Armenian Authors Gather in Yerevan

Iranian Cultural Heritage News Agency, Iran
Oct 9 2005

Armenian Authors Gather in Yerevan

Armenian writers and poets from all around the world gather in
Yerevan from 8-12 October.

Tehran, 9 October 2005 (CHN) – The Biggest gathering of Armenian
authors will be held in Yerevan from 8 to 12 October with the
presence of 2 Iranian literary figures; Zoya Pirzad and Ahmad Nouri
Zadeh.

The gathering is dedicated to the writers and poets who write their
works in languages other than Armenian.

Among the invited literary figures for the event, Zoya Pirzad, an
Iranian awarded female writer, is mentionable. Zoya Pirzad whose
famous `I am the one who turns off the lights’ has won several
national literary awards, is one of the few Armenian writers in Iran
who writes in Persian.

`Since Leon Analian became responsible for the directorship of
Armenian Writers Association, the association is more active.
Organizing several literary conferences are among its achievements’
said Varand, secretary general of the association.

This 2nd edition of the conference of Armenian writers is dedicated
to the review and study of Armenian writers who live outside the
country. These kinds of literary events are aimed at creating greater
kinship among Armenian literary figures from all over the world.

Beside Zoya Pirzad, Ahmad Nouri Zadeh is another Iranian literary
figure who will be present at the event. He will be awarded for his
great translations of Armenian works into Persian.

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http://www.chn.ir/en/news/?id=5787&amp

Turkey’s historic path towards EU membership

Times of Malta, Malta
Oct 9 2005

Turkey’s historic path towards EU membership

by Anthony Manduca

The European Union has finally opened membership talks with Turkey,
paving the way for this huge Muslim country to eventually join the
bloc. Last-minute objections by Austria, which wanted Ankara to be
offered a “privileged partnership” as an alternative to membership,
should negotiations fail, were overcome. The opening of accession
talks is a truly historic event and presents the EU with its biggest
ever challenge – how to integrate such a huge, poor, Muslim country
with a mixed human rights record into the club.

Should Turkey successfully conclude its accession negotiations –
perhaps in about 15 years’ time – it will be the Union’s most
populous member with the biggest number of votes in the Council of
Ministers, so one can understand the preoccupation in certain
European quarters. However, Turkey has been waiting 42 years to join
the EU, it has been a faithful friend and ally of the West, as well
as a loyal NATO partner, it played a major role in the Cold War
containing Communism, and at the December 1999 Helsinki summit it was
finally accepted as an EU candidate country.

The last-minute wrangling, therefore, just a few days before Turkey’s
accession negotiations were scheduled to open last Monday, was
unfortunate and sent the wrong signals to the Turks, namely that
Europe would always find an excuse to keep them out. This can only
fuel anti-EU sentiment in Turkey, which is exactly what we do not
want to happen. Opinion polls in Turkey already show a shift against
membership, and that is not good news.

Austria’s initial objections were partly tactical – they wanted to
ensure parallel accession negotiations with Croatia – and this was
accepted by the Union. However, it is also true that suspicions of
Turkey run deep in Austria – and the Austrians seem to have long
memories – they saved Europe from the Turks who were assembled at the
gates of Vienna in 1683.

Nevertheless, the world has changed since then and that episode is
very much part of history. After all, as Prime Minister Lawrence
Gonzi very correctly pointed out during his meeting with the members
of the Maltese community in Michigan: “In 1565 Malta and the Knights
saved Europe from the Ottoman invasion. Yet today we support Turkey’s
bid to join the EU – provided they improve their track record and
fulfil all entry requirements.”

There are certainly valid arguments on both sides of the debate about
whether the EU should accept Turkey as a member, but I have always
maintained, and continue to maintain, that the advantages – both for
the EU and for Turkey – certainly outweigh the disadvantages. Yes,
there is concern that the economic cost of Turkish membership will be
very high, that the overwhelmingly Muslim population could change the
character of the EU, that Turkey still has a lot to do to improve its
human rights record and treatment of minorities and that the Cyprus
problem has remained unresolved.

However, just think of the many advantages. EU membership for Turkey
would mean a consolidation of a secular, Muslim democracy, it would
be a catalyst for economic and political reform in the country,
Turkey would become a natural bridge between Europe and Muslim
countries and it would act as a model for the Muslim world.
Furthermore, Turkey has a very fast growing economy, a young
workforce, a huge army and more than half of its trade is already
with the EU. The strategic role played by Turkey in both Central Asia
and the Middle East would be a huge benefit in the EU.

So I have no doubt at all that in the long run Turkish EU membership
will be very beneficial to both sides – there are clearly both
political and economic advantages.

Of course, the accession talks will not be easy for Turkey, which has
to give solid proof of its commitment to European values, both
political and economic. One must acknowledge that Turkey has already
made tremendous progress in political and economic reform but this
trend must continue, as the EU will definitely be standing firm
during the negotiations. Human rights and equal rights for minorities
still need to be improved as does full freedom for other religions.
The scenes of police beating women demonstrators a few months ago,
for example, certainly did Turkey’s image no good. In addition, it is
important that certain social and economic reforms, which are on the
statute books, are properly enforced.

A solution will also have to be found over Cyprus – it is
inconceivable for Turkey to join the bloc without recognising one of
its members. It is true that a UN-sponsored plan for Cyprus was
approved in a referendum by the Turkish Cypriots but rejected by the
Greek Cypriots, but eventually a way out will have to be negotiated.

It is also essential that Turkey comes to terms with its past – it
must do some serious soul-searching about the Armenian question and
acknowledge its past role in this terrible episode in history. There
is nothing wrong in admitting such a role – it is in fact a sign of
democratic maturity and of being at ease with one’s self. And the
Kurdish question must continue to be tackled – a Turkey in the EU has
to give full rights to and respect for this minority, there can be
absolutely no argument about this.

European governments now have a very important role to play in
convincing their electorates that Turkey’s membership of the bloc is
in the EU’s interest. They must convince voters – especially those in
countries such as Austria, Germany France and The Netherlands, that
this will bring increased security and prosperity for everyone.

Unfortunately, the ‘EU15’ failed to adequately convince many of their
voters that the previous enlargement was a success – although it
clearly has been – and this was partly responsible for the French and
Dutch rejection of the EU Constitution. A huge public relations
campaign is needed to win the hearts and minds of Europeans over
Turkey’s EU bid.

Turkey’s membership will be positive for Europe as a whole – and it
is important that both sides enter the accession negotiations with an
open positive mind and with a view that if handled correctly this is
a win-win situation.

Nicosia: Armenians go to the polls

Cyprus Mail, Cyprus
Oct 9 2005

Armenians go to the polls
By Jean Christou

NEARLY 2,000 Armenians in Cyprus will go to the polls today to elect
a new representative to the House of Representatives after a short
but lively by-election campaign that focused on educational and
cultural issues, but also brought to the surface the divisions within
the small community in Cyprus.

For the first time since Cyprus’ independence in 1960, three
candidates, two doctors and one businessman, will vie for the
Armenian seat. Dr Antranik Ashdjian, Dr Vahakn Atamyan and
businessman Parsing Zartarian, who entered the race as a surprise
candidate, have all promised to do their best to unite the community
and put an end to the polarisation of views that currently exists.

Voting at four electoral centres – two in Nicosia, one in Limassol
and one in Larnaca – will begin today at 7am and will break from 12
noon to 1pm before resuming to close at 5pm. Results are expected to
be out by 7.30pm.

The biggest issue in the election is the closure this year of the
Melkonian Educational Institute, the only Armenian secondary school
in Cyprus and the only one for a large number of other Armenian
students in the region.
The three candidates have pledged to fight to have the school
reopened.

According to the Armenian e-zine Gibrahayer, Atamyan’s campaign has
received an endorsement from a group seemingly in opposition with
him. Atamyan was on the board of the Melkonian, but many feel he did
not do enough to save the school.

Gibrahayer said the Melkonian Alumni and Friends Association after a
marathon and turbulent session last Wednesday, endorsed Dr Atamyan’s
candidacy while another group of Melkonian graduates signed a
separate declaration calling on Melkonian Alumni not to vote for him.
Atamyan has said he did all he could to save the school.

Other election issues include the protection of the Armenian
monastery in the north, improvement of Armenian primary schools and
introducing Armenian studies at the University of Cyprus.

An online poll at hayam.org, in which 400 people have voted, gave
Atamyan 25.8 per cent of the vote, Ashdjian 48.1 per cent and
Zartarian 26.07 per cent.

From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

EU presses Ankara over reforms

Gulf Times, Qatar
Oct 9 2005

EU presses Ankara over reforms

Published: Sunday, 9 October, 2005, 10:14 AM Doha Time

ISTANBUL: The European Commission underlined yesterday that progress
in Turkey’s just-started EU entry talks depends crucially on the
speed of reforms by Ankara, warning it faces a `difficult journey’.
Turkey, which has been knocking at the European club’s door for four
decades, finally started EU talks last Tuesday after marathon
haggling overcame Austrian demands that Ankara be offered something
less than full membership.
But the EU has stressed all along that there is no guarantee of
eventual EU membership, and the talks are expected in any case to
last for at least a decade.
`The pace of the negotiations will be … determined by the pace of
the reforms,’ said European Union (EU) enlargement commissioner Olli
Rehn, after a meeting with Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan. `It
will be a difficult journey.’
Rehn, who will lead the negotiations on behalf of the EU’s executive
arm, also called on Turkish leaders to help overcome prejudices among
both ordinary Turks and Europeans.
`We need to work for better communication between Europe and Turkey
and with our citizens so we can surmount unnecessary difficulties,’
he said. `We discussed how to combat prejudices in Turkey and EU.’
Critics in Europe argue that the vast mostly-Muslim country, which
straddles the border Europe and Asia, is simply too economically and
culturally different to join the rich European club, where
Christianity remains the dominant faith.
Erdogan echoed the EU’s official’s comments, warning of a `difficult
process’.
`Naturally we will face many difficulties along the road,’ he said,
while insisting that Ankara will ultimately succeed in negotiating
its EU entry.
Rehn had discussions with Turkish officials in the capital Ankara on
Thursday, and on Friday travelled to Kayseri in central Anatolia, the
hometown of Foreign Minister Abdullah Gul.
Yesterday Rehn also met best-selling Turkish novelist Orhan Pamuk,
who faces a possible three-year jail sentence for his views, and
urged EU candidate Turkey to respect freedom of expression.
`Free speech and free expression are core values of the European
Union,’ Rehn’s spokesman Krisztina Nagy quoted him as saying after
meeting Pamuk at his home in Istanbul.
`You don’t have to agree with everything a writer or journalist says
but they all have a right to express themselves freely,’ Rehn was
quoted as saying.
Pamuk, best known for historical novels such as My Name is Red and
The White Castle, is being charged in connection with claims that
Armenians suffered genocide at Ottoman Turkish hands during World War
I. The first hearing in his trial has been set for December 16.
Underlining the sensitivity of the Armenian issue in Turkey, an
Istanbul court gave Armenian-Turkish journalist Hrank Dink a
six-month suspended sentence on Friday for `insulting Turkish
identity’ in an article he wrote. –

Venice Biennale: Be Careful What You Wish For

Art in America
September 2005 Issue

Venice Biennale: Be Careful What You Wish For.

By Marcia E. Vetrocq

Despite the unprecedented appointment of two women as visual-arts
directors, the 2005 Biennale is a cautious affair, marked by close
administrative oversight and curatorial temperance. More garden party
than free-for-all, the event just might leave some visitors nostalgic
for the undisciplined–and occasionally spectacular–displays of years
past.

After the satanic heat and Babylonian excess of the last Venice Biennale
preview, the survivors of 2003 sounded downright catechistic when
reciting their common hopes for this year’s edition: greater thematic
coherence, a more restrained roster of artists, shorter entry lines,
fewer on-your-feet screening marathons and–admittedly beyond
bureaucratic determination–less punishing temperatures in which to
tackle a citywide event that has become a test of time management and
physical endurance. Meteorological prayers were answered in full, but,
as if by the malign volition of a devil who corrupts each wish even as
he grants it, the desired clarity and numerical abstemiousness (91
artists in the international group shows compared to 380 in 2003) became
the attributes of an exhibition that is all but purged of risk and
surprise. Well-groomed, responsible and as eager to please as a new
suitor, the 2005 Venice Biennale serves up contemporary art (and some
less-than-contemporary art) that is market wise, celebrity conscious and
chary of offending. That the exhibition comes wrapped in a
self-satisfied mantle of better-late-than-never feminism is cause for
some dismay.

It’s necessary, of course, to distinguish between the presentations in
the national pavilions, which are determined by each participating
country, and the large international group shows, which are curated by
visual-arts directors appointed by the administrative board that
oversees the event. Yet throughout all the sections this year, there
prevails a reassuring air, attributable in part to the sheer familiarity
and even seniority of many of the participants. For example, four of the
national pavilions that claim a hefty share of the limelight are
showcasing high-profile artists age 60 or older, with Prance, Great
Britain, Spain and the U.S. presenting, respectively, works by Annette
Messager, Gilbert & George, Antoni Muntadas and Ed Ruscha that are
unlikely to arouse any controversy. An almost deferential atmosphere
permeates the two international shows as well, thanks to the relatively
high number of well-known (and some deceased) artists, and to the
inclusion of a fair number of works that have already garnered critical
attention.

For this outing, the visual-arts directorship saw its first joint
appointment, that of Maria de Corral and Rosa Martinez, whose
nationality (Spanish) and gender (female) are likewise unprecedented in
the organization’s history. Installed in and outside the mazelike
Italian pavilion in the Giardini, de Corral’s show of 42 artists, “The
Experience of Art,” is dedicated to mapping the terra firma of art
today. The presence of Marlene Dumas, Gabriel Orozco, Rachel Whiteread,
Cildo Meireles, Dan Graham and other landmark figures is reasonable if
not stirring, while the inclusion of Francis Bacon, Philip Guston, Agnes
Martin and Juan Munoz arguably carries the enterprise too far into
retrospection. Martinez’s “Always a Little Further,” a presentation of
works by 49 individuals and teams that is intended to be the more
forward-looking of the two shows, occupies the expansive spaces of the
Arsenale, the past home of “Aperto,” “Utopia Station” and other edgy or
youthful manifestations. Yet Martinez’s roster inexplicably includes
Samuel Beckett and Louise Bourgeois–inspirational, yes,
up-to-the-minute, no–along with Jimmie Durham, Olafur Eliasson, Mona
Hatoum and others who might have easily been at home in de Corral’s
overview of contemporary art’s establishment.

Both group exhibitions include good works, but the overwhelming
impression is of a project of confirmation spiced with a bit of novelty,
rather like the audience-survey-driven programming of summer repertory
theater. Some of the responsibility for this pervasive caution, perhaps
the lion’s share, rests with Davide Croff, the current president of the
Biennale’s board [see “Front Page,” Oct. ’04]. Croft took the
step–previously the prerogative of the visual-arts director–of
articulating the Biennale’s prudent theme, which he then entrusted to de
Corral and Martinez. Moreover, for the first time the board named the
directors of two successive biennali, with Robert Storr’s appointment
for 2007 preempting a second outing by de Corral and Martinez. The board
further determined that Storr would be enlightened by the collected
wisdom of veteran biennial and Documenta curators and other high-profile
art professionals, a group of whom have been invited to Venice for a
summit in December.

One recalls past editions directed by Achille Bonito Oliva, Jean Clair
and Harald Szeemann as expressions of strong and compelling, though
certainly not infallible, curatorial vision. Francesco Bonami’s 2003
extravaganza, engorged and unfocused, seems to have been the last straw,
the Heaven’s Gate of biennali. The potential consequences of the
administration’s clipping the director’s wings and casting a net of
circumspection over all operations were nearly ignored in last summer’s
stir over the superficially radical step of appointing de Corral and
Martinez. But in truth, the designation of a woman or women to direct
the Biennale was so belated, the curators’ resumes are so long and
distinguished, and the outcome, after all, is so mainstream, that this
appointment really has caused no more of a ripple than, say, last year’s
casting of Denzel Washington in the wan remake of The Manchurian
Candidate: the public, as they say, was ready for it.

Grrrrrrl Power and (A Few) Bad Boys

De Corral and Martinez open each section of the international show with
an assertive graphic display: a digitally printed vinyl mural (called a
“wall tattoo” in the catalogue) by Barbara Kruger on the facade of the
Italian pavilion, and enormous posters by the Guerrilla Girls in the
Arsenale. Thus we enter, lashed by the irony of one (“YOU MAKE HISTORY
WHEN YOU DO BUSINESS”; “ADMIT NOTHING. BLAME EVERYONE”) and prodded by
the sarcasm of the others (“Where are the women artists of Venice?
Underneath the men”). Two ceiling-hung pieces by younger women follow
the works of the veteran feminists. Above the entrance foyer of the
Italian pavilion is suspended Monica Bonvicini’s Blind Shot (2004), a
menacing-looking but ultimately pointless jack hammer that cycles on
like a thunderous automatic weapon every two minutes or so. In the
Arsenale is Joana Vasconcelos’s The Bride (2001), an enormous teardrop
of a chandelier that proves, upon inspection, to be made of tampons
(14,000 of them) on a steel armature.

Contributing to the Biennale’s current of feminist triumphalism–the
title of Pilar Albarracin’s flamenco video, I Will Dance On Your Grave,
may say it best–are the unprecedented numerical strength of women
artists in both shows (less remarked upon is the equally dramatic spike
in the representation of artists from Iberia and Latin America) and the
awarding of three of the Biennale’s four Golden Lions to women artists.
Kruger received the award for lifetime achievement, and Annette
Messager, the first woman to represent France in Venice, was cited for
the outstanding national pavilion. The Golden Lions reserved for the
international show were apportioned between the two sections. Germany’s
Thomas Schutte, in de Corral’s survey, was recognized for his supremely
accomplished ensemble of framed engraved heads and pedestal-borne
metamorphic figures, the latter acquiring supplemental gravitas from the
adjacent hanging of Francis Bacon’s tortured anatomies. Regina Jose
Galindo, a Guatemalan artist from Martinez’s roster, was declared the
best participant under 35 for her viscerally political performance
videos.

As a feminist declaration, however, much of this feels more wishful and
nostalgic than pungent and present. Posters by the Guerrilla Girls, a
20-year-old collective (“fighting discrimination with facts, humor and
fake fur since 1985”) tick off a series of distressing statistics (fewer
than 40 of the roughly 1,240 artworks on view in six major museums of
Venice are by women; only 9 percent of the artists in the 1995 Biennale
were women). But it all seems like so much crabby shop talk when, far
from the spotlight, in the little pavilion of the Republic of Armenia in
Palazzo Zenobio, Diana Hakobian’s three-channel video, Logic of Power
(2005), offers an altogether more sobering and consequential-seeming set
of numbers about deaths resulting from illegal abortions, the depressed
level of women’s wages and the denial of higher education to women in
much of the world. While the Guerrilla Girls have updated their
iconography to include bimbo-of-the-moment Pamela Anderson and the
terror-alert color code system remade into an index of the Bush
administration’s hostility to women, their construction of the gender
problem nevertheless feels dated, and the humor has grown slack.

Is there something in the nature of triumph delayed that makes a bit of
slackness inevitable? Is it possible to match the initial jolt delivered
by Kruger, or by her sister text-messager Jenny Holzer, represented in
the Italian pavilion by a dramatic, Flavinesque corner piece? The punch
line of Vasconcelos’s feminine hygiene fixture seems like a small
“gotcha!” when one thinks of the shocking absorbent armory arrayed by
Judy Chicago in her 1972 Menstruation Bathroom for Womanhouse in L.A.
The videos of Galindo–whom we see shaving her body hair and striding
nude through town, walking through basins of blood and in close-up
footage of her hymenoplasty–strike one as too serf-consciously beholden
to Marina Abramovic, Ana Mendieta and Orlan. Meanwhile, in Runa Islam’s
film Be The First To See What You See As You See It (2004), the
affectless young woman who tentatively coaxes pieces of period china
(tired emblems of women’s domestic entrapment and presumed fragility)
off their platforms to a crash landing is a mere Stepford vandal
compared to the delirious slugger Pipilotti Rist, who demolished the
windows of parked cars with a long-stemmed red flower in an
unforgettable video in the 1997 Biennale. Even Eija-Liisa Ahtila, the
author of tart, tough minidramas probing the psychological and sexual
pressures that bear down on women and families, is represented in the
Italian pavilion by a cloying work, The Hour of Prayer (2005), a
four-screen projection in which a blonde Nordic beauty, grieving over
the death of her fluffy dog Luca, escapes to dusty, crowded Benin, where
the church bell-triggered barking of the lean local mutts becomes a
healing canine ritual.

With the curators showcasing women artists, you can’t resist searching
for constructions of gender in the works of the men they selected. For
example, William Kentridge’s installation in the Italian pavilion’s
elevated gallery is an affecting visualization of two realms of
enchantment–the intimate space of the studio and the vast reaches of
the Milky Way–that pays tribute to the early days of film-making.
Still, the presence in these projections of an elusive nude model/muse
and Kentridge’s imagining of the galaxy as great coiling spermlike
streams invoke the hoary erotic tradition of Courbet, Rodin and Matisse.
More overtly testosterone-fueled is Willie Doherty’s Non-Specific Threat
(2004), a looped game of chicken in which the camera circles an utterly
impassive yet stereotypically tough-looking man. It’s not clear whether
man or camera is the more predatory, since the menacing voiceover–“I
have contaminated you”; “You create me”–could be speaking for either.
Robin Rhode (who may owe something to fellow South African Kentridge for
his halting, low-tech method and incorporation of hand-drawn elements)
is perhaps the most evolved male in de Corral’s show, with his
PBS-friendy videos of children at play. Bruce Nauman remains the baddest
boy on the block with Shit in Your Hat–Head on a Chair, which offers a
thoroughly gratifying lesson in mime abuse. (Did de Corral reach back to
that work from 1990 merely because it’s in the collection of the
Fundacion “la Caixa,” which she directed from 1981 to ’91?)

Some highly caffeinated guy art can be found over at the Arsenale, too,
with John Bock’s obsessive-expulsive installation (the site of a preview
performance on the durable topos of taming a feral child) incorporating
athletic equipment, projectors and battered teddy bears, and the videos
of Blue Noses, a Moscow-based group whose unapologetically sexist antics
with naked girls, baguette phalluses and a mechanical alligator are
displayed on 12 monitors arranged face-up in a circle of cardboard
boxes. For a sharp behavioral alternative, C-prints, videos and garments
on mannequins capture the gender-bending outrageousness of performance
artist and super-size model Leigh Bowery. During the Biennale, Bowery
can be seen as painted by Lucian Freud in a retrospective at the Museo
Correr.

Fundamentally more tame and far too satisfied with its own leering
naughtiness is Francesco Vezzoli’s Trailer for a Remake of Gore Vidal’s
Caligula (2005), which is playing to packed houses in the Italian
pavilion. A steamy come-on for a fictional remake of the legendary smut
chestnut of 1979, the video features Helen Mirren and Adriana Asti (who
appeared in the original) hamming it up with Courtney Love, Karen Black,
Milla Jovovich, Benicio Del Toro, Barbara Bouchet and Vidal himself.
Notwithstanding long-term support received from the Fondazione Prada
(which organized the concurrent collateral show of Vezzoli’s work on
view at the Fondazione Cini), the artist turned to Donatella Versace for
costumes that are the last word in imperial glare. During the preview
days, only Candice Breitz’s videos, Mother and Father (both 2005), came
close to Vezzoli’s in audience draw, and they, too, feature Hollywood
actors and actresses, though the stars are not co-conspirators but
rather the digital raw material of highly edited sequences that mock the
cliches of family life.

Some Politics, Some Installations, Lots of Video

Compared to biennali past, you have to look hard in the Arsenale to
avoid concluding that the world is in pretty good shape, AIDS has been
cured and stability has been achieved in the world’s trouble spots. The
Guantanamo Initiative of Christoph Buchel and Gianni Motti (the latter
also one of four artists representing Switzerland) requires a small
detour to a shipping container parked outside the building. Launched
last year, the documentation-rich project calls upon the Castro
government–which does not recognize U.S. rights to Guantanamo and has
not cashed checks paid on the lease since 1959–to seize the base, with
its controversial military-run prison, and convert it into a cultural
center. For Palabras/Words (2005), within the Arsenale, the Cuban-born
Diango Hernandez arranges a tangle of wires and fallen electrical poles,
a symbol of failed planning and broken promises, through which we view a
projection of vintage news images and a scroll of the names of former
Communist-bloc nations and their leaders. Fidel Castro is the last
intransigent survivor of the lot.

If the Buchel-Motti initiative is quixotic, Emily Jacir’s Ramallah/New
York (2004-05), which juxtaposes footage of the ordinary activities of
small businesses in both cities, is, sad to say, altogether too
reasonable in its plea for mutual understanding. Meanwhile, Gregor
Schneider’s desire to construct a black cloth-draped, metal cubic
structure that resembles the Ka’ba, the centerpiece of Islam’s holiest
shrine in Mecca, is inexcusably naive. Wounded by the Biennale’s refusal
to back his plan (the administration not surprisingly concluded that the
piece, to be sited in the city’s congested tourist heartland, the Piazza
San Marco, could be offensive to Muslims), Schneider is showing a video
in the Arsenale with an animation of his proposal and an explication of
his soft-headed conviction that East and West can find common ground in
their shared preoccupation with simple formal elements (think Tony
Smith’s Die). Schneider seems rather more sulky than idealistic in the
Biennale catalogue, where his six alotted pages have been printed in
solid black.

Kidlat Tahimik, from the Philippines, and Sergio Vega, a Buenos
Aires-born and Gainesville-based artist, offer their own insights into
cultural difference. A favorite of film buffs, Tahimik’s The Perfumed
Nightmare (1977) follows the disillusionment of a young Filippino taxi
driver who dreams of traveling to the American paradise–Florida–to
become an astronaut. Transferred to video, the work is screened in the
Arsenale above an ad hoc installation that incorporates burned “relics”
from the artist’s fire-ravaged studio and some dubious artifacts–like
the statue of a “wind goddess” who faces a headless Marilyn Monroe
statuette with her skirt lifted by the draft from a subway grating–that
gently mock the equivalences people discern across cultures.

Referencing a different paradise, Vega’s hot-hued ensemble comprises a
number of individual objects, environments and photo-and-text-based
pieces that debunk–though not without affection–the centuries-old myth
of Brazil as a tropical paradise. Despite some discordant notes struck
by shantytown views with irate chickens and dogs, the installation is
wholly seductive, with inviting chairs, spongy floor cushions and bossa
nova grooves from vintage LPs. The environment is surely more relaxing
than the other participatory works by Brazil’s Rivane Neuenschwander,
who invites visitors to type wordless love letters on “modified”
typewriters; by the Centre of Attention, a London-based collective that
allows you to recline on a mortuary bier after you’ve scored your own
funeral with music downloaded from the Internet; and by Mariko Mori, who
has dusted off her brain wave interface pod for those in need of a quick
kip–by appointment only.

De Montreal a Ankara, controverse autour recit du genocide armenien

La Presse
Monde, jeudi 6 octobre 2005, p. A25

De Montréal à Ankara, controverse autour d’un récit du génocide arménien
Poursuivi par la justice de son pays, l’éditeur turc risque deux ans de
prison

Gruda, Agnès

Dora Sakayan tend un mince cahier à couverture brune où une écriture
compacte relate, jour après jour, le dernier chapitre du génocide arménien:
la destruction systématique de la ville turque de Smyrne.

L’auteur de ce journal, son grand-père Garabed Hatcherian, recense les deux
semaines d’horreur qui, en septembre 1922, ont coûté la vie à une dizaine de
milliers d’habitants de cette ville. Parmi eux, 10 membres de sa propre
famille.

Pour Mme Sakayan, linguiste montréalaise qui a longtemps enseigné à
l’Université McGill, ce petit cahier est une ” relique “, racontant le
chapitre le plus douloureux de son histoire familiale.

Mais ce document qui est resté pendant des décennies le secret le mieux
gardé de sa famille se trouve aussi au coeur d’une controverse bien
contemporaine. Le témoignage vient en effet de paraître en traduction
turque, à Ankara. Accusé d’outrage à l’identité turque, aux forces armées
nationales et à la mémoire du fondateur du pays, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, son
éditeur, Ragip Zarakolu, risque jusqu’à deux ans de prison.

M. Zarakolu a comparu en cour le 21 septembre. ” Ces événements ont vraiment
eu lieu. Interdire les choses n’y changera rien “, s’est-il alors défendu.

” Le meilleur moyen de prévenir les guerres civiles est de promouvoir la
culture de la paix, et pour cela, il faut permettre que l’on tire les leçons
des guerres passées “, ajoutait-il.

Censure de fer

De quelle guerre parle-t-il? De celle que son pays a menée à sa minorité
arménienne et dont l’acte le plus sanglant, joué en 1915, a fait plus d’un
million de victimes. Le gouvernement turc refuse de reconnaître toute
responsabilité dans ce massacre.

M. Zarakolu fait partie de la poignée d’intellectuels turcs qui tentent de
percer une brèche dans cet écran négationniste. Mais le régime d’Ankara
maintient une censure de fer sur cette question.

Ragip Zarakolu a eu de nombreux accrochages avec la justice. Aujourd’hui, il
mène de front quatre batailles judiciaires, toutes pour des ouvrages
traitant de la manière dont la Turquie traite ses minorités.

D’autres intellectuels, de plus en plus nombreux, tentent depuis peu
d’ouvrir la boîte aux fantômes arméniens. Alors les poursuites se
multiplient. Au moment où Ankara commence à négocier son adhésion à l’Union
européenne, ces recours en série ressemblent à une fuite en avant.

” Le gouvernement nous harcèle, mais si elle veut adhérer à l’Europe, la
Turquie ne pourra faire autrement que de faire face à ce passé “, note M.
Zarakolu, joint hier par La Presse. Autrement, la démocratisation du pays
est impossible, croit-il.

L’éditeur a longtemps crié seul dans le désert. Aujourd’hui, ce n’est plus
le cas. Une première conférence d’experts sur la question arménienne a eu
lieu fin septembre, à Istanbul.

” La glace a commencé à fondre, reconnaît Dora Sakayan. Mais je me demande
comment le gouvernement turc fera pour expliquer à son peuple ce que la
Turquie a fait aux Arméniens. ”

Secret de famille

La famille de Dora Sakayan est éparpillée aux quatre coins du monde et ce
n’est qu’en 1992 que cette universitaire a appris, par une cousine exilée en
France, l’existence du précieux journal de son grand-père.

Elle l’a édité, ajouté des commentaires et des références historiques, et
traduit- ou fait traduire- dans neuf langues. La version française est parue
il y a cinq ans, sous le titre Smyrne, entre le feu, le glaive et l’eau: les
épreuves d’un médecin arménien (éditions l’Harmattan).

Dans son journal, le docteur Garabed Hatcherian raconte comment le chaos et
la panique se sont emparés de cette ville qui avait accueilli de nombreux
survivants de 1915. Mais, surtout, il fait le lien entre le fondateur de
l’État turc, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, et le saccage de Smyrne. Pour la justice
turque, c’est impardonnable.

” Garabed Hatcherian était un citoyen loyal de notre pays, plaide pourtant
Ragip Zarakolu dans sa défense. Nous lui devons des excuses. ”

Des excuses? Dora Sakayan n’en demande pas tant. ” Je serais heureuse si
seulement le gouvernement turc reconnaissait ce qui est arrivé. Tant qu’il
ne l’a pas fait, je vis avec ce fardeau. Ma fille et mes petits-enfants
aussi. ”

Mais Ragip Zarakolu, qui doit accueillir aujourd’hui même à Ankara une
délégation européenne qui enquête sur la liberté d’expression en Turquie,
est sûr que son pays devra forcément soulager les descendants arméniens de
ce poids qu’ils traînent depuis 90 ans.

_________________________________
Agnès Gruda
Journaliste
La Presse
514-285-6587
514-346-4284 (cell)

ElBaradei says Peace Prize a “shot in the arm”

ElBaradei says Peace Prize a “shot in the arm”

By Francois Murphy

VIENNA, Oct 7 (Reuters) – U.N. nuclear watchdog chief Mohamed
ElBaradei said on Friday winning the Nobel Peace Prize would give him
and his agency a much-needed “shot in the arm” as they tackle nuclear
crises in Iran and North Korea.

He told reporters at the United Nations complex in Vienna that he was
surprised by the award but saw it as recognition of his agency’s work
and an encouragement to continue its efforts.

“The award sends a very strong message: ‘Keep doing what you are doing
— be impartial, act with integrity’, and that is what we intend to
do,” ElBaradei said after applause from U.N. staff.

“The advantage of having this recognition today, it will strengthen my
resolve.”

The 63-year-old Egyptian lawyer and the International Atomic Energy
Agency won the 2005 prize for their battle to stop states and
terrorists from acquiring the atom bomb and ensure safe civilian use
of nuclear energy.

“The fact that there is overwhelming public support for our work
definitely will help to resolve some of the major outstanding issues
we are facing today, including North Korea, including Iran and nuclear
disarmament.

“It is a responsibility but it is also a shot in the arm.”

SURPRISE

ElBaradei told reporters he had been certain he would not win, despite
being favoured, because he had not received the traditional advance
telephone call from the Nobel Committee. He only learnt of his win
while watching the televised ceremony.

“This came as an absolute surprise to me,” he said.

“I was watching television with my wife at 11 o’clock fully aware that
we did not make it because I did not get the call.

“And then I heard in Norwegian the (IAEA) and my name still in
Norwegian is the same, and I was just on my feet with my wife, hugging
and kissing and full of joy and full of pride,” he said.

The Nobel Committee said before the announcement it had tightened
secrecy after Reuters published the names of the 2003 and 2004 winners
before the official announcements.

ElBaradei, the first Egyptian winner since President Anwar Sadat in
1978, has faced criticism from many quarters, most recently from the
United States and Iran, over his efforts to investigate Tehran’s
nuclear programme.

Last month North Korea announced at the end of six-party talks that it
would scrap its nuclear arsenal in exchange for aid and security
guarantees from the United States, South Korea, Japan, China and
Russia. ElBaradei has said he hopes his agency’s inspectors can
return to the Stalinist state soon.

10/07/05 13:18 ET

Anti-nuclear campaigners tipped for Nobel Prize

Anti-nuclear campaigners tipped for Nobel Prize

By Alister Doyle

OSLO, Oct 6 (Reuters) – The 2005 Nobel Peace Prize on Friday is likely
to honour work to contain nuclear weapons 60 years after the
U.S. bombings of the Japanese cities of Hiroshima and Nagasaki,
Norway’s NRK television said on Thursday.

The U.N.’s nuclear watchdog and its head, Mohamed ElBaradei,
U.S. senator Richard Lugar and former Senator Sam Nunn and a
ban-the-bomb group representing Japanese survivors of the 1945
U.S. bombings seemed the frontrunners, it said.

The five-member Norwegian Nobel Committee will announce its choice at
0900 GMT on Friday in Oslo from a secret list of 199 candidates.

NRK’s veteran correspondent Geir Helljesen, who has often correctly
tipped the winner of the annual prize, said on the main evening news
that the committee was likely to find “the fight against nuclear
weapons both central and topical.”

Worries about the nuclear programmes of North Korea and Iran and fears
that weapons of mass destruction could fall into the hands of
terrorists were likely to guide the choice.

Last year, Helljesen pointed to Kenyan environmentalist Wangari
Maathai as a likely winner of the award, set up in the 1895 will of
Swedish philanthropist Alfred Nobel. The prize is worth 10 million
Swedish crowns ($1.29 million).

Helljesen mentioned the U.N.’s International Atomic Energy Agency
(IAEA) and ElBaradei, Lugar and Nunn for their work to dismantle
ageing nuclear weapons in the former Soviet Union and Japan’s Nihon
Hidankyo, which represents atom bomb victims.

NO GELDOF, BONO

Helljesen dismissed speculation that Irish rock star Bob Geldof might
win the prize for campaigning against poverty in Africa, saying that
he was not even among nominees. He said that Irish rocker Bono had
been nominated but would not win.

An anti-nuclear prize in 2005 would seem to confirm a trend on major
anniversaries of Hiroshima.

In 1995, British ban-the-bomb scientist Joseph Rotblat won with his
Pugwash organisation. In 1985, the award went to a U.S.-Soviet group
of doctors, International Physicians for the Prevention of Nuclear
War.

Centrebet, an Australian Web site which was first to accept bets for
the prize in 2003, rates the IAEA favourite at 3-1 with both Nihon
Hidankyo and the Nunn-Lugar team among the top four.

Helljesen merely noted that Centrebet had also suggested Finnish
President Martti Ahtisaari, the bookmaker’s second favourite for his
work to broker a peace deal between Indonesia and Aceh rebels.

The Norwegian Nobel Institute says that it has cracked down on leaks
and notes that Helljesen is sometimes wrong, like in 1995 when he
failed to predict Rotblat’s prize.

Some peace researchers say the IAEA has done too little to merit the
prize amid standoffs with Iran and North Korea. Others say a prize to
the IAEA could encourage limits on the spread of nuclear arms after
the end of the Cold War.

Helljesen mentioned Hidankyo but not its co-chair Senji Yamaguchi,
also tipped for the prize. Yamaguchi was 14 when the bomb fell on
Nagasaki.

“I saw many children die, and when I fled to the mountains that day I
saw bodies with … internal organs coming out and faces split in
half. I saw many such bodies,” Yamaguchi told Reuters in an interview
at a Nagasaki home for the elderly.

“That is why I want to somehow eliminate nuclear weapons — for me
that is everything,” he said.

(Additional reporting by Takanori Isshiki in Nagasaki)

10/06/05 18:33 ET

US Armenians Indignant At US Administration Turkish Leaning Policy

Pan Armenian

Armenian Americans Indignant At US Administration Turkish Leaning Policy

08.10.2005 10:43

/PanARMENIAN.Net/ October 5 the Armenian National Committee of America
(ANCA) officially responded to the US State Department Attempt to prevent
the passing of the Armenian Genocide Resolution by the Congress. September
15 the House Foreign Relations Commission approved of 2 genocide bills,
which were to be introduced before the plenary session. The State Department
then addressed the Congress a letter against passing the resolutions. In a
response letter to US State Secretary Condoleezza Rice ANCA Chairman
expressed indignation over the US Administration policy, which supports
Turkey’s efforts to deny the Armenian Genocide.

If People Are Not Hypnotized “Yes” is impossible

A1+

| 15:40:07 | 08-10-2005 | Politics |

IF PEOPLE ARE NOT HYPNOTIZED `YES’ IS IMPOSSIBLE

‘No’ to the constitutional amendments would mean `no’ to the authorities.
This is the opinion of the opposition. If the people adopt the amendments
would it mean `no’ to the opposition. `Certainly the parliamentary
opposition is convinced that the nation by no means will adopt the
Constitution proposed by Robert Kocharyan’, Justice faction member Grigir
Harutyunyan says. `I do not doubt that the people will reject the amendments
of course of mass hypnoses will not take place’, National Unity Secretary
Alexan Karapetyan says.

Grigor Harutyunyan does not rule out that the outcome of the referendum will
be undesirable for the opposition. However it would be progress of the
society had an opportunity to express opinion. However presently it is just
a dream’, Grigor Harutyunyan says.

Alexan Karapetyan position is a little different. The National Unity does
not impose its opinion to the voters. If the referendum fails the
authorities will have to adopt the proposals of the National Unity on the
dissolution of the parliament and conduction of extra parliamentary and
presidential election’, he says

In Grigor Harutyunyan’s opinion, even if the amendments are adopted via
fraud, it will bring no stability, since no single document will function at
the incumbent authorities.’

Diana Markosyan