTH APOSTLE
This Saturday, July 7, the Armenian Church commemorates the lives of the
twelve apostles of Christ and Saint Paul who is considered to be the
thirteenth apostle.
Christ selected twelve apostles to carry on His work and sent them to preach
and to baptize converts all over the world (Mt. 28:19-20). Christ gave the
title "apostle" which derives from the Greek word meaning "to send." The
apostles dedicated their lives to spreading the Word and fulfilling the
sacred mission entrusted to them. Paul, the "thirteenth apostle," was
initially a great enemy of the Christians, but had a vision on the road to
Damascus and became a fervent Christian and was subsequently responsible in
large measure for the rapid spread of Christianity. Most of the New
Testament (aside from the Gospels) is from the writings of Paul.

BAREKENTAN OF THE FAST OF TRANSFIGURATION
This Sunday, July 8, is the barekentan of the Fast of the Transfiguration.
The period of fasting for the Feast of the Transfiguration which is on
Sunday, July 15, is five days.

IN CELEBRATION OF THE YEAR OF THE ARMENIAN LANGUAGE.
To read the message of His Holiness in Armenian click
.
To read the message of His Holiness in English click

His Holiness Aram I, Catholicos of the Great House of Cilicia, has
designated 2007 as the Year of the Armenian Language. In celebration of this
year-long tribute, each week we will offer an interesting tidbit about the
Armenian language and literature:
"The work of the translators was by n o means confined to the Bible. During
this period a large number of talented and promising students were sent
abroad to renowned centers of learning. Their mission was to become
proficient in Syriac, Greek, and Latin, languages that were, at the time,
crucial to theological and ecclesiastical scholarship. After undergoing
rigorous training, these scholars returned to Armenia fully qualified,
bringing with them an invaluable collection of religious, historical,
philosophical, literary, and scientific works; they then set themselves to
the arduous task of translating these works into Armenian."
The Heritage of Armenian Literature, Volume 1, Wayne State University Press

DAILY BIBLE READINGS
Bible readings for today, July 5, are: 2 Kings 13:14-21; 1 Corinthians
2:6-10; Luke 4:25-30.
This punishment by the majority is enough for such a person; so now instead
you should forgive and console him, so that he may not be overwhelmed by
excessive sorrow. So I urge you to reaffirm your love for him. I wrote for
this reason: to test you and to know whether you are obedient in everything.
What I have forgiven, if I have forgiven anything, has been for your sake in
the presence of Christ. 1 Corinthians 2:6-10.

CALENDAR OF EVENTS

July 1-8-St. Gregory of Datev Institute, 21st annual summer Christian
studies program for junior and senior high school students, at St. Mary of
Providence Center in Elverson, Pennsylvania. For information click

July 7-St. Gregory Church, Indian Orchard, Massachusetts, gathering at the
home of the parish priest, Rev. Father Bedros Shetilian.

July 9 to July 20-St. Sarkis Church Summer Camp, Douglaston, New York, for
ages 5 to 12. Prayers and hymns, Armenian classes, introduction to the
bible, arts and crafts, sports, and much more. Monday to Friday, 10 a.m. to
3:00 pm. Lunch and snack will be served. Summer camp is sponsored by Mr. and
Mrs. Antranig and Marion Boudakian. Enrollment limited to 30 students.
Registration deadline June 5. Minimum donation $75. For information,
718-224-2275.

July 21-Sts. Vartanantz Church Ladies Guild, Providence, Rhode Island, and
ARS Ani Chapter present "A Hye Summer Night 2." For information
401-286-8107.

August 7-Soorp Asdvadzadzin Church, Whitinsville, Massachusetts, annual golf
tournament at Blackstone Country Club. For information
or 508-234-3677.

August 12-Sts. Vartanantz Church, Providence, Rhode Island, annual church
picnic at Camp Haiastan, Franklin, Massachusetts. For information
401-831-6399.

August 19-Soorp Asdvadzadzin Church, Whitinsville, Massachusetts, annual
church picnic. For information or 508-234-3677.

September 9-Annual picnic of St. Gregory Church of Merrimack Valley at
American Legion Grounds in Haverhill, Massachusetts.

September 25-Holy Trinity Armenian Apostolic Church, Worcester,
Massachusetts, 4th annual golf outing at Juniper Hill Golf Course,
Northboro, Massachusetts. Registration at 8 am. Tee off at 9 am. $125
includes golf cart, dinner and prizes. For information 508-852-2414.

September 27-Sts. Vartanantz Church, Ridgefield, New Jersey, 5th Annual Golf
Outing at River Vale Country Club, River Vale, New Jersey. Registration
begins at 11 a.m. and tee time at 1 p.m. For information, 201-943-2950.

September 29-Soorp Asdvadzadzin Church, Whitinsville, Massachusetts, 50th
anniversary banquet at Pleasant Valley. For information
or 508-234-3677.

October 21-St. Gregory the Illuminator Church, Philadelphia, celebrating the
20th anniversary of the ordination of Rev. Fr. Nerses Manoogian, under the
auspices of the Prelate, Archbishop Oshagan. For information
or 215-482-9200.

November 4-37th anniversary of St. Gregory Church of Merrimack Valley and
ordination of Nishan Dagley to the office of acolyte and stole bearer.
Presided over by His Grace Bishop Anoushavan Tanielian, Vicar General of the
Prelacy.

November 10-11-Sts. Vartanantz Church, Providence, Rhode Island, annual
"Armenian Fest," at Rhodes-on-the-Pawtuxet, Cranston, Rhode Island. For
information 401-831-6399.

December 1-Soorp Asdvadzadzin Church, Whitinsville, Massachusetts, annual
church bazaar. For information or 508-234-3677.

December 9-St. Stephen’s Church, Watertown, Massachusetts, 50th anniversary
celebration. For information, (617) 924-7562.

Visit our website at

From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

http://www.armenianprelacy.org
http://www.armenianprelacy.org/2007Encyclical.pdf
http://www.armenianprelacy.org/021407a.htm.
http://www.armenianprelacy.org/datev.htm.
www.armenianchurchofwhit.org
www.armenianchurchofwhit.org
www.armenianchurchofwhit.org
www.saintgregory-philly.org
www.armenianchurchofwhit.org
www.armenianprelacy.org

Nagorno-Karabakh: Perils of Frontline Farmers

Institute for War and Peace Reporting IWPR, UK
June 5 2007

Nagorno-Karabakh: Perils of Frontline Farmers

Armenians have grown used to working their fields with assault rifles
aimed over their heads.

By Gegham Vardanian in Khachik (CRS No. 399, 5-July-07)

Arshaluis Arsenian is up and working at daybreak, opening the valve
to send the water into the fields out beyond the front line. Armenian
soldiers watch her from an observation post, although much of the
water ends up nearer to the Azerbaijani troops whose front line is at
the other end of the field.

`Ninety per cent of the village fields are situated beyond our posts.
When the villagers go down to cultivate land, we send soldiers with
them, because the enemy’s positions are so close that they could
descend and capture a peasant working,’ said the commander of the
military detachment stationed in the village, Vachik Kroian.

Arsenian’s village of Khachik is situated on the Armenian-Azerbaijani
border just a few kilometres from the Azerbaijani villages of Lower
Yaychi and Upper Yaychi. The nearest Armenian villages are almost 30
km away.

Khachik residents have grown used to working with assault rifles
aimed over their heads since the war over the province of
Nagorno-Karabakh ended 13 years ago. After the fighting, the region
was left in the hands of local ethnic Armenians, but no final
resolution has been agreed.

Despite the two countries signing a truce in 1994, no peace deal has
been forthcoming and sporadic shooting over the frontier is frequent.
Tensions are permanently high, though there have been no casualties
in this village since the end of the war.

The village’s fields mark the border between the two countries. Local
residents walk across a small hill on the outskirts of the village
and find themselves in an open field with the Azerbaijani province of
Nakhichevan at the other end.

There was fighting and bombing here during the Karabakh war. Houses
were destroyed in the village and there were deaths too.

`During the war, the Azerbaijanis somehow managed to reach our rear
and one of them died in the fighting. It was haymaking time and our
soldiers returned the corpse to them under the condition that they
would not shoot for a week, enabling us to harvest the crops,’ said
Vachagan Poghosian, head of the village administration.

Shooting regularly mars the truce along the whole border, with both
sides accusing each other of breaking the ceasefire.

`Violations of the ceasefire are not constant. The Azerbaijani side
often disseminates misinformation. However, there are, of course,
incidents. An Azerbaijani sniper killed two civilians in 2007,’ said
defence ministry spokesperson Seyran Shahsuvarian.

Khachik itself is lucky, however, no one has been killed or wounded
since the truce was signed and villagers working in the fields said
shooting was rare from either side.

`Nevertheless, we work in fear. Fear is inevitable. You never know
what a stupid man will do. They could start shooting. You must not
underestimate the enemy,’ said Rafik Petrosian, as he worked in the
fields.

`The soldiers are in the field with us, but what could they do if the
Turks (this is how the Armenians traditionally call Azerbaijanis)
attacked? They will just kill us and that is it,’ he said.

And the villagers do not take any chances. They stay at home on days
considered important by either side, not wanting to inflame emotions.

`When they have a holiday – Bayram or something like that – we do not
go to the fields. No one works in the fields on days that are
memorable for us – Independence Day or Genocide Day – either. Even if
there is someone who would like to, the military will not allow
them,’ said one elderly peasant.

Khachik is cut off from other Armenian settlements. The closest
village is 29 km away.

`If we do not cultivate our land, our peasants will find it very
difficult to survive here. We live off agriculture and
cattle-breeding. Not many people used to leave the village to earn
money elsewhere before 2000. However, everyone that can is leaving
the village now,’ said village head Poghosian, echoing a common
lament from local residents.

`The village is isolated and we cannot sell our products. You have to
spend 4,000-5,000 drams (10-15 US dollars) to reach the closest
village of Eghegnadzor. This is quite a sum and our income is very
low as a result,’ said Arsenian.

In summer months, young people like Volodya Mkrtchian, 25, work at a
nearby quarry.

`The work is very hard and dangerous, but what is worse is that it’s
part-time; it’s only four or five months a year,’ he said.

He spends his free time with his friends watching television. He
barely remembers the war, but he knows for sure that the people on
the other side of the field are his enemies.

`We want peace to be able to cultivate our land. However, this does
not mean that we are ready to establish relations with the
Azerbaijanis. Tensions will be there until the scars disappear,’ he
said.

But Volodya’s mother, Seda, remembers how friendly they were with the
neighbouring villages in Soviet times.

`They came here and brought their goods, stayed in our homes. We too
went to them. We were on friendly terms. Therefore, if people `up
there’ come to understand each other, ordinary people will get on
with each other well too,’ she said.

Gegham Vardanian is journalist and editor of Internews. He is also
member of IWPR’s EU-funded Cross-Caucasus Journalism Network project.

Azerbaijan: Farming in No-Man’s Land

Institute for War and Peace Reporting IWPR, UK
June 5 2007

Azerbaijan: Farming in No-Man’s Land
Farmers risk being shot at and blown up by mines tending to their
flocks and fields.

By Idrik Abbasov in Bala Jafarli (CRS No. 399, 5-July-07)

The teenage shepherd stopped abruptly when the Azerbaijani army
officer shouted over at him.

"How shameless you are! How many times must I tell you not to graze
your sheep in this damned place? They will shoot you and kill you,
and I will be held responsible," yelled the lieutenant.

This correspondent saw this exchange with his own eyes in March when
visiting the frontline between Azeri and Armenian troops. The
shepherd’s attempt to take his 30 sheep across the trenches to the
pastures in no-man’s land was proof of just how desperate life is for
farmers who have lost their livelihoods from a war that supposedly
ended 13 years ago.

The shepherd came from the village of Bala Jafarli, home to some 20
families and situated in the Qazakh region of Azerbaijan, 500
kilometres from Baku and where the borders of Azerbaijan, Armenia and
Georgia meet. It lies on a highway that once led to Armenia’s Ijevan
region, but is now surrounded by Armenian forces on three sides.

The fourth side of the village is marked by the dried-up Davdagh
lake, which has vanished since the Armenians blocked the channel that
supplied it. The next Azerbaijani settlement of Boyuk Jafarli is
situated six km away on the far shore of the lake. A special pass is
necessary to visit Bala Jafarli, and the narrow corridor leading to
it is open only for the military, residents of the village and
occasional visitors like this correspondent.

Bala Jafarli and Boyuk Jafarli are surrounded by six Azerbaijani
villages that are occupied by Armenian forces. Bala Jafarli and Boyuk
Jafarli are just several hundred metres from Armenian positions.

An Azerbaijani trench runs next to the last house in Bala Jafarli.
The wall facing the Armenian positions is riddled with bullets. The
roof, windows and doors on the second floor have been shattered.
Despite this, the Gasymov family still lives there.

The owner of the house, Tamila Gasymova, 46, wept as she talked to
this correspondent. The shepherd who tried to cross the lines, it
transpired, was one of her relatives.

"The Armenians are shooting all the time and we have no space to
graze the flock, as our soldiers do not allow us to cross the
trenches," said Gasymova.

The lieutenant, who refused to disclose his name, told IWPR that
there are special rules of behaviour on the frontline and, according
to these rules, you cannot stand in an open area opposite the enemy’s
positions.

"There is no shooting now and you are walking around quite boldly.
However, when shooting starts, you will start looking for a mouse
hole to hide in," said the officer.

"If the Armenians kill a shepherd or he is blown up by a mine or,
what is even worse, the Armenians who watch him find out which areas
are not mined, approach our positions and capture one of our
soldiers, my head will roll," said the lieutenant.

In Boyuk Jafarli, the neighbouring village, more pastures and
agricultural land are accessible. But they are still overlooked by
Armenian positions.

"If we did not breed cattle and sow potatoes and onions, we would die
of hunger. It is better to die of a bullet than to starve to death,"
said Firudin Mustafayev, a 65-year-old resident.

"The Armenians shoot from time to time and our soldiers respond too.
Sometimes, when we work in the field, bullets whistle over our heads
and we have to lie on the damp ground for hours. We continue to work
when everything is calm again.’

Although a ceasefire between Armenia and Azerbaijan was declared on
May 12, 1994, people have continued to die in both villages from
random shooting. Konul Rahimova, 21, was the last victim. An Armenian
sniper killed her in the summer of 2006 when she was working in the
fields.

On top of all this, the villages lack irrigation water. The Armenians
blocked the channel that used to run into the Davdagh artificial
lake, which is now filled only when snow melts in the mountains and
that only lasts for a month.

The regional administration has raised the water problem with
officials, and it has been discussed at levels as high as the group
of international mediators that was assembled in Minsk in 1992 to try
to end the conflict. The group is co-chaired by France, Russia and
the United States.

`Even representatives of the Minsk group have intervened to resolve
this problem and inspected the area. However, nothing can be done
about this. We are in the middle of a war with Armeni,’ said Tahir
Mustafayev, assistant head of the local administration.

Armenia and Azerbaijan swap accusations of breaking the ceasefire.
Any firing tends to provoke shooting in response, and can lead to
serious injury or death. Ilgar Verdiyev, a spokesman for the
Azerbaijan defence ministry, denied that Azeri forces violate the
truce.

`However, when the enemy opens fire on our positions, we respond, and
we will always respond. We will be first to open fire if the
commander-in-chief orders us to liberate our occupied land and we
will clear our territory of Armenian military forces,’ he said.

Despite the constant fears of death, people continue to live in these
villages.

"When we are in the field or pasture and Armenians start shooting in
our direction, our soldiers too respond, and then the peasants have
to stop sowing, leave their cattle and press themselves to the ground
to avoid coming under fire," said Vahida Ismailova, 60.

Idrak Abbasov is correspondent of the Zerkalo newspaper in Baku and
participant in the Cross Caucasus Journalism Network project funded
by the European Union.

From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress