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Armenian Weekly On-Line, Volume 73, Number 13, March 31, 2007
1. Elections ’07
2. Apathy Blues: Armenian Youth Keep Politics at Bay
By Christian Garbis
3. What Do Elections Change in Armenia?
How Do Elections Change in Armenia?
By Armine Arakelian
4.The Shaping of the Parliament, the Activities of Political Entities and
the Electoral Process
By Hranoush Hakobyan
5. An Interview with Raffi Hovannisian
By Khatchig Mouradian
6. Ready, Steady, Vote!
By Andy Turpin
7. Will polling Places Accommodate Disabled Voters?
8. Women in the National Assembly
Features:
9. The Marathon World of Sarkis Varadian
By Tom Vartabedian
10. ‘Karla’s Lesson’
By Tamara C. Gureghian
11. Thoughts about Apo Torosyan’s Documentary ‘Voices’
By Ragip Zarakolu
12. Harvard Film Screenings Stand Triumphant
By Andy Turpin
Letters to the Editor:
13. Akhtamar: No Reason for Armenian Gratitude
By Dr. Michael G. Mensoian
14. Lest We Forget
By Kevork K. Kalayjian, Jr.
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1. Elections ’07
The Hairenik and the Armenian Weekly have dedicated this special insert to
coverage of the National Assembly elections in Armenia on May 12.
In aiming to keep our readers informed of developments and events in Armenia
through an unbiased lens, we have chosen contributors with differing
political affiliations and convictions who are well-known for their
involvement in advancing democracy in Armenia.
Avoiding specific political agendas and propaganda, the aim of this joint
issue is to introduce you to the basic elements of Armenia’s electoral
process and law, and to the various viewpoints of its political leaders.
Recent amendments to the electoral law have prohibited voting from outside
the Republic of Armenia. Yet, as conscientious Armenians, brought closer to
our homeland with the adoption of the dual-citizenship law, events on that
small piece of land have become even more relevant. They now affect the
entire gamut of our national issues, and all Armenians, whether inside our
outside the republic, share a responsibility for them.
Over the next few weeks and on the day of the elections, the Hairenik and
Armenian Weekly will closely monitor the electoral process and provide you
with up-to-date and objective news reporting and analysis.
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2. Apathy Blues: Armenian Youth Keep Politics at Bay
By Christian Garbis
YEREVAN (A.W.)-Spring has arrived in Armenia. Throughout Yerevan grass is
sprouting in parks and leaves are beginning to bud on trees. Vehicles of all
sorts and makes clog the streets. And the youth prance about, savoring the
fresh, new season.
But this last point is not something necessarily attributed to the coming of
spring-it happens all year round. That and loitering. Youth are standing
around everywhere, with nothing to do, and no urgency to engage in anything
productive.
The favorite pastime of young men in their twenties or late teens is to
stroll around. Usually they are dressed in all black or predominantly dark
colors. They move about by themselves or with companions, picking up others
in their travels and embracing them as they join. They usually wind up in
Republic Square to quench their thirst at the public water fountains before
wandering off somewhere else. Along the way, they buy packs of cigarettes
and funnel-shaped cups filled with sunflower seeds. They leave a trail of
shells in their wake as they venture to conquer nothing.
Young women also walk about, but usually in packs, arm in arm, often
occupying the entire width of a sidewalk. They also have nowhere special to
go-perhaps window shop or enter a café for an instant coffee. But they don’t
manage to accomplish much else.
Ask any one of them about politics and be prepared to be met with
gaping-mouth stares, chewing gum in full view, or with a shrug accompanied
by a low moan. The youth could care less.
"I think that kids aren’t interested in politics in general," says Hamlet
Gevorkyan, 31, who was raised in Abovyan before relocating with his family
to the Los Angeles area in the late 1980s. Mr. Gevorkyan returned to Armenia
in 2005 and is studying to earn a degree in dentistry. He also teaches
courses to foreign students at the university level.
"Most of the kids that I talked to are thinking of getting out of this
country as soon as they find an opportunity," Mr. Gevorkyan adds. "This can
be viewed as a good excuse for kids to not care about politics in general."
Indeed, the trend of people in their twenties is to leave, mostly because of
the common belief that "Armenia is not a country" or that "there’s nothing
here" to keep them. This mentality usually has nothing to do with the
availability of opportunities that may await a person in a specific field of
interest. Even if someone does have a well-paying job, for instance as a
software programmer, leaving the country is nearly always considered a
better option.
Mr. Gevorkyan notes this general trend of careless abandon each day. "I
think that the young generation doesn’t have big expectations. They are
pretty happy with their daily routine: going to universities where they
spend more time catering to their appearance-how they look and what they
wear-rather than worrying about their education," he states.
However, this is not entirely the case. Although they are a minority, some
youth are clearly trying to become involved in civil society and build the
democratic process. And they are trying to get the message out to those who
are for the most part unaware.
"Recently a friend asked me what democracy is, not that she wanted me to
give the factors of what democracy should involve, but she didn’t know the
term, and she’s a 21-year-old girl," confesses Zara Gevorgyan, a university
student studying linguistics and the coordinator of the Erebuni community
youth branch of It’s Your Choice (IYC), a non-governmental organization that
monitors elections throughout Armenia. She is also a member of its board of
directors. IYC is gearing up for the National Assembly elections to be held
on May 12.
"I know many such young people, so first they need to know what democracy
is, then consider whether Armenia is democratic," Ms. Gevorgyan continues.
"But things are different with the young people at IYC for example. They
want to be involved and observe, they are eager to pass all the seminar
trainings, and not because that’s a money-making endeavor-it’s not
actually-but because that is what they feel is necessary for the future of
their country."
Many youth, if asked, do not know the main political parties in Armenia.
Although some organizations like the Republican Party of Armenia and the
ARF-Dashnaktsutiun foster youth associations, they may not necessarily have
broad outreach.
"Those parties possess the means to gather students and hold various
activities," explains Ms. Gevorgyan. "This comes again about raising
interest, which they do during the first meetings, and if the students are
interested they may join the party. But it is only along with time that they
get acquainted with the ideology of the party, and if they are
self-established enough as people, they can choose to leave the party or to
continue with it."
Yet political indifference amongst the youth is undeniable.
"Let’s put it like this: There are 10 people in my course; they are all
apathetic, they are not even bothered to know what party does what. They
just won’t ‘waste’ their precious time," Ms. Gevorgyan claims. "I’ve been
trying to activate my course mates and involve them in some youth activities
for five years now, but it’s useless. Time spent at a pedicurist is more
important to them."
Another organization, which was just recently founded, is also working
towards raising awareness amongst youth regarding their society. The group
is called "It’s Started" and has had four public gatherings since February.
Themes have included a general wake up call to encourage participation in
the upcoming elections, a petition to attract people to read newspapers, and
on March 25 a demonstration about the "Southern Boulevard," a spoof on the
construction phenomenon regarding the building of the Northern Boulevard,
designed to stretch from Opera Square to the top of Republic Square. The
intentions of the group are not etched in stone as it still needs to develop
a steady following-so far it has managed to attract around 200 young adults
at each event. But It’s Started does not admit to having any political
motives, and it does not consider itself a "movement" of any kind.
"We just want kids to know what’s going on in public life, in the country
they are living in," explains Sona Krikorian, one of the organizers of It’s
Started.
Most proactive youth commonly agree on one key issue: Armenia is not
democratic. The lack of free media outlets, rigged elections, and the
professed absence of the rule of law are the three main factors of this
perception. Many do not foresee that the May 12 elections will be fair. Both
the Republican and recently formed Prosperous Armenia parties are already
expected to divide the lion’s share of seats.
"Everything has already been decided," admits Edik Baghdasarian, editor of
Hetq Online, a weekly Web news site. "Even the ARF-Dashnaktsutiun has
accepted that."
But some people, even if aware of governmental corruption or a lack of
democracy, would not necessarily want the current situation to change. They
recall the energy crisis of the early 1990s when Armenia was engaged in war
with Azerbaijan over Nagorno-Karabakh and electricity distribution
capabilities were crippled. Commodities were scarce or entirely unavailable.
Now that the Armenian economy is booming mainly due to government policies
designed to encourage development in various sectors, not to mention foreign
investment, few would want things to be different, let alone young adults.
Yerevan is now a treasure trove of goods and services, and the youth have
never been so fortunate.
Nevertheless, according to Mr. Gevorkyan, there can always be room for
optimism. "I think that it is a question of when before the youth realizes
that it is about time to take action. Let’s not forget that these kids were
born in the dark and cold days of 1990s and for them life now is a paradise
compared to back then," Mr. Gevorkyan believes.
"But for the next generation this will not be enough, and quite honestly, I
expect the change to come from young women, because they seem to be more
serious when it comes to studying and building careers."
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3. What Do Elections Change in Armenia?
How Do Elections Change in Armenia?
By Armine Arakelian
Let’s not forget Machiavelli’s lesson: "True reformers are those who
constantly change their tactics, conforming to the realities on the ground,
and not those who lose their compass, i.e. the values that give direction to
their policies."
On May 12 and for the fifth time, National Assembly (Parliamentary)
elections will be held in the Republic of Armenia. According to the newly
amended constitution, Armenian citizens will be electing 131 delegates who
will serve for the next five years. Ninety of them will be elected based on
party lists, while 41 will be elected based on majoritarian vote, each from
one electoral district in Armenia.
For months, international organizations and foreign states have been
forewarning Armenian authorities of the importance of holding the elections
in par with international standards for free and fair elections. The
population of Armenia, however, does not expect any positive changes and
substantive improvements from upcoming elections. Political parties are
using several methods, including bribery and coercion, to secure votes,
membership and supporters. Most voters view these practices as inevitable
and in the case of bribery successful, and argue that they might as well
benefit from them while they can. "It’s all the same, nothing will change,"
so why not take what’s offered? Some are given lump sums of cash, some are
promised that they will keep their jobs, and some are bought by the promise
of new swings in their neighborhood playground, etc. Instead, they are
giving up their right to claim and demand that their representatives in
parliament and the government represent and defend their interests over the
next five years.
Over the last 15 years of independent statehood in Armenia, elections and
political participation have been among the most important issues of
democratic development in the country. Despite the fact that the Election
Law and Codes has been amended several times (the latest changes were
adopted in Jan. 2007), Armenian and international experts/actors and
observers have frequently identified the main political problem in Armenia
as connected with weak political will and, more importantly, the low level
of democratic culture of elections and citizen participation. Regular
elections provide citizens with an opportunity to express their will and
determine the composition of government. Indeed, regular elections give
citizens the ability to voice their demands, evaluate their representatives
and governors, and appoint new ones. In order to make sensible choices,
however, citizens must be aware that elections are meaningful. They must be
aware of an election’s purpose, their voting rights and obligations, the
range of electoral options, and voting procedures. Citizens must be aware
of why they are making the decisions they make. This is what is required to
live in a democracy and to be truly active in it.
The function of political parties and National Assembly members is not to
hand out flowers, renovate playgrounds, or coerce and bribe people into
party membership or voting for their lists. Their responsibility is to be
aware of the interests of their constituents, to politically formulate and
demand these rights and interests, and to defend them in the National
Assembly and in other areas of the government. Delegates and parties must be
able to raise the issues affecting their constituents and find solutions to
their problems, making sure the government is functioning as it should-in
the interest of the people.
The current situation is evidence that there is no real and established
political arena in Armenia. Political parties and officials are not the
public faces of democracy, values and good governance-they are the opposite.
There is a clear lack of ideology and of political platforms that stem from
ideologies. There is a lack of true political dialogue. To become the ruling
power has become a goal in itself, or is a means for the financial gain of a
small group of people whose interests are not congruent with those of the
majority of the population.
Beyond simply being free and fair, elections must also be seen by the people
as making a difference in improving the community and the society by raising
vital issues and finding solutions for them through public discourse.
Democratic government needs to be accountable and trustworthy to be
effective, and this can only occur through regular elections that citizens
appreciate as being important and relevant to the issues that matter most to
them. Citizens must feel confident that their vote counts and that they have
the power to make choices in the governing of their own communities and
state.
It is also important to note that elections alone cannot be agents for true
change unless other components of democracy are safeguarded. It is
imperative that the mechanisms for law enforcement are functional. It is
essential to trust law enforcement mechanisms and to assure people that the
law-rather than the impunity of powerful clans and criminal groups-prevails.
Armenia, according to its constitution, is a "democratic and social state."
There have been thousands of legislative acts regarding everything from the
elections to NGOs to workers’ unions to local self-government. All of these
changes should be praised, since they are a sign that a renewed respect for
human values and principles exists in Armenia. Yet, these changes have
mostly been forced and implemented from the top-down, and often due to
outside pressure. There is still a huge gap between the laws on paper and
their implementation. These changes were not the result of conscious
collective action by the people. They are not the outcome of a process of
national social and political dialogue and struggle. Therefore, they are to
be seen as more formal and not as true accomplishments.
The unique role of political parties on the local and national level is also
essential. All party systems should be internally democratic and held
accountable, and should help establish a culture of transparency and
responsibility. They need to develop their constituencies and political
platforms. True political struggle and dialogue can only occur when
political ideals and differences exist. Political dialogue occurs only when
a political idea, crystallized within a small community of people, is spread
to the public. We see political activity only if there is a hierarchy of
legitimacy in the differences of citizens’ political opinions, and only in
the presence of means to spread these views.
Finally, the development of a civic culture and structures of associative
citizenship is of big importance. The educational framework and material
must be developed to offer basic civic education in both formal and
non-formal settings. Responsible citizens must be encouraged to group and
organize themselves and develop the necessary structures to assist in the
development of the civic consciousness of the different sections of the
society and social groups. This should lead those groups to raise their
issues and defend their rights and interests in order to secure societal
cohesion.
Elections cannot be separated from the issues of democracy and state
building. There are four key institutions that are as relevant as the
institutions of the president or National Assembly.
Institutions of self and community governance. Includes the home, playground
and community, which constitute the immediate living environment of the
citizen.
Workers’ unions, trade unions and guilds. These groups protect workers’
rights. After all, every individual has to work in order to make a living.
Teacher and student organizations in institutes of education and science.
These are where the individual and the citizen are educated.
4. Mass media outlets. These ensure the right to free and responsible
expression. They give a voice to the public, and to the concerns and demands
of the average citizen, community and nation. Mass media also promotes
debate and dialogue, and encourages a culture of democratic civic and
political participation.
Unfortunately, these four important sets of institutions are not yet well
established in Armenia. When absent or weak, citizens cannot make conscious
decisions when electing their representatives and governors, and cannot
supervise them. As a result, the people of Armenia often lose hope and
resort to emigration, or even worse, become apathetic, ceasing public
activism and yielding in their struggle for their rights.
A free and fair society and state must rely on the civic consciousness,
knowledge, skills and virtue of its citizens and those they elect to public
office. Today more than ever, it is essential in the Armenian Republic that
people realize how their state and society function. They must also realize
that they are the guardians of this state, their homeland, and that they are
responsible for the wellbeing of future generations through the decisions
they make today-to participate or not in the elections; to accept or reject
bribes and "favors"; to yield to the threats of this or that political
force, or to stand up to them. Elections are not just about the voting that
takes place every five years; they are a reflection of the everyday life of
a citizen, of their rights and also the respect and protection of others’
rights; the transparency of government and elected officials; and in the
case of infringements, their punishment and loss of a seat or posts. People
must realize the immense power and responsibility that they hold, and they
must not be afraid of it. Once this occurs, "many things could be changed
and improved by elections."
Real freedom, equality and justice do not come as "ready made packages."
People achieve awareness through active participation. They develop an
understanding of their rights by struggling for them.
The current issue facing the Armenian people is not whether or not changes
will occur over the next few years. The question is who will shape,
organize, accomplish and supervise those changes, and how? The Armenian
people should be the force behind such changes. Active and conscientious
citizenship and a bottom-up democratic participatory political culture and
framework are needed and are the prerequisites to ensure the realization of
all human and national rights in Armenia, and achieve future prosperity and
development for the Armenian state and the majority of the Armenian people.
(Special to the Hairenik and Armenian Weeklies)
-Translated by
Simon Beugekian
BIO
Armineh Arakelian is an international lawyer, politician and diplomat. She
holds a dual masters degree in international law and international affairs
from the Sorbonne University in Paris, and a DESS degree in international
laws of development from the Renee Descartes University in Paris.
Arakelian has more than 18 years of experience as an activist for democracy,
and is an expert in the fields of human rights and development. She has also
been active in humanitarian work with NGOs and other international
organizations such as the United Nations, the European Council for Eastern
Europe, from Africa to Europe.
Currently, Arakelian is a fully pledged representative of the international
IDEA organization as well as the head of the Armenian diplomatic office.
As an activist, Arakelian continues her voluntary service in international
organizations devoted to protecting civil and human rights. In 1999, she
founded the Institute for Democracy and Human Rights (IDHR) in Armenia, an
organization based on activism and volunteerism that strives to establish a
culture of democracy based on human rights, development, education,
political consciousness and citizenship (). She was IDHR’s first
president and continues her activities within the organization as a founder
and honorary member, and volunteer editor in chief of its publication.
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4.The Shaping of the Parliament, the Activities of Political Entities and
the Electoral Process
By Hranoush Hakobyan
To achieve a democratic society and a state that abides by the rule of law,
the crucial role of parliament is to ensure communication between the sole
source of power-the people and its representatives, to effectively
legislate, adopt projects and a state budget that raises the standard of
living of a society, establishes a market economy and secures socio-cultural
progress.
The collapse of a single party and authoritative system in Armenia has led
to the creation of a multi-party state with democratic and liberal
principles. The Armenian declaration of independence establishes that "The
Armenian Republic will secure a multi-party system in its territories and
equal rights to all parties."
The goal of political parties is to take the reins of the government through
elections; to influence the political will of the people without coercion;
to reach a high standing and attain authority within the society; to have
well-established and functioning institutions; to remain in constant contact
with the people, and act as the middleman between the people and state
authorities; and to influence public opinion, as well as important decisions
in the higher levels of government. Legalizing the process of establishing
parties and allowing them to operate freely was one of the first and most
important steps in the democratization of the country. The parliament of the
single-party structure, which was governed by the central bodies of the sole
party, was replaced by a parliament formed of people with different ideas,
projects and opinions belonging to various parties.
Clearly, holding elections is important for a democratic society. The state
must hold elections on a regular basis. Legal practice shows that the people
cannot truly express their will during elections of the executive branch
unless different parties, representing the various factions of public
opinion, are competing in those elections.
After the fall of the single-party dictatorship, the parliament (National
Assembly) became the main entity with the power to forge legislation that
would regulate the new system of relations within society. Laws were
ratified to encourage the establishment of a market economy, democracy and a
new political system. The reevaluation and reinterpretation of values took
place, and played an essential role in developing and changing the awareness
of the population, and the formulation of the parliament members’ own views
and opinions.
In democratic societies, elections shape the government.
In almost every country in the world, the lower chambers of the legislative
branch are shaped by the direct expression of a people’s will through
elections.
According to the election code of Armenia, "The National Assembly elections
are held based on both majoritarian and proportional systems." A larger
percentage of seats was dedicated to the proportional system in order to
promote political parties, prepare them for electoral campaigns, and push
them toward working together within the National Assembly.
Judicial minds and experience gained from elections lead to the conclusion
that the existing electoral systems are majoritarian, proportional or a
combined "hybrid" system. In the latter case, elections take place based on
both the majoritarian and proportional systems, and the number of seats
allocated to each system is set in advance. Armenia currently implements the
joint electoral system; 90 seats are allocated to the parties (proportional
system) and 41 to the majoritarian elections. In 2003, the numbers were 75
and 56, respectively. We think that the change already made in favor of the
proportional system leads to the following:
Strengthens the parties and assists in their establishment;
Within the parliament, it assists in organizing team, in accomplishing
projects and in adopting resolutions. Let us not forget that only party
members can turn the parliament from a state apparatus to more of a
political body, where ideas and programs clash with each other, which in
turn could lead to relegating important initiatives aiming at the
legislation of the society’s issues to the back;
Those elected by the proportional system (party lists) are initially
accountable to their parties and forget the constituents;
Developments in parliamentarism lead to the fact the organization of the
internal operations of the parliament relies on the party groups (formation
of delegations, election of committee members, being sent on official trips,
making statements on behalf of groups) Thus having larger party delegations
becomes more important;
Parties have to overcome the electoral obstacle of 5 percent of total votes
to be allowed into the National Assembly while party alliances have to
overcome the barrier of 7 percent.
In the United States elections are held based on the majoritarian system but
the parties struggle for almost every seat.
According to the 99th article of the Armenia’s election code, political
parties can contest the majoritarian seats by proposing and supporting
non-party members as well as party members for each set. Future election
campaigns will be very intense, since the post of prime minister will be
decided by the parliamentarian majority. This implies that:
Each more-or-less established party will attempt to gain the majority in
parliament, in order to immediately effect the shaping of the government and
to realize its programs.
If the elections do not result in a clear majority in the parliament, the
issue of which parties will come together to form a coalition will arise.
Recently in Germany, even ideologically opposed parties such as the Social
Democrats and the Christian Democrats have formed a coalition in order to
form a government.
The political struggle will intensify between the majority and minority in
parliament. This is where it becomes crucial to have legislation
guaranteeing the rights of the minority, which is available in a host of
countries (Great Britain, Croatia, Germany, etc.)
After all, elections are what decide which parties gain the advantage and
whose program to follow, and this strengthens the political structure and
parliamentary culture of the country and develops traditions of
parliamentarism. The first elections in an independent Armenia (1995) were
held based on the Armenian legislation titled "About the election of
National Assembly members of the Republic of Armenia." The second article of
that law stipulated that 150 members were to be elected by the majoritarian
system and 40 by the proportional system. This article was the first step in
introducing proportional elections, which was later amended in favor of the
proportional system. In the case of majoritarian elections, the electoral
law of the Republic of Armenia defines specific norms. In case a single
candidate has been registered for a majoritarian seat, according to articles
2 and 4 of the electoral law, he must receive over half of the total number
of votes cast in his district. In this case, the total is compounded based
on the total number of participating voters in the district who cast their
ballots for the majoritarian and/or proportional candidates and lists. In
the case of the proportional system, the seats are distributed to the
parties that overcome the 5 percent barrier of the total number of votes
cast for all the party lists and inaccuracies in the electoral lists. If
only one party succeeds in overcoming the 5 percent barrier, then the next
two parties with the highest proportion of votes are considered successful.
The electoral law also specifies that if only three parties take part in the
proportional elections, all three get into the parliament and the number of
seats they receive is calculated following the proportion of votes they
receive during the elections. As a matter of fact, this limits the
proportional representation in parliament to the large and mid-sized
parties. As mentioned above, this is a crucial necessity for Armenia because
the higher percentages allow for the formation of large party groups in
parliament, and therefore the establishment of "stable" majorities. Also
essential are the credentials and the political preparedness of the citizen
becoming a member of parliament.
We think that it is time to develop specific criteria that a candidate must
fulfill in order to be eligible to participate in the "contest" to have a
seat in parliament. Although the Constitution specifies that any person 25
years of age or older, having been a citizen of the Republic of Armenia for
the past five years and who has been living in the Republic of Armenia for
the past 5 years, can become a member of parliament (article 64), there are
no additional conditions. On the other hand and in the case of public
servants on the state or civic levels, regulations have been introduced
requiring specific levels of education, age, work experience, etc. The fact
that such requirements are posed for employees of the state apparatus is a
positive thing. Why not implement the same in the case of those who will be
exercising the highest legislative authority? We think that articles 100 and
106 of the electoral law must be complemented and must request candidates to
also present a higher education diploma, a certificate that he has not been
pursued for criminal offenses, a certificate that he served in the military
draft, and that he is psychologically stable. All these criteria are crucial
for a professional parliament.
A multi-party system exists in our country. That’s a fact. But that system
is seriously ill. Serious changes are required on this level. The proof of
this is the fact that for its three million inhabitants, Armenia has over 80
parties, and therefore the same number of ideologies exists in the country,
because parties are based on ideologies. Twenty-seven parties and one
alliance of parties requested participation in the 2007 elections. This
abundance of parties is insincere, to say the least. Besides, it throws the
constituents into a complex situation. The election results must help the
parties to grow. In our opinion, the enlargement of parties in Armenia
should bring together on one hand the liberal-democrats and the left leaning
forces preoccupied with societal priorities, and on the other hand the
shaping of a centrist force. For a country facing national issues,
nationalist forces could also arise as well as groups dedicated to
ecological issues and the total number of parties should not exceed five or
six. In that case we can talk about a democratic political system, a stable
electoral structure and just parliamentary elections.
The biggest difficulty faced during the transitional period in all of the
CIS countries is the shaping of a clear and stable political structure.
Opposition is an inseparable component of any political structure and its
"eternal driving force." By becoming part of the legislature, the opposition
"restrains" it with its alternative positions and differing opinions, and
through its constructive activities keeps the authorities within the
confines of the Constitution and rule of law. The lack of political and
parliamentary culture also affects the formation of a serious opposition.
Following the 2003 elections, none of the political parties attained a
majority in parliament. And our young parliamentarism registered another
novelty: three parliamentary parties, the Republican Party of Armenia (RPA),
the Armenian Revolutionary Federation (ARF) and Country of Rule of Law
(CRL), met before the first sitting of parliament and signed a memorandum
for a political coalition. This enriched our traditions of parliamentary
democracy and culture. This new unit succeeded in reaching agreements in
forming a government and organizing parliamentary activities. Despite the
fact that this coalition did not operate until the end of the third sitting
of parliament, it played an important role in developing legislation and
advancing the country.
Thus elections, democratic representation and parliamentary democracy are
the basis for the development of parliamentarism and democracy. Party
factions and deputy groups within parliament have an obvious positive effect
on the organization of parliamentary activities as one of the most important
institutes of parliament and the most important factor in the development of
parliamentarism. Various international organizations gave different
evaluations of the elections held since independence and touched upon ballot
rigging, inaccuracies and ballot-box fillings. By becoming a member of the
European Council, Armenia undertook the responsibility of organizing free,
transparent and democratic elections. That is why the legislation of the
Republic of Armenia was adapted to European principles and requirements, and
serious preparations were undertaken to organize general, fair and direct
elections by secret ballot.
These days, pre-election activities and processes are forging ahead in
Armenia. In contrast with the previous four elections held in the
independent republic, the upcoming elections, in our opinion, present the
following specifics:
The changes in the Constitution completely separated the legislative,
executive and judicial branches of government and introduced equality
between the three branches, enlarged the place and role of the parliament
within the governing structures, widened the oversight authorities of
parliament, and gave it the final say in the appointment of the Prime
Minister.
The "Europe: New Neighborhood" and "Millenium Challenge" programs are
already active. Both emphasize and underline the perfection of the electoral
process and the holding of democratic elections conforming to international
norms as a requirement.
When amending the electoral code, the requirements specified by the
Constitution, the OSCE, Council of Europe and the Vienna Commission have
been taken into consideration. International experts have noted substantial
improvements from the old version of the electoral law and have testified
that it conforms to international standards.
Unfortunately, the opposition parties did not succeed in joining forces as
they did on the eve of the 2003 elections, when they created the Justice
Coalition. As a result, more than 20 opposition parties are organizing
separate campaigns. This on one hand will show the real weight of each
political party and the level of popularity it enjoys; but on the other
hand, it decimates their capabilities and the presence of a serious and
organized opposition in the upcoming parliament.
The most important specificity is that the constituents understand that the
only source of power is the people itself, and they understand the powers
and authorities enjoyed by each branch of the government. They understand
their role in the formation of the legislative authority and the polls show
that the percentage of participation by the people in the upcoming elections
will be the highest ever.
Statements by both the government and the opposition are showing political
will and are promising to make all efforts to hold fair and transparent
elections. The most important aspect of this is the creation of a tolerant
and moral public atmosphere, which could have an important effect on the
outcome of the elections.
There is a readiness of international organizations like the EC, OSCE and EU
to assist in organizing and holding elections that will conform to the
international norms; the EC ministers have already adopted a special project
in this regard.
8. The Criminal Code of the Republic of Armenia has been reviewed and
penalties against those who temper with the elections have been stiffened.
In this atmosphere, acquaintance with and implementation of the new
electoral law presents immeasurable importance.
I would like to emphasize the changes in the electoral code that will assist
in holding more objective, democratic and transparent elections. It is worth
underlining that all political currents of the National Assembly
participated in the preparation of the Draft Electoral Code. The version
that came out was accepted by all sides and the task undertaken in
cooperation with the Vienna Commission was well organized. But at the last
stage, when the code was being reviewed based on opinions expressed by
international experts, two representatives of the opposition refused to sign
the final draft.
The electoral code in force today has clarified many processes that could
result in the holding of more democratic elections. According to the current
law, secret ballot is no longer viewed as just a right but as an obligation,
and open balloting instances must not occur. In case these are not abided
with, specific penalties can be enforced. During all of the elections held
since independence, serious objections were raised concerning mistakes and
inaccuracies in the constituent lists. The most important one was the
inclusion of the names of dead people, which was used in claims that the
elections were rigged. This issue was under the supervision of local
authorities.
Today, the Identification and Visa Section of the Armenian police is
recognized as the authority in preparing constituent lists. It will be
presenting the lists of electors to the local authorities. During the last
local elections, it became clear that inaccuracies in those lists had been
minimized.
The Central Electoral Commission is using the mass media more frequently to
report on its activities both during the elections and about their outcomes.
Essential changes have been made regarding the authorities given to
officials. All officials can participate in the oversight of the elections,
ask for required documents and identification papers, verify ballots, etc.
Previously, they could only supervise from a distance. These changes also
ensure that every candidate or political party will have a representative in
each voting location, alongside officials.
The number of allowed and invited observers has also been increased.
Observers have vast powers to overview elections. Invitations have already
been sent to international observers. The OSCE observers began their mission
in mid-March. Other short-term observers will arrive in Armenia from other
countries and organizations, and will join local observers.
New regulations have been established regarding the education and licensing
of members of the electoral board, which is accomplished by the Central
Electoral Commission. Regional electoral boards can be established that are
aware of the law and the norms. The boards will be made up of all political
parties in the National Assembly, representatives of the "People’s
Delegates" team, as well as a representative of the President and one
judicial worker. Overall, the boards will be made up of nine members of all
levels of government involvement.
The new changes to the law also protect the rights of the disabled and
senior citizens. Norms have been established calling for mobile voting posts
so that the sick and disabled are not robbed of their right to vote.
The 47th article of the election law, part 2, holds that "the process of
counting votes by the authorities can be filmed by observers ." The filming
of the counting process can put an end to accusations of rigged elections.
The issue of privacy has been raised due to the ballots being printed on
low-quality paper. New forms and ballets have been introduced that ensure
full secrecy of vote but can slow down the actual voting process.
The issues concerning the registration of candidates for the presidency, and
of governors and delegates for the National Assembly, along with issues of
transparency regarding expenditures have been resolved.
The changes in elections law have greatly promoted the protection of human
rights and democracy, and have helped the struggle against system abuse.
The changes to the law have increased penalties for citizens, activists,
list printers and members of the electoral committee who attempt to commit
electoral fraud by miscounting votes, falsifying registrations, committing
ballot fraud, inputting the wrong date into computers, failing to hand
registered and stamped documents to authorities by the deadline.
A new sanction has been added to the law: printing fake voting lists and
election documents can result in imprisonment from three to seven years. The
punishment for bribery has also been increased. Bribery can now be punished
with a fine of up to 300-500 times of the minimum wage, and a new law
sanctions a penalty of a fine of 300-500 times the minimum wage or
imprisonment from six months to two years for anyone failing to show proper
documentation to the authorities.
If these elections are held according to international democratic standards,
Armenia will further be indoctrinated into European institutions, and
democracy and civil society will be further enhanced in the Republic.
(Special to the Hairenik and Armenian Weeklies)
BIO
Hranoush Hakobyan was born on April 12, 1954, in the village of Saroukhan in
the Kamo region.
Hakobyan is a mathematician, lawyer, political scientist, legal sciences PhD
and docent. She graduated from the department of applied mathematics of
Yerevan State University in 1975 and from the law department in 1994. In
1989, she graduated from the Academy of Social Sciences under the SUCP
Central Committee. She was awarded a Nations’ Friendship Order in 1986.
Hakobyan is a professor at Gavar State University and the author of two
monographs and 26 scientific articles.
>From 1975-1983, she worked as an assistant professor at Yerevan State
University. From 1978-1983, she was the deputy secretary and later the
secretary of Yerevan State University LCYU . From 1983-1990, she was the
secretary of the LCYU Central Committee, the first secretary and eventually
a member of the All-union LCYU Central Committee Bureau. From 1986-1990, she
was a deputy in the Armenian SSR Supreme Council and a member of the
Presidium of the Supreme Council. From 1996-1998, she was RA Minister of
Social Security.
>From 1990-1995, Hakobyan served as a deputy of the Supreme Council
(electoral district #203) and was the deputy chairperson of the Supreme
Council Standing Committee on Health Care and Social Affairs.
>From 1995-1996, she was a deputy in the National Assembly (electoral
district #121) and was on the NA Standing Committee on Social, Health Care
and Environmental Protection Affairs.
>From 1999-2003, she served her second term as a deputy of the NA (electoral
district #41), where she was on the NA Standing Committee on Foreign
Relations. While she wasn’t a member of any faction or deputy group in the
beginning, she later became secretary of the "People’s Deputy" Deputy Group.
On May 25, 2003, Hakobyan was reelected to the NA (electoral district #32)
and is the chairperson of the NA Standing Committee on Science, Education,
Culture and Youth Affairs.
In 1996, she was a member of the NA Inter-Parliamentary Union delegation and
the Coordination Committee for Women’s Problems. Since 2004, she’s been the
head of the NA delegation to the Inter-Parliamentary Union, the president of
the Armenian Women’s International Association, and a co-president of the
Women’s Health Protection Association.
Hakobyan has also been a member of the boards of Yerevan and
Cambridge-Yerevan, and co-president of the Board of the Armenian-American
Health Center. From 1995-1997, she was the deputy chairperson of the
Committee on Social Affairs of the CIS Parliamentary Assembly.
She is also a member of the Republican Party of Armenia Faction and has no
political party affiliation.
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5. An Interview with Raffi Hovannisian
By Khatchig Mouradian
The following interview was conducted at Clark University in Worcester,
Mass., on March 15.
Armenian Weekly-Rooting out corruption is one of the main challenges facing
Armenia today. How do you perceive the solution to this issue?
Raffi Hovannisian-Important in the challenge to root out the disease of
corruption is giving legitimacy to the government. A legitimacy earned by
election. So far in Armenia, authority has never been transferred. It has
always been reproduced.
I have not seen in any of the administrations the willingness to apply the
law from the president to the last citizen in the Republic of Armenia. It is
the administration’s responsibility to provide options and alternatives to
the nation, and any president, past or president, acting or incumbent,
legitimate or illegitimate, is not entitled to say, "There’s no alternative
to me. L’etat c’est moi."
Diplomacy and the ability to realize foreign policy objectives are directly
related to our domestic demeanor, our conduct in our house. Armenia’s
democratic integrity, human rights credentials, respect of the rights of
each and every individual is critical. And if we knock on the world’s door
demanding justice for our collective and historic rights, we have to live up
to the very same standards in our country. For there to be justice in the
world there must be justice at home.
Let no one speak to us of "haygagan mentalitet," Armenian mentality. Our
benchmarks and traditions are the opposite of that and there is no reason
for us to demand any less from our own republic. When people, whether in
government or the opposition, confuse national interests with less than
national concerns or interests, you have a major catastrophe.
I draw a parallel between each and every tree and the forest at large. We
can run into a very respectable debate on the forest and the trees. We can
argue that Armenia is newly democratic, it has only been independent for 15
years and that the western democratic nations took centuries to achieve
their level. That’s no consolation to me as an Armenian, because we both
know what potential we have.
A.W.-What difficulties is your party facing during this pre-election period?
R.H.- Sometimes we have to run the marathon alone. Despite all the
difficulties and tribulations and the unnecessary treatments to which I have
been subjected, the Heritage movement will take part in the parliamentary
elections.
First, there is the campaign finance issue. Obviously there are those who
spend millions of dollars in their campaigns. There are parties whose sole
offices are closed down, and only when we come close to elections and I give
a press conference and there is some interest by ambassadors of foreign
countries do they come and open the door. Also, when we try to rent halls in
the public domain, we are being told that all the halls are taken, while
other political parties are using those halls all the time.
I have to note that my access to Armenian sources of information has been
limited not only in Armenia but also in the Diaspora.
This is the first time that the son of the Diaspora is participating in the
democratic process in Armenia. I think that this is something that might be
of interest to those who are interested in the mustering of our worldwide
resources in the strengthening and democratization and perpetuity of our
homeland.
In Armenia, what I say is not covered. We are now entering the election
cycle and I have not been shown on TV for two years now.
The coverage, or rather the lack of coverage, by [Diasporan] newspapers of
my activities speaks to a lack of strategic vision and a lack of a grasp of
what’s necessary to run any legitimate broad based medium of information,
even partisan. This is one of the challenges of your generation of Armenian
analysts and writers.
A.W.-The opposition is extremely weak, disunited and unorganized, and many
of its leaders suffer from their own problems of credibility. There have
been attempts by some to receive support from Western governments and create
a colored revolution in Armenia. Others speak of unfathomable concessions in
Karabakh and Turkish-Armenian issues to garner foreign support. How do you
explain the failure of the opposition?
R.H.-First and foremost, it is the government coalition that bears the
responsibility for the policies. There are different takes on why this
particular coalition is together. I was hoping that at least one of the
parties represented [in the coalition] would have long ago turned to the
conscience of the nation as opposed to being in a situation where one might
read complicity into their position. I think the future is before us, and we
might see certain-I will not say unexpected-developments in that respect in
the months and years to come.
On the other hand, the opposition should accept its own share of
accountability and responsibility. But as you know very well, the conditions
in Armenia are very uneven. The opposition has failed be come together and
become a viable democratic alternative to the powers that be. The people in
the opposition have not done enough to deliver to the Armenian constituents
a viable ethical response to the challenges.
A democratic systemic change is important, not only in model but in
application. It is clear that evolution as understood by the West will not
transform Armenia. On the other hand, I think it is pretty clear to everyone
concerned that xeroxing a revolution from another state or situation and
circumstances is not ipso facto an alternative for Armenia. There needs to
be a paradigm shift in the relations between the state and its citizens.
The Armenian national machine, based on national interest, national debate
and a critical discussion of options, has to keep working regardless of who
wins and who loses in the elections. That has not happened so far.
We are in a very dangerous situation. The average Armenian citizen is
apathetic, and is only open to a situational solution: taking a vote bribe,
whether it is money, free fertilizer, potatoes or whatever. This constitutes
a disdain of the Armenian citizen. That is not what the Armenian citizen is
all about, and that is what your generations has to work on.
Armenia is a small nation, landlocked, long on culture, and short on
statecraft, and the role of international actors is important, but clearly
it is the role of any sovereign government to pursue national interests.
A.W.-You blamed the presidency and the governing coalition for the state of
affairs in Armenia. But do you think the current situation in Armenia
supports something else?
R.H.-You raise an issue of strategic and existential importance: Can the
system as it is support something else? As I said, on the one hand straight
revolution and on the other hand xeroxed resolutions are not the answers to
Armenia’s national democratic transformation. There has to be some other
intersection of circumstances and values to bring Armenia to graduate beyond
this parochialism and regionalism and become a viable nation-state that has
a strategic role in the region.
I have to criticize the Armenian administration for their very weak policy
vis-à-vis deals with Russia that have given them part of our energy
system-industry pockets of Armenian sovereignty. I would say that is
dangerous for Armenia. While I would want our strategic partner to have
acted differently, I don’t blame Russia. I blame ourselves. There is no way
that a self confident government would approve the ceding of such
sovereignty in any direction, and this myopic, parochial approach
jeopardizes the future of the country. And whatever government comes into
power, it is going to inherit major problems.
There is a very rational progression of these values and we should not
expose our compatriots, our fellow citizens, to a situation where they have
to choose between supporting our national interest and being a proponent of
democracy and the rule of law.
A.W.-How do you view Armenia’s relations with its neighbors and its regional
foreign policy?
R.H.-I think there is little change in our foreign policy from 1992 until
today. The delivery or presentation might have changed in accent or hue, but
the policy has undergone very little qualitative change.
Everything is based on the strategic relationship or the lack thereof in the
Turkish-Armenian relationship. All other issues-including Karabakh’s self
determination and ultimate recognition of the sovereign republic and the
entire peace process connected with it-are derivates of the Turkish-Armenian
relationship. This might not be a majority view, but I think that
Turkish-Armenian relations are key, if the dividing lines in the Caucasus
are ever to be overcome.
If Turkey and Armenia are to ever find themselves on the same security page
in a larger partnership of values, they have to find a way to resolve the
entire breadth and depth of the relationship through a diplomatic agenda
that takes on all issues, contemporary and historic, and comes forth with a
normalization of relations. It requires political courage and ethical
fortitude on both sides of the frontier. In their history, the Republic of
Armenia and the Republic of Turkey have not signed agreements of any kind.
There are different previous formulations of agreements between previous
republics and the Ottoman Empire, the Bolshevik republic and nationalist
Turks, but never between two sovereign republics.
I think that Turkey’s desire for European integration is an important
development and Armenia stands to gain from a truly European Turkey-a new
and transformed Turkey that not only faces its history, but also knows how
to respect historic heritage and provide for the right of return, which have
to be negotiated with Armenia. There are all kinds of issues that must be
resolved there.
Turkey should enter the EU only after having fully normalized relations with
Armenia. It should not be able to enter the EU with an unregulated
relationship with Armenia. I’ll go further and say that if Armenia gets its
democratic act together, there is no reason for Armenia to be the odd man
out. It could become a member of the EU if not before then at least in
synchronization with Turkey, if Turkey ever gets in.
European leaders who will be deciding on Turkey’s entry in 10 years are now
in schools and universities. We’ll see how that plays out, but I think
European integration offers great opportunities.
Regarding Karabakh, I believe there will be no solution to the issue without
the participation of the Karabakh Republic. Karabakh should be part of the
peace process and the exclusion from that process is not a positive trend.
BIO
Raffi K. Hovannisian is the founding director of the Armenian Center for
National and International Studies (ACNIS), and was the first foreign
minister of Armenia.
Hovannisian was born in Fresno, Calif., in 1959. He studied at the
Georgetown University Law Center (JD awarded in 1985); the Fletcher School
of Law and Diplomacy, Tufts University (MALD awarded in 1982; fields of
specialization included international law, diplomatic history and foreign
policies of communist countries, civilization and world affairs); University
of California, Berkeley and Los Angeles (BA, summa cum laude, awarded in
1980 in history and Near Eastern studies; Justin Turner Prize for
Outstanding Honors Thesis).
Hovannisian held the position of executive chairman of the "Hayastan"
All-Armenian Fund (1998); chief of the department of information and
publications, Republic of Armenia (March-April 1998); minister of foreign
affairs, Republic of Armenia (1991-1992); project director of the Armenian
Assembly of America Earthquake Relief (1990-1991); founder and director of
the Armenian Bar Association (1989-1990); international lawyer and civil
litigator in the firms of Hill, Farrer and Burrill, Whitman & Ransom,
Stroock & Stroock & Lavan, and Coudert Brothers (1985-1989); lecturer of
Armenian history, Tufts University (1981-1982).
His treatises, monographs, essays and articles have appeared extensively in
Armenian, Russian, American, European and Middle Eastern publications.
He is married and has five children.
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6. Ready, Steady, Vote!
By Andy Turpin
May 12 is around the corner so mark your calendar and, if you have the
funds, buy your ticket for "Leavin’ on a Jet Plane" a la John Denver. If
that date doesn’t send bells and whistles going off in your head then let me
help you out. It’s Voting Day in Armenia!
Parliamentary elections are nothing to write off or scoff at. At least they
shouldn’t be to any self-respecting American, and especially to young
Armenian-Americans that are AYFers (nudge-nudge, poke-poke, thwack!).
Now, I’ll be the first to admit that not everyone will be able to take up
this call-to-arms and ballots; it’s a short-term cause that takes some
pretty hardcore dedication. You have to go to Armenia to do the job right.
When it comes to things like voter fraud and corruption, you have to treat
the issue like a parent leaving their kid alone in an antique shop: If no
one’s watching, bad things will happen.
Any Armenian that can afford to should help the vote-monitoring workers
(from organizations like the Office for Democratic Institutions and Human
Rights) prevent voter fraud by escorting voters and ballot counts to and
from poll locations.
If you’re in Armenia anyway, that’s only one day out of your trip of blood,
sweat and tears. There would still be plenty of time to party till dawn,
plant yourself on a rock with a bucket of apricots, see your relatives, and
loot the DVD stands for all they’re worth. No reason democracy can’t be,
shall we say, festive.
As for those not boarding at the gate anytime soon, may I ask you in the
spirit of the patron saint of nudzhing mothers: "How hard is it to write a
letter or pickup a phone once in a while?" Especially when it comes to
getting friends and relatives to vote on May 12.
Remember, the Allied invasion of Sicily was coordinated through a government
grassroots network of Italian immigrants writing their relatives en masse to
plan logistics.
I have every faith in the even more tightly knit Armenian community that no
less could be accomplished for an election if people were convinced it
mattered.
Why should it matter, you ask?
First, think globally and of that dual-citizenship you might be applying
for. If you want a better Armenia to retire to, you have to create it
internally. It has also been established through trial and error in the
current U.S. administration that true democracy doesn’t take root well by
sword. But through Diasporan Armenians that have the social collateral to
politically sway fellow Armenians, a fair chance for success exists to evoke
true change. And if the altruists don’t take the reins in helping out their
martik, the opportunists and profiteers will. Some more than others know
that Armenia’s morale can’t handle another "Time of Troubles" like the
free-market 1990s.
Second, education and experience don’t fade away. So there’s no reason that
any hurdles encountered while monitoring the Armenian elections couldn’t be
used to help gain voter momentum and prevent fraud in the 2008 U.S.
elections. Any athlete knows that the ones who win most are the ones who
train higher than the bar on their own turf.
Either way, remember the wisdom of the Doobie Brothers when they chorused
"Takin’ it to the Streets." Then take it to yours the long way, via Armenia.
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7. Will polling Places Accommodate Disabled Voters?
YEREVAN (A.W.)-In the May 12 parliamentary elections, some polling places in
Armenia may be equipped with the arrangements necessary to help the disabled
and visually impaired to vote. While some organizations working for the
right of the disabled are trying to ensure that they have access to the
ballot box, authorities have shown little cooperation.
According to official numbers, 140,000 disabled individuals have the right
to vote in Armenia. Yet, according to the organization dealing with their
affairs, a very small percentage actually participates in elections.
"We are calling them up and offering to transport them to the voting centers
by car. Only 20 percent of the people we are calling are accepting our
offer. The rest are arguing that their vote will have no meaning," says
Souren Ohanyan, president of the "Paros" organization.
The main challenge is providing voters with wheelchair access to the ballot
box. In nine cities, temporary ramps will be in place for this purpose.
In developed countries, legislation obliges physical adjustments to all
polling stations to make them accessible to disabled people.
Three thousand five hundred blind and visually impaired voters will also be
able to vote now after the central electoral commission provides special
tactile voting cards that will allow them to cast their votes without a
companion’s help.
-Weekly Correspondent
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8. Women in the National Assembly
According to official statistics, women make up 52 percent of the Armenian
population. Women’s organizations, however, put that number closer to 60.
Yet, with 7 female members of parliament out of 131, women constitute only 5
percent of the Armenian National Assembly. Their presence in the government
is even less with 2 percent.
A quick comparison with the National Assemblies of former communist
countries neighboring Armenia makes this drastic situation clear. In
Azerbaijan, women constitute 14 of parliament, and in Georgia 9 percent.
Kyrgyzstan, with 0 percent, is the only country from the former Soviet bloc
that ranks below Armenia.
Turkey and Iran, never part of the socialist tradition that mandated around
40% of parliamentary seats to be filled by women, each have 4 percent of
their parliamentary seats occupied by women.
In compliance with a recent law by the Armenian National Assembly, political
parties and blocs must allocate 15 percent of their lists to female
candidates, but they are usually assigned to electoral districts where the
party’s chances of getting elected are already low.
–Weekly Correspondent
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9. The Marathon World of Sarkis Varadian
By Tom Vartabedian
CRANSTON, R.I.-If Sarkis Varadian takes a little longer than usual to run a
Gomideh meeting, it’s only because of his nature.
He happens to be a marathon runner where time and distance work
hand-in-hand.
The 45-year-old Rhode Island native happens to be chairman of the Providence
ARF, a job he inherited from his late father Jay, who passed away
unexpectedly last year.
The two had much in common. In addition to sharing the same birthday (Aug.
4) exactly 30 years apart, the Armenian community remained their mantra.
You would often find the two officiating an AYF track meet or conducting a
community service project in their beloved city of Providence.
"He would be the starter and I would help supervise the finish line,"
recalled Sarkis. "I can’t imagine anyone who participated the past 20 years
in the AYF Junior Olympics who didn’t have a starters’ pistol fired at least
once by my father."
Come Patriots Day April 16, Varadian will run the Boston Marathon-a 26-mile,
385-yard jaunt from Hopkinton to Boston. Somehow, it won’t be the same with
his dad not along the route to greet him.
This will mark the 29th marathon Varadian has entered since 1980 when he
first broke into the race as a teenager. The quest has been a memorable one
for the former Varantian AYFer.
In 1991, as a 29-year-old, he passed the 20-mile mark in under two hours and
set a personal best on the Boston course in 2:37:50 after a blistering 6:01
mile pace. Varadian bills himself as "old school." If he can’t obtain a
qualifying time, he won’t do a marathon.
More than half the field of 20,000 runners do not meet the criteria and run
for charity.
"I think the charity race is fine for the hundred of other marathons in the
United States, just not Boston," he insists. "What makes Boston so special
is the qualification aspect. You need a specific time based upon your age to
become official."
What does it take to prepare for such endurance? Commitment, unbridled
energy and a genuine love for road-running. It also helps to be a
little-err-crazy. Varadian is relentless.
"I’ve pulled chunks of ice out of my hair from sweat that has frozen under
my hat," he reveals. "The early morning runs are dark and cold, often brutal
in winter. I am now closer to 50 than 40. It gets harder to prepare every
year."
Three years ago, in 2004, Mother Nature defied him. Varadian dropped out at
the 17-mile mark with dehydration-the only time he didn’t finish. This will
be his 301st race overall, whether it’s been 10,000 meters (33:51), 10 miles
(56:59) or a marathon.
"You can’t bluff an endurance event," he points out. "Without preparation,
it isn’t worth going to the finish line. The average person has no idea what
that kind of distance might entail."
Varadian has braced himself on every front. He trains between 70-75 miles a
week, somewhat less than the 80-plus he was doing in his prime. Much of it
is sandwiched around his job as an investment firm operator in Providence.
As an esteemed member of the Thunderbolt Track Club, he’s never let his
peers down, much less those who’ve followed him throughout his AYF years.
"Both my parents would make the trip to Boston and watch the race from
Newton Hospital at around the 17-mile mark," said Varadian. "They’d also
attend the fall marathon in Newport (RI) every year back in the 1980s and
1990s. The encouragement and support from all my relatives, friends,
training partners and work associates continues to be appreciated."
As an athlete himself, Jay Varadian excelled in the field events where he
competed in the long and triple jumps, pole vault and relays. He provided
coaching in just about every aspect of track, aside from distance running
which became his son’s passion.
"I have zero athletic talent in anything that requires coordination,"
Varadian admitted. "Perhaps that’s why I turned to long distances."
Aside from Providence and Boston, Varadian trekked to Las Vegas in 1995 and
ripped off a time of 2:55:07. He returned to Nevada in 2004 and covered the
same course in a respectable time of 3:18, given his 42 years. Three months
later, he did Boston again.
By the time Varadian reached Cranston High School East, he was a true blue
running pedigree. From there, he went on to Rhode Island Junior College and
Providence College.
Year after year, his name became synonymous with the AYF Olympics. While his
cousins were racking up medals in track and field, Sarkis more than held his
own against such formidable foes as Mike Walukevich (Lowell), Rich Ovian
(Worcester/Providence), Peter Harootian (Boston) and Rich Alashaian (New
Jersey).
The 1987 showdown proved the epitome against Harootian. On that day in
Hartford, Varadian captured two golds and a silver while running all three
distances (3,200, 1,600 and 800).
With hardly a respite, he sucked in the fatigue and also ran two relays for
more gold. Suffice it to say, Varadian witnessed his finest hour as an AYF
athlete that year.
The transition into ARF became a natural one for the athlete. Proving he
wasn’t just a jock, Varadian came under his father’s inspiration once again
in his fledgling years. He joined the parent organization, looking to make a
difference and get other novitiates involved.
The death of his brother Stephen in 2000 to brain cancer struck a hard blow
to the Varadian family. When Jay succumbed last Aug. 18, tragedy repeated
itself.
After extensive renovations, the ARF/ANC room was renamed after the brother.
The loss of Unger Garo Tarpinian in 2004 also hit Varadian hard.
"Garo and Stephen were the backbone of the Gomideh," emphasized Varadian.
"Now Garo’s son [Sarkis] has stepped up. We have a very active committee in
Providence. Much of the credit for getting new blood into the ARF belongs to
Steve Mesrobian and Steve Elmasian. They set up the novice programs and
lectures. Both have been instrumental in keeping the AYF active."
Whether it’s pounding a gavel or the pavement, Varadian continues to put his
best foot forward in true family tradition as the name speaks volumes in
Providence lore. Another name that strikes home is Paul Haroian Sr.
"Paul worked with me in training the Providence athletes, particularly with
the endurance runners," he said. "Although he coached mostly the swimmers,
he provided me with the guidance in practices with interval training, pacing
and tactics. Both he and my dad had the expertise. They didn’t let the
athletes down. Many of these juniors went on to compete in high school track
and distinguished themselves in the AYF."
***
Profile
PERSONAL
Age: 45
Hometown: Cranston, R.I.
Running Club: Thunderbolt Track Club
Built: 5-7, 144 pounds
Occupation: Investment firm operations, Brown, Lisle/
Cummings, Inc., Providence, R.I.
Type of car: 2005 Mitsubishi Galant
Education: Cranston High School East; Rhode Island Junior
College; Providence College
RUNNING DATA
Years running: 35
Marathons: 28
Total road races: 300
Miles per week: 70-75
Most miles per week ever: 105
Personal bests: Marathon, 2:36.03; 10 miles, 56-59 (5:41 mile
pace); 10,000 meters, 33.51
Running hero: 1984 Olympic gold medallist Joan Benoit-
Samuelson
FAVORITE STUFF
Music: The Rolling Stones, Genesis
Food: Chicken and pilaf
Drink: Mountain Dew
Junk food: Pizza
Spectator sport: Football
TV show: "Becker"
Singer: Frank Sinatra
Screen stars: Al Pacino and Marisa Tomei
Movie: In the Heat of the Night"
Book: "The Forty Days of Musa Dagh" by Franz Werfel
Statesman: United States Senator Jack Reed (D-R.I.)
Athlete: New England Patriots star Troy Brown
MISCELLANEOUS
No cellular phone
No alcohol
No in-laws
No laws
Story
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10. ‘Karla’s Lesson’
By Tamara C. Gureghian
Two words can change a mood, change a conversation and change a life: child
molestation. You hear the news reports. You dread it. You wonder how you can
protect your child, grandchildren, nieces, nephews and friends. Former AYF
Page contributor, Talar K. Kozikoujekian, hopes she has found a way. Talar
recently published Karla’s Lesson, a picture book about a young girl who is
lured into a compromising situation. Karla’s ability to trust her instincts,
and to act on them, save her. She goes on to become a teacher and shares her
knowledge with her students. If you don’t know how to approach this delicate
topic, allow Talar to help you. I had the pleasure of interviewing Talar
about herself and her book.
Armenian Weekly-When did you first develop a passion for writing?
Talar Kozikoujekian-I have always loved to write but it really started in
8th grade with my teacher from the Armenian Sisters Academy in Philadelphia,
Mrs. McAssey. She was very instrumental in helping me develop my writing
skills.
A.W.-Where were your first stories and articles published?
T.K.-My first articles and poems were published in the Armenian Weekly.
A.W.-How did publishing in The Armenian Weekly affect your writing?
T.K.-Publishing in the Weekly gave me a forum and gave me confidence as a
young, influential writer. Although I was writing for the AYF Page, the
exposure that the Armenian Weekly gave me was so influential in my
development as a writer.
A.W.-Is Karla’s Lesson your first book?
T.K.-No, the first book I published was Towards the Homeland, which was a
collection of Armenian poems published by Cader Publishing.
A.W.-Is that book still available for purchase?
T.K.-Yes it is but it’s only through me. Interested readers can go to
and html. I
can be reached at [email protected].
A.W.-As a teacher, do you discuss the issue of child molestation with your
students?
T.K.-I discuss ways that children can avoid the manipulative tactics that
predators use to lure them. My students were very naive to this subject and
couldn’t believe that child molestation occurs. When I first wanted to
approach this topic with them, I searched for books to read to them but
couldn’t find many. That is why I wanted to write for students in their
language so that they could understand. Because the topic is so touchy, I
had to make sure that I wasn’t making them unnecessarily frightened. I
wanted to get the message across, but I didn’t want to scare them.
A.W.-Child molestation is a difficult topic to discuss. What made you choose
this topic for your first picture book?
T.K.-I saw that there were not very many books out there. I wanted to write
a book that would be a lesson in itself. I wanted to give parents and
educators a springboard to discuss this crucial topic with their children.
It is a difficult topic but ignorance is not bliss in this case. Parents and
educators need to arm and enlighten our children so they don’t fall into
traps. Both of my books always end happy, with the children as the heroes.
They are meant to empower.
A.W.-How did you choose an illustrator?
T.K.-Selineh [Shahbazian] was a student of mine several years ago. She had
just emigrated from Iran and didn’t speak a word of English. I was able to
help her understand using her art talent. When I decided to write the books,
I thought of her and she agreed.
A.W.- Can you tell us about your upcoming book, Timmy’s Secret?
T.K.-Timmy’s Secret is about a little boy that is very unhappy that his
uncle is coming over. He’s unhappy because his uncle is making him feel
uncomfortable. He gets the courage to tell the truth to his parents and they
provide him with security.
A.W.-At what age do you recommend reading them your books?
T.K.-Timmy’s Secret is for grades Pre-K till 2nd grade and Karla’s Lesson is
for grades 3-5.
A.W.- What do you hope children and parents get from reading your books?
T.K.-I hope that both children and parents get to go into discussion about
this crucial topic. Both books are easy reads and are meant to teach a
lesson.
A.W.- How is the issue of child molestation handled in your community in
California?
T.K.-Child molestation is still hush hush but it needs to come to light.
Children need to be armed with knowledge.
A.W.- At what age do you recommend discussing child molestation with
children?
T.K.-I have already started teaching my two boys, ages 2 and 4, that no one
can touch them in private places. I have also started to tell them about
strangers and who I will always trust them with. I tell them to educate
them, not to scare them. It’s very important for parents to approach this
topic with their children. Statistics show that 90 percent of abuse is from
family members-people kids think they can trust. That’s another reason why I
wanted the books to be focused on this topic. If one child isn’t lured
because they remembered something from the books or the discussion their
parents and teachers had with them regarding the books, my mission is
complete.
————————————— ——————————-
11. Thoughts about Apo Torosyan’s Documentary ‘Voices’
By Ragip Zarakolu
Evening Stroll
The grocer Karabet’s lights are on.
This Armenian citizen has not forgiven
The slaughter of his father in the Kurdish mountains.
But he loves you,
Because you also won’t forgive
Those who blackened the name of the Turkish people.
Nazim Hikmet
Apo Torosyan’s documentary "Voices" is a disturbing film. But, you should
be disturbed. To escape, to disregard and to deny is easy. Facing reality
is difficult.Then, you should bear for 40 minutes the witnesses over 100
years old. They are bearing the horrors of over 100 years of the past. So,
you can bear for 40 minutes and establish empathy with these people, become
the same, so that you can say "Never again."
Adorno said that to write a poem after Auschwitz was impossible.
After 1915-never mind writing a poem-to find ourselves human is almost
impossible.
It is hard to believe what a human can do to another human.
It is much harder to accept this.
And just think, those people, I mean the survivors, to the contrary grasped
life again. They worked. They loved. They had children and grandchildren
to hug. Not only for themselves, but for the name of all the destroyed
ones.
With a totally different feeling and sometimes with silent tears within,
they dug the earth to plant a seedling.
They put the bricks together to build a home.
They nailed, they shaved the wood, they put the thread into the needle to
sew.
They played the duduk in their sorrow, instead of dancing the horon in joy.
They wove carpets, hammered silver, and marinated green peppers in vinegar.
In new geographies, they built new lives, re-rooting themselves.
But, there was something missing. There was something unfinished.
They were in shame for surviving.
They were ashamed of leaving their loved ones behind, unburied, of leaving
them without looking back.
That is why all those graves stayed uncovered.
They never got buried.
Do you know what it means not to be able to bury your loved one?
To live with that memory forever?
Not being allowed to cry.
Not being allowed to moan.
Their bodies could have survived but their souls were wounded forever.
Half of their souls were stolen.
They were alive as walking corpses.
They always lived everything in half; even when they were happy, there was a
sorrow within themselves.
Their nights were full of nightmares.
Why is Apo showing us these crying people to make us so uncomfortable, you
might ask.
We should be uncomfortable in our comfortable daily lives.
Did anybody knock on your door in the middle of the night?
Did you ever wake up in fear wondering who it was?
Did anybody tell you, "You have to get on the road now, with everybody,
including the elderly and children"?
Did you ever drown your own child?
Did you ever throw any one of them into the river?
Did they rape you over and over and over?
It’s hard to believe, even imagine, all this, isn’t it?
Did they ever abduct your beautiful daughters to be slaves?
I had a friend who was born in Syria, who wrote a letter to General Evren
who used the word "so-called." His letter to the General started with
"So-called."
Torosyan’s documentary called "Voices" is bringing us witnesses from Harput,
from Dort Yol, from Ainteb, and from Izmir. Yegshabet, 107, was saved in
Harput by her neighbor. She still remembers that. (In reality, the
neighbor did not save her but his humanity). Hovhannes, 105, was sold to
Bedouin Arabs to survive. Luther, 96, a Protestant Armenian, survived the
second wave of the Genocide.
Did you ever have fire burning your skin?
Do you know how it burns? Especially all together, hugging each other?
Do you know how it feels to drown?
Did you ever have a choice between fire and water?
They can’t stop crying when they think about those horrible memories.
They relive every moment.
Humanity, to survive, to save the soul of the upcoming generation, tries to
forget, but they carry that within themselves in silence.
They do not want to remember, or tell their children.
Forgetting heals their body and their soul.
But, when the human gets older, all those memories and the nightmares come
back alive, and they relive those moments over and over.
It’s like putting salt on a wound.
To survive, during this nightmare, could be easier.
With the instinct of survival. They all come back, all those pains, they
all come back. All those screams. All those scenes. All those shadows.
Darkness and light and voices.
Voices that remain with us forever.
That is why
Denial is a continuation
of the Genocide
within our souls.
And this continuation
germinates the upcoming
generations
into this guilt.
Like living in condemnation
to Hell-all together!-
what else could it be?
——————————————— ——————————
12. Harvard Film Screenings Stand Triumphant
By Andy Turpin
CAMBRIDGE, Mass. (A.W.)-On March 23, the Boston chapter of the Hamazkayin
Armenian Educational and Cultural Society, in conjunction with the Amaras
Art Alliance and the Harvard Film Archive, presented "The Armenian Homeland
and Diaspora: Reflections of Two Filmmakers."
Harutyun Khachatryan’s film "Return of the Poet" (2005) and Nigol Bezjian’s
"Roads Full of Apricots" (2001) and "Verve" (2002) were screened, with
introductory remarks given by filmmaker Ara Nazarian and Dr. Nora
Nercessian.
"Return of the Poet" is a powerful and nuanced film from Armenia. It tells
the story of a sculptor creating a stone statue of the poet Ashugh Jivani.
Once completed, the statue is mounted onto a lorry and driven to its resting
place in the poet’s former home in Javakhk, Georgia. While en route,
sculptor and driver stop at various rural villages, and the viewer receives
a simultaneously real and romantic view of Armenian village life today.
But that paraphrase doesn’t do the film justice for all its quiet majesty.
In its own atmospheric way, "Return of the Poet" is a portrait of everything
beautiful, sad, stoic and mythical that Haiastan and hayastantsis are today.
I suggest watching it alongside Fellini’s 1960 film "La Dolce Vita" to have
an earlier comparison to religious and cultural values expressed through
imagery.
I won’t take you through a shot-by-shot analysis, but every opera has a
libretto and some moments are worth mentioning for illustration. In the
early stages of the film, we see the artist kneading and constructing the
poet from mud, waddle and daub, with overtones of the Old Testament creation
story of Adam from dust and clay. We then see the weary creator rest in his
tiny bed, the human image of God resting on Sunday.
I mention "La Dolce Vita" in particular because both pieces use statues as
personifications for national culture and identity. In Fellini, the statue
of the open-armed Christ airlifted past waving bikini girls to represents
the nature of modern Catholicism in Italy. In "Return of the Poet," we see
silent onlookers, village headmen and city dwellers staring at the poet’s
form being chiseled and transported with religious reverence indicative of
Orthodox Armenians, and perhaps a mystique that comes from so many years of
Soviet rule and repressed piety.
It is through the villages that we see the real Armenia and hear the only
words spoken in the film, as each village’s headman recites a moving verse
from Jivani’s poetry. Village feats of strength like wrestling, acrobatics
and dancing are performed in honor and in the shadow of the watchful poet
with his arms crossed, gazing into the distance. By twilight, we see the
women and elderly returning to their hearths as the young men ride off
bareback into the twilight, leaving the poet alone in a beginning snowfall
to ponder the future of his land.
The audience, too, must be forced to ponder what will become of a
countryside of timeless tradition and little economy. The poet’s words,
recited at every village, speak to the melancholic resilience of Armenia:
"Morning breeze, so cold, go my land of Javakhk. Should they ask if I’m in
danger, tell them I have a lyre in my hand, singing songs to every
stranger."
***
"Verve", by Nigol Bezjian, is a 15-minute study of Armenian folk dancing
explored through tight shots of a single, graceful dancer. The impetus of
the film? When viewing such dancing from a distance, much of the
chorographic intricacies and elegance in the hand gestures are lost.
"Verve" is a short and swirling tribute to an often overlooked and
undervalued art form.
***
In Bezjian’s "Roads Full of Apricots," the audience is taken to a very
different time and place. The film is about memory, and how memory of a
place transcends and descends when a long period of time elapses before your
return.
This examination occurs through an amalgamation of both fond and not-so-fond
memories of Beirut, Lebanon, during the 1970s civil war there. The memories
are both male and female, taken from the filmmaker, himself an emigrant
during this period, and from his Lebanese friends. Important is the
classification of what constitutes "male" and "female" memory. Male memories
are characterized by associations with the exact date of an event, while
female memories are characterized as more fluid, maintained through the
recurrence of remembering how you felt at a given time and place.
In theorized terms, it all sounds rather metaphysical, but on film it is a
beautiful experimental journey through the streets, sounds and emotions that
are part of life in Beirut. To be even-handed in film comparisons, think of
a much shorter version of 2002’s "Russian Ark," with more apricot jam and
fava beans.
But the seductive and melodic voice of the female narrator resonates with
its haunting words of wisdom: "No one ever ate apricot jam with a sad face."
More haunting is when her words drift through Beirut’s old quarter,
whispering of the future and saying of today’s youth: "They will inherit
information, instead of knowledge."
——————————— ——————————————-
Lette rs to the Editor:
13. Akhtamar: No Reason for Armenian Gratitude
Dear Editor,
The restoration of the Armenian Church at Akhtamar should not be reason to
express gratitude to the Turkish government. Their motive is transparent and
has little to do with penitence.
While the restoration of a church is normally a laudable event, we must
remember the hundreds of Armenian churches, cemeteries with their
khatchkars, monasteries and other religious sites the Turkish government has
destroyed, allowed to fall into dangerous disrepair, vandalized or looted,
contrary to Article 42 of the Treaty of Lausanne.
To be part of the ceremonies at Akhtamar and forget that one is standing on
land that has been hallowed by the blood of our people is incomprehensible.
It is enough that our government officials and church dignitaries are
present to meet the minimum requirements of diplomatic protocol.
With the expertise of several international organizations and individuals
serving as consultants, the Turkish government’s explanation that the
absence of a cross is due to the inability to authenticate the exact type of
cross that graced the original church is suspect.
Although the current plan to use the church as a museum, may explain the
absence of a cross; it begs the question of whether the museum’s true
purpose is to show the history of the victims of the Armenian Genocide or,
rather, a revisionist depiction of the events of 1915 to 1923.
Dr. Michael G. Mensoian
Professor Emeritus
University of Massachusetts, Boston
***
14. Lest We Forget
Dear Editor,
The comments that Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice made during the
appropriations hearing on Thursday, March 22, about the Armenian Genocide
(p. 3, March 24) were disturbing, to say the least, for our country’s
history of civil and human rights.
Questioned by Rep. Schiff (D-Calif.), Ms. Rice maintained that the United
States should not be involved in the dispute between Turkey and Armenia over
whether the killing of up to 1.5 million Armenians almost a century ago
constitutes genocide.
Contrary to the Secretary of State’s dismissal of the topic as a foreign
issue, the Armenian Genocide is an American human rights issue, not a
dispute between two distant countries-just as slavery in America was and
still is an American human rights issue and not just a dispute between
Nigeria or any other African state and Great Britain. Even in that regard,
the Church of England recently opened archives revealing compensation of
£9000 per slave that the church received after the abolition of slavery, and
is deliberating on how and who of the African slave trade’s descendents to
recompense.
Imagine if our past Secretaries of State, speaking on the oppression and
enslavement of Africans in America, told Dr. Martin Luther King: "I think
that these historical circumstances require a very detailed and sober look
from historians and what we’ve encouraged the ‘Slave Traders’ and the
‘Negroes’ to do is to have joint historical commissions that can look at
this, to have efforts to examine their past and, in examining their past, to
get over their past." I took the liberty of replacing "Turks" and the
"Armenians" in my quotation of Ms. Rice’s comments; you can also replace
them with other pairs such as Germans and the Jews, Kosovars and Serbs,
Americans and Natives, Israelis and Palestinians.
If all Americans adopted Ms. Rice’s misguided attitude about human rights
issues and left slaves to find mercy from their masters, Ms. Rice could
still be a slave today. After reading her comments one wonders which is
worse: the physical enslavement of a people, or the political enslavement of
government officials by foreign interests. In the hands of the current
administration, our military campaigns have lead to the moral prostitution
of the American constitution and all the values that it stands for.
Millions of Americans of Armenian descent like me, who lost their ancestral
homeland and found refuge in this great country, were promised to have our
homes returned by President Woodrow Wilson in the Treaty of Sevres. That
treaty never took effect due to high governmental refusal of the agreement,
and thus shortcutted the burden of recognition and honor of international
rights.
Similarly, Turkish Prime Minister Recept Tayyip Erdogan visited Secretary
Rice two weeks before the current resolution was introduced to discuss the
possible backlash that may follow, should it pass.
The Prime Minister emphasized the harmful "emotional effects" that passing
the bill would create in Turkey. Not to mention how he threatened to shut
down the Incrilik Base, perhaps the most crucial base for American military
operations located just north of the Iraqi border with Turkey. There,
American soldiers receive medical treatment and have most of their caches
and resources stored when resting from severe conditions in Iraq.
A staggering move by the Turkish government, the threat of closing the base
is being used to directly influence United States foreign policy, and is
tantamount to blackmail.
The Incrilik Base is being held hostage. The ransom is political influence
and, subsequently, the denial of history, rights and the integrity of
American citizens. Is it not our country’s policy to never negotiate with
terrorists who hold hostages, let alone hold our own military bases hostage?
The fear of the Turkish government is not the actual acceptance of the
massacres committed against the Armenians (as well as all non-Muslims of the
Ottoman Empire, i.e. Greeks, Circassians, Nestorians) as genocide. It is the
fear of reparation and compensation that would ensue for the displaced
peoples. In essence, profit over integrity.
That many elder descendants of Armenians from Western Armenia, living in
America and throughout the world today, still speak a dialect of Ottoman
Turkish, where the current language has long since been reformatted for the
Latin alphabet (old Turkish was written with the Arabic alphabet), is
testament to the existing Western Armenian Diaspora’s connection to the land
and culture.
Secretary Rice’s comments are equally insulting and degrading to Turkish
Americans and citizens of Turkey who are working to introduce a true
democracy in that country, with the hope that it can be integrated into the
European Union, where a similar resolution will be raised by Germany during
the nation’s tenure as chair of the EU for this year. True democratic values
and traditions are ruined in Turkey by the administration’s desire to
accommodate military bases for our troops, airfields for our warplanes, and
contracts for our multinational corporations.
Thanks to courageous lawmakers on both sides of the isle who question Ms.
Rice’s line of reasoning on this issue, there is hope for "real" democracy
in America. When pressed by Rep. Schiff, asking if Ms. Rice was aware of any
reputable historian who takes issue with the fact that the murder of 1.5
million Armenians constitutes a genocide, Ms. Rice replied, "I come out of
academia, but I’m Secretary of State now." The message to our aspiring civil
servants is: Be ready to leave behind your decency, moral courage and common
sense when you join the State Department.
Armenian-Americans simply want a government to honor their history and civil
rights as human beings. In the wake of courageous steps taken by our brave
forefathers-to outlaw slavery and segregation, to create an independent
Native American reservation, to grant women the freedom to vote and be full
honorable citizens-the current administration may do some good to return to
the olden days of academia, lest we forget.
Kevork K. Kalayjian, Jr.
Palisades, N.Y.
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(c) 2007 Armenian Weekly On-Line. All Rights Reserved.