The News International
Jan 21 2005
Turkey and the EU: a foot in the door?
Dr Maqsudul Hasan Nuri
The 25-member European Union’s decision this past December to start
talks with Turkey in October 2005 are a step towards Turkey gaining
full European Union membership. Accorded associate membership in
1962, its almost forty-year long wait to enter the EU club has much
to do with its history, culture, geography and economy.
Geographically, Turkey straddles the continents of Europe and Asia
with 97 percent of landmass within Asia and only three percent in
Europe. Although an extension of Asia and the Middle East, it has had
a European countenance since the Byzantine Empire.
The EU’s 35 sovereign states have a common denominator in the
Christian heritage of Roman and Greek civilisations. Turkey is “not
an inheritor of cultural contributor of ancient Greece and Rome, has
not experienced Reformation and Renaissance,” remarked Valery Giscard
d’Estaing, the former French President and President of European
Commission, expressing apprehensions that its entry may contribute to
Muslim fundamentalism in Europe. Many Europeans share these views.
Despite President Chirac’s approval, nearly 67 percent of French
oppose Turkish entry into the EU. Germany, which since World War II
has had a large Turkish population, is as sceptical.
Turkey’s human rights record may be a factor in this situation.
Amnesty International (2004) has reported its discriminatory policies
towards opposition, women, and ethnic and religious minorities, and
the treatment meted out to the Kurd minority. Atrocities perpetrated
under the Ottoman rulers are also brought up, like the Armenian
genocide of 1915-17. Turkish military role, despite its secular
traditions, also raises eyebrows.
France, Denmark and Austria thus suggest only a “privileged
partnership” status instead of full membership. But Turkey has many
assets. With a population of 78.8 million, it is the largest
contributor to NATO forces and a willing peacekeeper in many theatres
of global conflict — Herzegovina in 1995, Kosovo in 1999 and ISAF in
Afghanistan since 2001. During the four decades of Cold War, it acted
as a reliable and redoubtable shield against the Communist threat.
The Kemalist tradition has enabled it to follow a secular,
constitutional, parliamentary democracy. With proximity and cultural
interconnectedness, it has worked hard to be part of Europe – as a
member of Council of Europe since 1949, NATO since 1952 and part of
the European Custom Union since January 1996.
The Islamic government of Justice and Development Party (AKP) under
Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan has repackaged itself as “Muslim
Democrats” a la European Christian Democrats. Raised in a poor
Istanbul neighbourhood, the charismatic firebrand Erdogan once
thundered: “The mosques are our barracks, the domes our helmets, the
minarets our bayonets, and the faithful are our warriors.” Yet in the
last two years his government has rewritten two-fifth of the
Constitution, repealed the death penalty, brought the army decisively
under political control, granted language rights to the Kurds,
promoted free speech and liberalised the economy.
Situated on the cusp of Asia and Europe, Turkey can act as a
bridgehead between Islamic and Western civilisations. With an
increased role in an expanding NATO and greater scope for economic
interaction, it will bring vitality to the EU. It is also seen as a
useful player in the global war against terrorism. (Napoleon
Bonaparte once observed that if there was a Pan-European state
Istanbul will be its capital.)
The Ottoman Empire’s record of dealing with minorities was generally
benign (it was the Christians who persecuted the Jews and hounded
them out of their homes). It is said that Turks have “tolerance in
their bones.” Present day Turkey, like Indonesia, represents moderate
Islam and bears least sympathy for al-Qaeda. The government’s agenda
is to root out corruption and Western style immorality.
Europe’s GDP is about $11 trillion like the US. Presently a “soft
power”, with induction it is getting larger. New members in 2007,
Romania, Bulgaria and Croatia, have a lower capita income than
Turkey. The next candidate may well be Ukraine. Turkish entry would
mean an increase in Europe’s population, resources and military clout
that may somewhat offset US hegemony. The EU has no ambition to
either become a superpower or turn hostile towards the US, but the
latter has to understand that this “lure of membership” is a
testament to EU’s increasing magnetic pull.
Yet Turkey’s road to full membership is fraught with pitfalls and
will be long and bumpy. The “yes” for accession talks has to be
followed up by Turkey’s recognition of Greek Cyprus, as well as
speeded up economic, political, social and economic reforms within
the coming decade.
The writer is Senior Research Fellow, Islamabad Policy Research
Institute (IPRI). Email: [email protected]