Turkiye has lifted restrictions on direct trade with Armenia, signaling an effort to normalize ties after decades of strained relations. Despite no formal diplomatic ties, both nations have shown progress through resumed flights and eased visa rules, aiming for lasting peace and cooperation in the South Caucasus.

In a move to foster improved relations, Turkiye has removed restrictions on direct trade with Armenia. This symbolic gesture signifies an effort to normalize ties following years of strained relations. The two nations, whose borders have been closed since the 1990s, are taking steps toward diplomatic reconciliation.

Turkiye and Armenia have appointed special envoys to discuss potential border openings and enhanced cooperation. Recent developments have included resumption of direct flights and softer visa regulations, hinting at gradual progress despite historical grievances and Turkiye’s alliances.

The Turkish Foreign Ministry states that bureaucratic work continues to open the shared border, while Armenian officials express optimism for normalized relations. This comes against a backdrop of past conflicts, notably over the Nagorno-Karabakh region, and historical disputes from the Ottoman era.

(With inputs from agencies.)

Turkey has lifted restrictions on the trade of goods with Armenia, allowing for bilateral trade to go forward without goods needing to be re-registered by a third country before crossing the border. Although there are additional steps remaining before the long-shuttered Armenia–Turkey land border officially opens for direct trade and other purposes, Armenian and Turkish officials have commended the move as a significant step towards the normalisation of relations.

In 2022, Turkey and Armenia agreed to allow third-country nationals and diplomats to cross the land border, but Turkey has since stated that progress in the Armenia–Azerbaijan peace process is a precondition for further achievements in the normalisation process with Armenia. Turkey originally closed the border in 1993 during the First Nagorno-Karabakh War.

Turkey’s announcement on Wednesday followed a hot-mic moment from Armenian Foreign Minister Ararat Mirzoyan, who was heard saying to Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, ‘the Turks are opening today, let’s prepare a welcoming text for the Foreign Ministry spokesperson’ at a campaign rally the previous day.

‘In light of the historic opportunity to strengthen lasting peace and prosperity in the South Caucasus, Turkey will continue to contribute to the development of economic relations and to further advancing cooperation for the benefit of all countries and peoples of the region’, the Turkish Foreign Ministry said in an accompanying statement.

From the Armenian side, Parliamentary Vice-Speaker and normalisation envoy Ruben Rubinyan described the move as ‘good news for businesspeople’.

Armenian Foreign Ministry spokesperson Ani Badalyan also said, ‘We welcome Turkey’s decision to lift restrictions on bilateral trade with the Republic of Armenia, which is another outcome of the Armenia–Turkey normalisation process’.

‘We emphasise that this is an important step toward the development of full and normal relations between the two countries, which can be logically followed by the opening of the Armenia–Turkey border and the establishment of diplomatic relations’.

By PanARMENIAN

By Paul Goble

Until recently, most Armenians and observers elsewhere assumed that Yerevan had little choice but to rely on Moscow for its defense and even survival (see EDM, April 22). The Kremlin’s failure to help Armenia in its conflict with Azerbaijan, either directly or indirectly via the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO), together with the expanded efforts of the European Union to support moves toward a peace treaty between Yerevan and Baku, have shifted opinion in Armenia and the West (International Republican Institute (IRI), March 5; Novaya Gazeta Evropa, May 5).

This sea change is far from the end of this story. It came to a head last week, initially by the first-ever expanded EU summit in Armenia—attended by the leaders of more than 40 countries, including Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy—and then by Putin’s statement (Council of the European Union, May 4; Arbat Media, May 7; see EDM, May 11). Putin will likely attempt to torpedo any Armenia–EU moves, based on his past comments as the framework for future policy. Even so, there can be no doubt that his words do mark a significant and, what may be especially important, a forced change in Moscow’s position.

No matter what Putin does next, his words will affect all countries in the post-Soviet space and make it far less likely that he will be able to reassemble the empire as he has often suggested he wants to restore. Consequently, many observers not only in Armenia but also in Azerbaijan and other former Soviet states are describing the summit and Putin’s words as a turning point in the evolution of the former Soviet space (Charter 97, May 6; Kasparov.ru, May 7; The Insider, May 9; Altyn-Orda, May 10).

When the Soviet Union disintegrated in 1991, and the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) was created, two competing visions emerged concerning what the CIS represented. Most in the non-Russian countries felt that the CIS would provide a framework for “the civilized divorce” of their countries from Moscow (Window on Eurasia, November 2, 2025). Some in Moscow, and most prominently in recent years, Putin himself, viewed the CIS and its allied structures as the basis for reassembling the empire.

Some of the former Soviet republics, most prominently Armenia and Belarus, long felt they had little choice but to remain within a Russian-led and Russian-dominated space. Belarus continues to take that position, although even Minsk has shown signs of interest in greater independence and expanded relations with the West in recent months (see EDM, December 4, 2025, April 16). Armenia, since the conflict with Azerbaijan ended in 2023, has dramatically shifted its position (see EDM, October 15, 2025, March 25, April 22).

Before that time, many Armenians felt they had little choice but to rely on Russia for economic development and security. In the last several years, however, a majority of them, along with their current leader, Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, have decided that their country’s future lies with Europe rather than Russia. They have taken steps in that direction, which the European Union’s and especially France’s support and actions have made easier (see EDM, November 6, 2023, March 11, 2024; IRI, March 5;The Insider, May 9). Moreover, Moscow’s responses to what Armenia and the European Union have been doing are proving counterproductive, further alienating Armenians and leaving Russia with fewer levers (Window on Eurasia, April 12).

Putin, until now, has opposed any idea of any “civilized divorce,” most prominently seen in his expanded war against Ukraine. Now, however, as that war grinds on into its fifth year and Moscow is trying to find an offramp, the Kremlin leader has taken a new tack, acknowledging that a civilized divorce is possible. He has suggested that if a referendum shows the people of Armenia desire this and that it is not just an anti-Russian move orchestrated by Europe and the West more generally, he is prepared to accept it.

Given his track record, however, what Putin will do in reality is likely to differ from what he now says. He will certainly use what levers he can, both to ensure that any referendum in Armenia will fail, either by winning over the support of more Armenians to a pro-Russian position or by claiming that outside actors falsified the results. At the same time, he will work to persuade the Europeans to abandon their plans for Armenia, lest they suffer the consequences of continuing to pursue them (Council of the European Union, May 5). If Putin fails in either effort, he may find that the only country beyond Russia’s borders that shares his vision of the future will be Belarus, and even that is uncertain (Charter 97, May 6).

As important as the European summit in Yerevan and Putin’s words about a civilized divorce between Russia and Yerevan certainly are, they are likely to have a far greater effect elsewhere in the former Soviet space (Altyn-Orda, May 5). Some commentators are already speculating about the collapse of the CSTO and Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) that Moscow created to keep these countries institutionally tied to Russia (Charter 97, May 6, 7). Others are discussing how their own countries can take advantage of these developments in Armenia (The Times of Central Asia, May 8). Perhaps most immediately relevant, a few are now openly asking if Moscow is prepared to allow Armenia to go its own way after a referendum, why is it not willing to do the same for Ukraine? (Altyn-Orda, May 10).

Putin views Ukraine as being in a different category than Armenia. He even denies that Ukrainians are a separate nation with a right to their own state. He will not agree to a similar “civilized divorce” with Kyiv. By going to war, the Kremlin leader has shown he will not do that, but having now taken the position he has with respect to Armenia, he may find it even more difficult to garner support at home for what he continues to do in Ukraine. Russians may reasonably ask, if there is a way one former Soviet republic can achieve “a civilized divorce” with Moscow without violence, then why should the people of Russia pay such a high price to keep another in its sphere of influence? That is a question Putin cannot afford to have ever more Russians posing.

Remarks by GOP Rep. Randy Fine and congressional candidate Dan Bilzerian trigger backlash from Armenian-American groups amid widening dispute on Israel, antisemitism, and alliances.

A Florida congressional race has spiraled into a wider political firestorm involving antisemitism, Israel, Azerbaijan and the Armenian-American diaspora, after Rep. Randy Fine and congressional candidate Dan Bilzerian exchanged accusations in an increasingly bitter public feud.

The clash erupted after Fine publicly criticized Bilzerian following the release of a report by Israel’s Ministry of Diaspora Affairs that ranked the social media personality as the top one among world’s leading antisemitic influencers for 2025.

Bilzerian, a dual US-Armenian citizen best known for his online persona and controversial social media presence, recently entered the congressional race despite having no major political background in Florida.

In recent years, he has repeatedly drawn criticism for inflammatory remarks about Jews and Israel. During a 2024 livestream, Bilzerian called to “exterminate Israel” and declared, “give me a rifle and send me the f**k over there,” in remarks widely interpreted as advocating violence against Israelis, according to previously published reports. Bilzerian also described Hamas after the October 7th massacre as a “resistance organization” and referred to former Hamas leader Yahya Sinwar as “a hero,” according to previous reporting. He also referred to Fine as a “fat Jew.”

The rhetoric escalated further over the past week as Bilzerian posted a stream of messages on X targeting Jews, Israel, and Fine personally. Among them were posts referring to “Jewish supremacist parasites,” accusations that Fine entered politics “to help Jews and Israel,” and claims involving alleged Jewish control and Israeli citizenship.

Jewish organizations and pro-Israel commentators accused Bilzerian of spreading antisemitic conspiracy theories and rhetoric that crossed far beyond criticism of Israeli policy. Previous reporting has also linked him to Holocaust minimization claims and conspiracy theories involving Jews, including claims related to 9/11.

The controversy widened after Fine responded during a media appearance focused on antisemitism and dual citizenship in American politics. A section of a clip that quickly spread online showed Fine saying: “We don’t want Armenians to be able to serve in Congress.”

The remark, which was taken out of the content, triggered immediate backlash from Armenian-American activists and organizations, who condemned it as discriminatory and racist. Supporters of Fine argued that the clip the video deliberately omitted the larger context of his remarks, which centered on restricting members of Congress from holding dual citizenship or foreign allegiances.

Fine later doubled down in a post on X. “Armenians should not serve in Congress,” he wrote. “Neither should Somalis. Or Guatemalans. Or – wait for it – Israelis. If you are a citizen of a foreign country, you shouldn’t serve in ours.”

Despite that, the Armenian National Committee of America (ANCA) responded sharply, accusing Fine of anti-Armenian rhetoric and linking his comments to his support for Azerbaijan. In a public statement, ANCA described Azerbaijan as a “genocidal dictatorship” and criticized Fine over legislation tied to US policy toward Baku following Azerbaijan’s 2023 military operation in the Karabakh region, internationally recognized as part of Azerbaijan, which had remained under Armenian separatist control for decades.

The dispute has also revived long-running tensions surrounding Israel’s close strategic partnership with Azerbaijan, particularly defense cooperation and Israeli arms sales to Baku. Armenian advocacy groups have frequently accused Israel of enabling Azerbaijani actions against Armenians in Karabakh – accusations strongly rejected by Israeli and Azerbaijani officials.

As the online feud intensified, the argument spilled far beyond the congressional race itself. Ana Kasparian, an influencer of Armenian heritage, a co-host of “The Young Turks,” posted a series of harsh statements against Israel in recent days, including describing Israel as a “genocidal terrorist state” and accusing it of supporting ethnic cleansing against Armenians.

Kasparian has previously faced criticism from pro-Israel watchdog groups over statements they argued crossed the line from criticism of Israel into antisemitic rhetoric, allegations she has denied.

The Fine-Bilzerian clash has since evolved into a broader online and political battle touching on antisemitism, diaspora activism, dual loyalty accusations and the increasingly volatile discourse surrounding Israel and the Middle East on social media. It became another clashing point between the Armenian lobby in the US, which supports Palestinian Arab cause, and the Jewish community.

The controversy has also deepened tensions between some Armenian-American activist groups and pro-Israel voices in the US, particularly over Gaza and Azerbaijan. What began as a local congressional fight in Florida has rapidly turned into a much larger proxy battle over identity, foreign policy and the boundaries between political criticism and antisemitism in American public life.

Ambassador of Japan and UNDP Resident Representative visited Japan-funded projects in Gegharkunik and Kotayk regions

On 12 May, H.E. Yutaka Aoki, Ambassador of Japan to Armenia, and Natia Natsvlishvili, UNDP Resident Representative in Armenia, visited Gegharkunik and Kotayk regions to see on the ground the results of projects implemented with funding from the Government of Japan.

The first visit, within the framework of the UNDP “Project for Supporting Basic Infrastructure and Social Integration for Displaced Persons from Nagorno-Karabakh and Host Communities” was Chambarak community, Gegharkunik region, where a reservoir with a useful capacity of 11,000 m³ was constructed. Janik Bazeyan, Deputy Governor of Gegharkunik region, Nvard Vardanyan, Deputy Chairperson of MTAI Water Committee, Ashot Giloyan, Adviser, RA Ministry of Territorial Administration and Infrastructure, and Robert Ohanyan, First Deputy Head of Chambarak community, also took part in the visit.  

It is expected that the reservoir will restore irrigation across up to 200 hectares of land and benefit around 200 households. The community also invested in a new 4.4 km irrigation distribution system, further boosting climate‑resilient agriculture.

The guests also learned about hybrid solar energy systems installed in key public facilities in host communities to enhance energy resilience. The 5 kW systems are stationary, while the 2 kW systems are mobile and easy to deploy. Designed to operate both grid-connected and in off-grid modes, these systems ensure uninterrupted delivery of essential services (such as lighting and communications) during power outages. In total, nine systems have been installed in Gegharkunik region (four 2 kW and five 5 kW systems), eight of which serve the Chambarak community: the municipal building (5 kW), Kindergarten No. 3 (5 kW), the medical center (5 kW), the local rescue service unit (5 kW and 2 kW), as well as the summer pastures of Chambarak community (three 2 kW units).

Afterwards, Ambassador Aoki and Natia Natsvlishvili Charentsavan community of Kotayk region. Through the Restorative Circles methodology, refugees and host communities across ten communities were engaged in structured conversations to identify priorities and co-design solutions. More than 1,100 participants, nearly half refugees, highlighted the need for safe, inclusive spaces for interaction, creativity, and community life. These ideas are already a reality in five communities, benefiting around 126,000 people, including 984 vulnerable households. 

In Charentsavan community, the high-level guests, accompanied by Hakob Shahgaldyan, Head of Charentsavan community, opened the public space and playground which will strengthen social cohesion and integration processes by bringing people together, contributing to informal social interaction and community ties.

“We are deeply grateful to the Government of Japan for its financial support, which continues to make a tangible difference in the lives of refugees and host communities across Armenia. These results are a powerful example of what effective partnerships can achieve—combining immediate support with long-term, climate‑resilient and socially inclusive solutions. We also highly appreciate the strong cooperation with regional and local authorities, whose leadership and commitment are essential to turning these investments into real improvements on the ground. UNDP remains firmly committed to supporting refugees and host communities by strengthening infrastructure, enhancing energy resilience, and fostering social cohesion,” said Natia Natsvlishvili, UNDP Resident Representative in Armenia.

The campaign for the Armenian parliamentary elections began on Friday (8 May), with 17 parties and two electoral blocs in the running. All are seeking to enter parliament and win the support of around 2.5 million eligible voters across Armenia. With the campaign underway, each party is already mobilising public opinion against the other. Parties are divided on different themes: peace vs reconsideration of the current peace process, European vs Russian trajectories, and populist vs democratic tendencies, among other political cleavages shaping the campaign. Each party is targeting different segments of the Armenian electorate and hoping that its strategy will secure seats in parliament.

The ruling Civil Contract Party will run independently and once again be led by the current Prime Minister, Nikol Pashinyan. The party faces several challengers, including former President Robert Kocharyan’s Armenia Alliance party,  the Strong Armenia alliance associated with businessman and philanthropist Samvel Karapetyan, and Gagik Tsarukyan’s Prosperous Armenia Party. Other parties include the former Human Rights Defender Arman Tatoyan’s Wings of Unity party, the Armenian National Congress, which is expected to participate under the leadership of Levon Zurabyan, and Edmon Marukyan’s Bright Armenia Party. In addition, former Yerevan mayor Hayk Marutyan is also entering the elections with his New Force party, and Aram Sargsyan, leader of the Republic Party and brother of former Prime Minister Vazgen Sargsyan, who was killed during the 1999 Armenian parliament shooting, confirmed that his party will also run independently. Lastly, among others, the newly formed movement called Against Everyone is also hoping to garner support from undecided voters.

The Civil Contract Party launched its campaign in Syunik, where Pashinyan argued that his party “secured peace and preserved Armenia’s statehood”. In the election manifesto, the party argued that its priorities will be the “institutionalization of peace, the continuation of the delimitation process, the implementation of the TRIPP project, and the final signing, ratification, and further implementation of the peace agreement between Armenia and Azerbaijan”. The manifesto also presented 100 concrete steps for 2026–2031 that will respond to different domestic economic and social problems, including employment rate, decreasing poverty, education, digital infrastructure, and the establishment of a visa-free regime with the EU.

One of the main government opponents, Armenia Alliance Party, led by Robert Kocharyan, started its campaign in Vagharshapat. Kocharyan argued that Pashinyan is leading Armenia into a dangerous geopolitical “adventure” by attempting to pull Armenia into confrontation with Russia. He criticized the anti-Russia statements made by various speakers during the EPC summit and the EU-Armenia summit and mentioned that the Civil Contract Party is using the fear of war as an electoral tool, while at the same time seeking European support to deflect growing concerns over democratic backsliding and political persecution within Armenia. Kocharyan argued that his party is not against peace, but insisted that real peace can only be built by a strong army, strong leadership, and reliable alliances. The election manifesto can be read here.

The Strong Armenia alliance, led by Samvel Karapetyan, held its first official campaign event in Yerevan. Samvel Karapetyan is in house arrest on charges of calling for the seizure of power. Replacing him is his nephew, Narek Karapetyan, who will also be at the top of the party’s electoral list as Samvel Karapetyan, due to his triple citizenship, cannot run. At the rally, his nephew argued that since 2018, Armenia has become smaller. He argued that in the party’s manifesto, there are plans to “provide 100,000–150,000 drams per month to extremely poor families with more than five members. Seventy percent of this amount will be funded by wealthy Armenian businesspeople around the world, and the state will contribute only 30 percent”.

In the past few weeks, dozens of Strong Armenia members have been detained on allegations of vote-buying. The opposition group argued that the allegations were politically motivated and accused the Civil Contract Party of using state resources to influence voters, while not facing prosecution.

Public rallies of Prosperous Armenia Party, led by Gagik Tsarukyan, began on Sunday (9 May) in Abovyan. The party promised debt relief, amnesty for people facing loans and economic hardship, and free public services. In its programme, the party argues that “In the Armenia we envision, there are no false divisions — no ‘pro-Western’ or ‘pro-Russian’ labels. Ultimately, such divisions only serve the interests of our enemies. In the Armenia we envision, what unites us is the national interest of Armenia — and that interest comes first.” More can be read here.

The Bright Armenia party, led by Edmon Marukyan, kicked off its campaign in Yeraskh. He called on all citizens to vote. His party’s manifesto can be accessed here. In Yeraskh, party officials argued that under the current government, Armenia’s national sovereignty has been in decline. The party claimed that “sovereignty is measured not by rhetoric but by a state’s ability to make decisions within its own territory free of foreign dictates”.  

The New Force party, led by former Yerevan mayor Hayk Marutyan, is beginning its campaign with meetings in Yerevan’s countryside. The Wings of Unity party, headed by former Human Rights Defender Arman Tatoyan, is launching its voter outreach from Goshavank Monastery near the northern town of Ijevan.

While the campaign is gathering momentum on all sides, voters in Armenia will, in less than a month, be called upon to make their decision at the ballot box.

Source: This briefing was prepared by the editorial team of Commonspace.eu. This briefing first appeared in Issue 4 of Armenia Election Monitor 2026 on 13 May. 

https://www.commonspace.eu/commentary/armenias-election-campaign-starts-parties-compete-over-rival-visions-countrys-future

Following the launch of a series of criminal cases against affiliates of Russian–Armenian tycoon Samvel Karapetyan over alleged electoral bribery, Karapetyan himself has accused Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan of similar practices.

Karapetyan made his allegations on Tuesday, as more arrests on vote-buying charges were announced, this time in the Baghramyan community of the Armavir region. According to the Anti-Corruption Committee, the case includes the territorial representative of Karapetyan’s Strong Armenia party, with wiretapped recordings cited as evidence.

Authorities claim that the same unnamed individual also used material incentives to ensure attendance at a rally for Karapetyan’s alliance in Yerevan.

Further arrests followed a day later, accompanied by additional wiretaps.

The case involves the head of the office of Karapetyan’s In Our Way organisation, whose name was not disclosed and who was accused of vote-buying and, ‘under the guise of charity, provided money free of charge to a Yerevan resident […] for a surgical operation’. The alleged payment occurred during a period when charity by candidates is banned.

The cases are the latest in a series of similar investigations against Karapetyan’s affiliates. Polls have indicated that Karapetyan’s Strong Armenia Alliance is expected to be the main challenger to the ruling Civil Contract party in the 7 June parliamentary elections.

As more arrests on vote-buying charges continue to pile up, Karapetyan appears to be trying to flip the situation on its head, accusing Pashinyan’s government of similar misconduct.

In a video published on his social media on Tuesday, he claimed that Pashinyan’s supporters are people ‘who have lost their hope; their only hope has become the pre-election bribes that this government gave to our people a month ago’.

‘But that will not help Pashinyan and his government’, Karapetyan claimed, without clarifying his allegations.

Earlier, Karapetyan rejected allegations of vote-buying, stating that ‘as the leading force, [we] have no need to give bribes’.

His remarks appear to echo criticism of recent government spending measures — including pension and salary increases, along with an increase in housing support programmes for Nagorno-Karabakh Armenian refugees — which critics say is tied to winning their support ahead of the elections.

No criminal cases have been launched against Pashinyan or members of his Civil Contract party.

However, the Anti-Corruption Committee is examining an incident involving Yerevan Mayor Tigran Avinyan, a Civil Contract member, who gifted a camera to a young woman on 8 May. Avinyan claimed the gift was unrelated to the election, explaining that funds had previously been allocated to an orphanage to purchase it, but the item had not been bought.

In a separate case, authorities declined to open proceedings against Tavros Sapeyan, also a Civil Contract member and the head of the Talin community, despite a complaint alleging that over ֏11.5 million ($30,000) in aid had been distributed from the local budget during the restricted period.

The Anti-Corruption Committee stated that Sapeyan ‘carried out official functions arising from his position, aimed at solving community issues’.

Earlier, on the first day of the campaign on 8 May, Pashinyan addressed the criminal cases of vote-buying, stating that whoever thinks they could ‘buy a citizen of Armenia — their nose and face will be smashed against the wall of the Armenian citizen’.