Kuwait: Education Min. receives Armenian Amb. to discuss educational cooperati

Kuwait Times
May 13 2026
May 13, 2026 03:04 p.m

 KUWAIT: Kuwaiti Minister of Education Sayed Jalal Al-Tabtabaie received on Wednesday Armenian Ambassador to Kuwait Dr. Arsen Arakelyan accompanied by Third Secretary Vladimir Barseghyan and Armenian School of Kuwait Principal Dr. Nerses Sarkissian.

During the meeting, both sides tackled subjects of common interest in the field of education and ways to enhance educational cooperation.Additionally, both sides affirmed the importance of boosting cooperation and expertise exchange which contributes to supporting bilateral relations in the field of education between both sides.  — KUNA

DRDO Developing 300km Pralay Export Variant to Bolster Armenian Precision Stri

Defence India
May 13 2026
  •  Thread starterRaghav Patel
India is positioning itself to become a key player in the global market for high-end military technology.

According to recent reports, the Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO) is creating a customized export model of the Pralay surface-to-surface tactical missile, specifically restricted to a 300-kilometer range.

This development aligns with ongoing, progressive discussions with Armenia, a nation actively seeking to procure the advanced Indian quasi-ballistic system to dramatically upgrade its long-distance, precision-guided strike power.


Bilateral talks between New Delhi and Yerevan have reportedly reached a mature phase, with both governments actively reviewing cost frameworks and financial terms.

Armenia’s motivation to acquire the Pralay missile is largely fueled by an urgent necessity to offset the expanding arsenal of its regional rival, Azerbaijan.

Baku currently operates the Israeli-made LORA (Long Range Artillery) system—a weapon with an approximate 400-kilometer reach and a 400–600 kg payload that proved highly effective in recent border clashes.

By adding the supersonic, highly maneuverable Pralay to its armed forces, Armenia aims to establish a formidable deterrent that can reliably evade modern anti-missile shields.

To adhere strictly to global non-proliferation standards, the proposed export version of Pralay will have its range legally restricted to 300 kilometers and its payload capped at 500 kilograms.

This precise limitation ensures that the sale fully complies with the strict guidelines of the Missile Technology Control Regime (MTCR).

Furthermore, any finalized agreement must successfully navigate India’s domestic SCOMET regulations, which govern the transfer of sensitive military and dual-use technology.

Such compliance guarantees that India maintains its reputation for responsible arms proliferation while continuing to build strategic defence alliances abroad.

Powered by a solid-propellant rocket motor, the baseline Pralay is a highly sophisticated weapon engineered for conventional attacks on critical enemy infrastructure, including communication centers, supply depots, and forward airbases.

It travels along a flattened, quasi-ballistic flight path rather than a traditional parabolic curve.

This unique trajectory, combined with its ability to alter course mid-flight, drastically reduces the time adversaries have to track and intercept it, rendering conventional air defence networks largely ineffective against the incoming threat.

A successful transaction would mark a historic breakthrough for India’s domestic defence manufacturing, officially opening the door for the export of heavy-duty, tactical battlefield missiles.

It would also cement the rapidly growing military partnership between India and Armenia.

In recent years, Yerevan has consistently turned to India to modernize its military, placing significant orders for the Pinaka multi-barrel rocket launchers, Swathi weapon-locating radars, and the Akash surface-to-air missile shield.

Delivering a sophisticated offensive platform like Pralay would propel this bilateral defence relationship into an unprecedented strategic tier.


https://defence.in/threads/drdo-developing-300km-pralay-export-variant-to-bolster-armenian-precision-strike-capabilities-amid-advanced-bilateral-talk.17743/

Recognizing the Armenian genocide matters at UC Berkeley

The Daily Californian
May 13 2026

Anamaria Abnusy is an ASUC senator representing Armenian students on campus. She assisted with organizing the Armenian Genocide Awareness Week events on campus.

In the face of erasure, we are still here.

As Armenian students, we carry this statement while walking across this campus, knowing that even as we remember collective violence and trauma, there are voices around us questioning whether there is anything to remember at all.

When the ASUC Senate passed resolutions officially recognizing April 24th as Armenian Genocide Remembrance Day and September 27th as Artsakh Remembrance Day, UC Berkeley’s student government took an important step in breaking the longstanding institutional silence surrounding the Armenian Genocide and the normalization of denialism surrounding these atrocities.

Armenians are an ancient Indo-European people with their own language, history, culture and religion — and we are a small community, making up less than 1% of the UC Berkeley undergraduate population.

For thousands of years, Armenians occupied their mountainous homeland in eastern Anatolia. Later, one by one, they were wiped out.

In the late 19th century and the early 20th century, the Ottoman government slaughtered hundreds of thousands of Armenians before beheading Armenian leaders and intellectuals, leaving the Armenian people without leadership. Subsequent deportation was followed by rape, starvation and massacre, killing about 1.5 million Armenians.

Despite the population of the Armenian land of Artsakh — also known as Nagorno-Karabakh — being 95% Armenian, Stalin ceded the land to Soviet Azerbaijan, bringing with it decades of cultural suppression through bans on Armenian textbooks, suppression of Armenian media and ethnic cleansing. In 2022, Azerbaijan imposed a nine-month blockade on Artsakh, trapping 120,000 Armenians without reliable access to food, medicine, fuel or heating. The next year, Azerbaijan launched another attack, forcibly displacing more than 100,000 Armenians within 72 hours, effectively cleansing the Republic of Artsakh of all Armenians.

Azerbaijan employed a sustained campaign of military action, blockade and hybrid warfare that specifically targeted the indigenous Armenian population and attempted to depopulate the region. Under international law, this all constitutes ethnic cleansing. To this day, Azerbaijan still holds Armenians hostage in Baku, subjecting them to torture.

And yet, even here, even now, denial persists.

As Armenian students actively post, educate and commemorate the genocide’s anniversary on campus, even some UC Berkeley students still echo the Turkish and Azerbaijani governments’ denial, dismissing, distorting or outright rejecting of the genocide’s reality. On the day of the genocide remembrance, during our protest, a Turkish student was recording and mocking our chants. In a group chat with an Armenian student, other Azeri students were claiming the Armenian monuments as land of Azerbaijan, echoing the propaganda Azerbaijan and Turkey pushes. Under an Instagram post by The Daily Californian recapping Armenian Genocide Awareness Week, a comment attempted to disprove the historical legitimacy of the genocide itself, sparking arguments with Armenian students before eventually being deleted. These moments may appear small to outsiders, but this confirms that denial is not just confined to governments overseas.

And even when denial is harder to see, it is just as painful to experience.

In trying to organize a movie night for American Genocide Awareness Week, we faced an obscene amount of institutional barriers. We submitted a space request to Doe Library, hoping to reserve the Glade for increased visibility of our event. Instead of responding to us within the typical four-day time frame, it took them two weeks to reply to the space request.

At the request of event services, we planned to relocate to West Crescent — an outdoor location that still provided the visibility we wanted. However, the relocation fell through after the Office of Environment, Health & Safety told us over the the phone that it had “forgotten” to respond to our permit request, forcing the Armenian Student Association to abruptly move the event indoors.

Much of this stress, uncertainty and disruption could have been prevented through clearer administrative transparency surrounding the criteria used to approve or deny events, especially when other registered student organizations are permitted to hold similar programming. When communication is delayed, requests are ignored and Armenian events are treated as secondary concerns, it sends a painful message about whose histories are prioritized and whose grief is considered expendable. When institutions respond slowly to Armenian remembrance efforts while denial continues loudly and publicly, silence itself becomes part of the harm.

Historian Julien Zarifian argues that making Armenian history publicly visible in institutional spaces directly affects the possibilities for institutional recognition. Recognition is the precondition for accountability: When perpetrator states deny genocide, institutions abroad, such as UC Berkeley, become the last bastions of history-making for the diaspora.

This is why these resolutions and remembrance events matter. For a community that is so small on this campus, official recognition is not just symbolic. It also means Armenian students do not have to constantly prove that their history is real. It creates space for remembrance without fear of being dismissed and signals that the campus is willing to stand on the side of truth even when others deny it.

I call on Campus to uphold the two ASUC resolutions passed by senate and commit to sending out annual campus-wide emails recognizing both April 24 as Armenian Genocide Remembrance Day and September 27 as the beginning of the attacks that led to the ethnic cleansing and displacement of Armenians from Artsakh.

Universities often recognize tragedies and histories that have affected student communities severely, and Armenian students deserve that same acknowledgment and institutional assistance. Official recognition by UC Berkeley serves to educate the wider campus community, provide assistance to Armenian students who still bear intergenerational pain and show that remembering should not be contingent upon political expediency.

In a world where anti-Armenian propaganda and genocide denial continue, even on college campuses, UC Berkeley has a duty to make sure Armenian history is neither neglected nor forgotten.

Anamaria Abnusy is an ASUC senator representing Armenian students on campus. She assisted with organizing the Armenian Genocide Awareness Week events hosted on campus by the Armenian Student Association. Contact her at [email protected], or the opinion desk at [email protected]

The EU must do everything in its power to support Armenia’s turn towards Europ

May 13 2026

A small but remarkable new piece in the fragmenting and evolving world order is emerging. The European Political Community (EPC) met on 4 May in Yerevan, Armenia, to solidify Europe’s geographical ambitions. Forty-six European leaders were there, including President Macron, who made an official state visit to the country, President Zelenskyy, Prime Minister Starmer, but also the Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney.  

The very next day, European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen and European Council President Antonio Costa held the first ever EU-Armenia summit, resulting in the adoption of a joint declaration. 

Armenia’s journey to the EU

With their lengthy and detailed joint declaration, the parties have pledged to begin Armenia’s long-term geopolitical realignment toward Europe. The EU is offering institutional integration, security cooperation, economic modernisation, connectivity investment and political backing, while Armenia has committed to becoming progressively more ‘EU-compatible’.  

Russia’s post-Soviet ‘security guarantee architecture’ in Armenia has collapsed.  During the painful conflict with Azerbaijan, Russia was unwilling to stop Azerbaijani advances despite its security obligations to Armenia under the Russian-led Collective Security Treaty. In the post-Karabakh settlement Armenia also saw the depopulation of the ethnic Armenian population form Karabakh under the watchful eye and utter inaction of Russian ‘peacekeepers.   

Faced with the Armenian population’s growing disillusionment with Russia and Russia’s broken security promises, Armenia’s leadership has chosen a radical re-orientation towards Europe and the West. Hardly noticed in the EU but Armenia’s Parliament already decided to start to path towards EU membership in March 2025, with its ‘Law on Launching Armenia’s EU Accession Process’.  

The law’s major message is that Armenia considers European integration to be its true direction for strategic development and is politically declaring its readiness to move towards EU membership whenever the EU is prepared to move forward with the process. This provides an opportunity for the EU to strengthen its influence in the region, especially after the government in neighbouring Georgia turned its back on Europe. 

A golden opportunity

The Caucasus region is key for interconnectivity, as a trade corridor between Central Asia and Europe. Today, Armenia is landlocked between four countries and heavily dependent on Russia for its trade. While most overland trade from east to west needs to pass through Georgia, the opening of Armenia’s borders would create an alternative corridor and hub. This could radically reorient Armenia’s trade flows. 

The Armenian government is strongly committed to completing these corridors with roads and rail links between Azerbaijan, Turkey and Georgia. President Khachaturyan outlined this at length during the Yerevan Dialogue, the annual event organised by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs on 5 May (the day before the EPC gathering). 

Both the US and Europe see this opportunity. President Trump concluded the TRIPP peace agreement between the Presidents of Armenia and Azerbaijan, which is being closely followed up by both countries. Meanwhile, Europe organised its EPC meeting in Yerevan and the EU and Armenia have set out a broad cooperation programme. The EU has unblocked a EUR 270 million Resilience and Growth Plan and established an EU-Armenia Connectivity Partnership to facilitate EU investments expected to reach EUR 2.5 billion under the Global Gateway.  

The programme ‘deepens and strengthens cooperation and dialogue across the whole range of security and defence topics’, including non-lethal assistance under the European Defence Fund, cooperation with the European Security and Defence College (ESDC) and participation in the EU’s crisis management operations through the CFSP.  

Armenia also plans to cooperate in EU high tech initiatives such as the Chips Joint Undertaking, the High-Performance Computing Joint Undertaking (EuroHPC JU) and the EU’s various AI initiatives. Finally, it also enhances cooperation in justice and home affairs. 

The EU mustn’t flinch

As the agreement comes a month ahead of crucial parliamentary elections in the country, it’s been argued that it’s playing directly into the interests of the governing party. Alas, the alternative on offer would be three Russia-backed billionaire oligarchs with extensive business interests in Russia – hence why the EPC meeting and the joint declaration are of extremely strategically significant and deserved far more coverage in the EU media. The potential benefits aren’t only political but also crucial for the region’s overall economic development. 

The EU has also deployed a hybrid rapid response team to Armenia ahead of the upcoming elections. There are fears that Armenia is already the target of growing, coordinated and manipulative activities seeking to undermine political processes, social cohesion and democratic institutions through disinformation, misinformation, cyber operations, covert influence networks, targeted hack and leak operations and information warfare.  

Influence campaigns, manipulative social media ecosystems and recurring anti-EU narratives designed to deepen polarisation and weaken public trust in democratic institutions are growing. Alongside all this, Russia and Kremlin-linked proxies are threatening retaliation and economic sanctions against Armenia. What this means is that Armenia’s democratic resilience is increasingly dependent on the EU’s resolve to support the country.  

Armenia has made its civilisational and strategic choice. The EU’s response through the joint declaration, explicitly referencing Armenia’s legal efforts to eventually accede to the Union is highly positive and should be celebrated. Now the EU must ensure that it doesn’t abandon its new best friend in a volatile yet geopolitically vital region.  

 

This commentary expands on a previous CEPS Substack piece. 


Free Elections in Armenia – Under Threat – Council of Europe

Latvia
May 13 2026

The PACE delegation following its visit to Yerevan reported on the hybrid methods used by Russia to shape public opinion and maintain geopolitical influence in Armenia ahead of the parliamentary elections in June.

The freedom of the parliamentary elections scheduled for June in Armenia is under threat, warned the Council of Europe. Foreign interference in the electoral campaign is taking on an “increasingly complex and systematic nature” and affects the political and informational environment of Armenia, stated the delegation of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE) following its visit to Yerevan on May 11-12.

According to their information, interference in the upcoming elections is not limited to disinformation methods and includes illegal political financing, cyberattacks, economic coercion, and direct attempts to manipulate the electoral process.

The PACE delegation reported, among other things, on the hybrid methods used by Russia to shape favorable public opinion and maintain its geopolitical influence in Armenia. In particular, they pointed to direct appeals from Russian President Vladimir Putin to Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan urging him to facilitate the voting of the Armenian diaspora in Russia.

Pressure on Human Rights Defenders and Journalists

In addition, European lawmakers expressed concern over the targeted discrediting of human rights defenders, journalists, and civil society representatives as “foreign agents,” as well as the growing legal pressure on them, including lawsuits.

They also noted the “unprecedented interference” of the Armenian Apostolic Church, which opposes the government’s policies in Yerevan and advocates for closer ties with Russia.

Armenia should strengthen measures to combat foreign influence

“The delegation welcomes Armenia’s legal and regulatory framework to counter undue influence. However, existing mechanisms need to be strengthened to combat veiled, coordinated, and transnational threats,” the statement noted. At the same time, it is necessary to enhance protective measures against foreign interference and ensure equal conditions for all candidates.

Among other things, “there is an urgent need to strengthen institutional capacity, enhance inter-agency coordination, and increase transparency in political campaign financing.”

It was further reported that the Council of Europe will send an election observation mission along with observers from the Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights of the OSCE (ODIHR), the Parliamentary Assembly of the OSCE, and the European Parliament.

Pashinyan Fights for a Third Term

The parliamentary elections in Armenia will take place on June 7. Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, who has been leading the government in Yerevan since 2018, is fighting for a third term.

In recent years, Armenia has been making efforts aimed at closer ties with the European Union and freeing itself from Russian influence and military presence. In early May, a summit was held in Yerevan between the EU and Armenia, where the parties agreed on a closer partnership.

Armenia permits construction of energy storage systems

ESS News
May 13 2026
Amendments to Armenia’s Energy Law permits the development of energy storage systems for the first time, subject to licensing. Systems smaller than 1 MW, or those above 1 MW designed for self-consumption, are exempt from licensing.

The Armenian government has passed legislation allowing the construction of energy storage systems.

The amendment to the country’s Energy Law, which has now passed a second and final reading in parliament, sets out the introduction of energy storage systems subject to licensing.

Speaking to Armenia’s national news agency Armenpress, the country’s Minister of Territorial Administration and Infrastructure, David Khudatyan, explained the license will allow, in accordance with market rules, the right to buy and sell electricity on the wholesale market and to provide storage services to market participants.

The new rules also stipulate that licensing will not be required for the development of energy storage systems when the system is up to 1 MW in capacity, or when the system is above 1 MW but is designed for self-consumption.

Khudatyan added that energy storage facilities will improve the efficiency of Armenia’s power sector.

“Energy storage facilities will allow electricity generated by solar power plants to be supplied on a fixed schedule, which will further support the Armenian economy. We are trying to promote the rapid development of the sector through legislative regulations,” the minister said.

The development follows a sharp rise in Armenia’s renewable energy deployments in recent years, led by solar power. According to government statistics, solar accounted for 16.3% of Armenia’s electricity generation last year.

The country registered a record year for solar deployment in 2025, taking the country past 1 GW of cumulative solar capacity.

How grape farmers are restoring Armenia’s wine heritage while safeguarding ec

May 13 2026
  • Winemaking in the area that is now Armenia has a history going back 6,000 years.
  • However, the practice nearly vanished from Armenia during the Soviet era, in the 20th century.
  • Wine producers in Armenia are now working to rebuild their craft, establishing “vertical” vineyards in mountainous provinces like Vayots Dzor.
  • Many producers employ organic farming techniques to protect neighboring ecosystems, such as using cover crops instead of fertilizer to restore soil nitrogen.

AGHAVNADZOR, Armenia — It’s 6 a.m. as the rising sun illuminates apricot-colored cliffs in central Armenia. It’s so still that even the distant buzz of a bee can be heard. Coca-Cola bottles filled with homemade wine for sale line the narrow road leading to acres of grapes growing quietly in an unusual vineyard.

At 1,300 meters (about 4,300 feet) above sea level, Trinity Canyon Vineyards seems like it’s flirting with the sun. Located in Vayots Dzor province, where winters are bitterly cold and summers hot, Trinity Canyon and other vineyards use “vertical viticulture” to grow grapes among the mountains.

Unlike many other wine-producing countries, where vineyards are cultivated horizontally on more level ground, in Armenia vineyards rise from 1,100-1,600 m (3,600-5,250 feet), with elevation affecting climate, soil and harvest timing. With the country’s rocky terrain, even terracing is difficult.

“As a result, most Armenian vineyards, including those in Vayots Dzor, are planted on [natural] plateaus — flat elevated areas that allow the vines to thrive despite the challenging terrain,” Artem Parseghyan, the head winemaker at Trinity Canyon, tells Mongabay.

Parseghyan spends his life on the road, driving between Yerevan, the capital, and Vayots Dzor. Born and raised in Russia, Parseghyan studied viticulture and enology (the science of winemaking) in France and Germany. In 2013, when Trinity Canyon was established, Parseghyan came to Armenia to work at what was then one of the country’s few vineyards.

Regrowing a lost tradition

Winemaking in the area that is now Armenia has a long history. In 2007, archaeologists uncovered an ancient winery in a Vayots Dzor cave complex that they dated to around 6,000 years ago, making it the world’s oldest known winery. But the Soviet Union, preferring brandy to wine, devasted viticulture in Armenia during the 20th century. Many grape varieties intended for winemaking were removed from the country, hampering the practice here for decades.

Because of this setback, Armenia’s rekindled wine industry did not benefit from decades of academic knowledge and formal training that other winemaking countries had invested in during the 20th century, according to Parseghyan.

“Winemakers knew how to make wine without knowing what it was made from, while the viticulturist grew grapes without knowing what they would ultimately become,” Parseghyan says.

Trinity Canyon was the first winery in Armenia to receive international organic certification in 2016. However, Parseghyan says the vineyard chose not to continue the annual process for certification renewal, due to its complexity, which requires monthly inspections, detailed record-keeping and significant financial investment.

Still, the winery continues to grow organic grapes, according to Parseghyan.

“Organic is not marketing for us. This green logo doesn’t give us anything in terms of … value, because before getting the certificate and up till now, we do everything in organic standards,” Parseghyan says.

He says Trinity Canyon continues its commitment to organic growing in order to protect soil and local biodiversity. The team works to protect local biodiversity by using cover crops to enrich depleted soil and improve its composition, instead of relying on synthetic fertilizers. Despite avoiding chemical inputs like pesticides and herbicides, Parseghyan says diseases are absent in Trinity’s plots while neighboring vineyards experience problems.

Red grapes grow under an apricot sun. Image courtesy of the Vine and Wine Foundation of Armenia.

“When we manage our entire plot, the last four rows that touch the neighbor’s land are not treated as organic,” Parseghyan says, noting that those rows may be tainted by pesticides from adjacent farms.

“You have to harvest them separately, discard them, sell them or dry them. This is the buffer zone that protects your vineyard from neighboring interference,” he adds.

Wine is made from cultivars of the common grape vine (Vitis vinifera), a plant native to the Eurasian region that encompasses Armenia. At the National Academy of Sciences of Armenia (NAS RA), a team of researchers at the Laboratory of Plant Genomics has been studying native grape varieties in the hopes of determining how best to conserve and manage them in the face of climate change.

The team has collected and sequenced more than 3,400 grape samples since the lab’s inception in 2012, despite limited genetic resources.

“Winemaking wasn’t so popular in Armenia when we began this process,” says Kristine Margaryan, who heads the lab. “After the collapse of the Soviet Union, the collections had completely disappeared.”

Margaryan tells Mongabay that in order to collect samples, she and her colleagues traveled across the country, gleaning information from historical botanical records of the grape varieties that had grown in the various regions of Armenia prior to the rise of the Soviet Union.

Bottles of wine line the walls at Trinity Canyon Vineyard, the result of the revival of Armenia’s ancient wine-making culture. Image courtesy of Trinity Canyon Vineyard.

Adapting to a changing world

Margaryan says that in Vayots Dzor, the temperature has increased by around 1.3-1.4° Celsius (2.3-2.5° Fahrenheit) over the past century. If this trend continues, she warns, agriculture will need to move higher, including wineries. That’s why grape diversity is crucial: it allows the vines to perform well not just at 1,000 m (3,300 ft), but even at 2,200 m (7,200 ft).

To meet this need, Margaryan and her team established Armenia’s first high-altitude vineyard at 2,080 meters (6,824 feet) in cooperation with Maran Winery to test the different varieties. They found that many of the local Armenian varieties thrived, while those from Western Europe did not.

The next step, according to Margaryan, is determining why Armenian varieties are better able to tolerate high-altitude conditions.

“I hope that in the coming years we will have enough data to study this high-altitude vineyard’s grapes in detail; specifically, to sequence them and understand how gene _expression_ has changed under these conditions,” Margaryan says.

Climate change isn’t the only threat to Armenia’s reawakening wine industry. Grape phylloxera, a small invasive insect from North America, attacks grapevine roots and foliage. In Europe, phylloxera infestations have wiped out entire vineyards in just five or six years.

“We must know how to extend the life of vineyards,” says Zaruhi Muradyan, CEO of the Vine and Wine Foundation of Armenia and founder of the EVN Wine Academy. “Various measures like specific irrigation methods, non-drip systems, and air circulation can help mitigate the negative effects, but we must be prepared.”

In recent years, Muradyan says, large wineries have begun establishing their own vineyards to increase consistency and manage impact by fully controlling the process rather than depending on other farmers.

Muradyan says Armenia’s wine industry is also hampered by a shortage of karas, the clay amphorae used for fermenting and storing wine and which are at the heart of Armenia’s winemaking heritage. Muradyan’s solution to the shortage is to establish a dedicated karas-making school.

“This could become an attractive tourism direction as well, showing visitors how karas are made, offering masterclasses, and at the same time supplying the industry with locally produced vessels,” Muradyan says.

While the focus on traditional methods like karas highlights Armenia’s rich winemaking heritage, there’s also growing attention on the impacts of vineyards on the surrounding environment. Muradyan says she doesn’t prefer the term “agroecology” as she doesn’t fully believe it’s possible to achieve a completely “pure” system in a polluted environment.

Still, she says, many wineries are beginning to move in that direction, introducing techniques to reduce environmental impact, such as minimizing waste, protecting soil health, and improving sustainability, though these are not yet widespread.

“Recently, we met with an international partner who proposed a project to map vineyards more precisely identifying where they are located, which grape varieties are planted, and what kinds of production environments exist around them,” Muradyan says. “The goal is to guide future investments toward the most suitable regions. Winemaking has a long history in Armenia, yet it requires tremendous work.”

As the sun sets over the mountains of Vayots Dzor, the vineyards fade into the rocky landscape. In a tiny country like Armenia, dialects shift from region to region just like its native grapes, each carrying the accent of its soil. Rooted in ancient traditions yet open to new challenges, these grapes preserve the memory of the land.

Banner image: Harvesters carry baskets full of grapes at an Armenian vineyard. Image courtesy of the Vine and Wine Foundation of Armenia.

Citation:

Barnard, H., Dooley, A. N., Areshian, G., Gasparyan, B., & Faull, K. F. (2011). Chemical evidence for wine production around 4000 BCE in the Late Chalcolithic Near Eastern highlands. Journal of Archaeological Science38(5), 977-984. doi:10.1016/j.jas.2010.11.012

Armenia Requested Extradition of Son of Armenian Oligarch Tsarukyan From Belar

Reformation
May 12 2026
Armenia’s Prosecutor General’s Office sent a request to Belarus’ Prosecutor General’s Office seeking the extradition of Nver Tsarukyan, the son of oligarch and Prosperous Armenia party leader Gagik Tsarukyan.

The request was sent on January 10, 2025. On November 14 of the same year, Armenia received a reply stating that the extradition request would be considered under the applicable international treaty after his location and detention on Belarusian territory, Armenpress reports, citing Armenia’s Prosecutor General’s Office.

Nver Tsarukyan is a defendant in a criminal case involving armed hooliganism at a casino in the town of Tsakhkadzor in October 2024. The younger Tsarukyan is charged with incitement to robbery, hooliganism involving the use of weapons, and illegal weapons possession.

In November 2024, Tsarukyan’s lawyer said that he had traveled to Belarus on a “business trip”.

The issue of Tsarukyan’s extradition from Belarus was raised today by Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan during an election rally. He promised to bring Nver back from Belarus and hold him accountable.

“There is one person in Armenia defending the president of Belarus because his son never fired a shot on the frontline, but fired shots in Kotayk Province and fled. We will bring him back and imprison him. Boy, you will not escape anywhere, your father will not save you, your uncle Robik will not save you either. … We will bring everyone to their knees and hold them accountable. Gagik Tsarukyan, we will drag your boy back from Belarus by the scruff of the neck and hold him accountable,” Pashinyan said emotionally, according to news.am.

In response, Gagik Tsarukyan called criticism directed at family members unacceptable. He said that his son would return to Armenia after June 7, when he would “finish his affairs” abroad.

Tsarukyan also described Aliaksandr Lukashenka as his friend and said that his personal relationship with him had helped resolve issues important to Armenia.

“Lukashenka is my friend, he is like family to me, and he was ready to help our country on any issue whenever it was needed,” Tsarukyan said, adding that friendship and state work should not be confused.

Tsarukyan has repeatedly described Lukashenka as his friend. The Belarusian Embassy in Armenia is located next to Tsarukyan’s mansion in the village of Arinj on the outskirts of Yerevan. In January 2024, Viktar Lukashenka visited Tsarukyan in his capacity as head of the Armenian Olympic Committee. In 2025, Armenian blogger Bella (Roza Babakhanyan), who had been detained in Belarus, was released with Tsarukyan’s assistance.

Turkish Press: Ani Bridge, shared heritage set for revival in Türkiye-Armenia

Daily Sabah, Turkey
May 13 2026

Amedieval bridge at the UNESCO-listed Ani ruins, spanning the Arpaçay River on the Türkiye-Armenia border, is set for joint restoration after Türkiye and Armenia agreed on a new cooperation protocol aimed at preserving the historic Silk Road structure.

A memorandum of understanding on the joint restoration of the Ani Bridge was signed on May 4 by Vice President Cevdet Yılmaz and Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, a move welcomed by local residents and historians.

The agreement was also signed under the coordination of Türkiye’s presidential special envoy, Ambassador Serdar Kılıç, and Armenia’s special representative Ruben Rubinyan.

Located within the Ani ruins, the Ani Bridge once served as a key crossing point on the historic Silk Road. One foot of the bridge lies in Türkiye and the other in Armenia, reflecting its unique cross-border position over the Arpaçay River.

Archaeologists estimate the structure was built in the 11th or 12th century during the medieval period. It was likely constructed as a two-level bridge and features a single pointed arch spanning approximately 30 meters (nearly 100 feet), considered a significant engineering achievement for its time. The structure collapsed during the 19th century amid regional conflict, leaving it partially destroyed on both sides of the border.

Muhammet Arslan, an associate professor at Kafkas University and head of excavations at Ani, said the site remains one of the most important archaeological areas for understanding medieval urban life in the region.

Arslan described Ani as “the starting point of Turkish-Islamic history in Anatolia,” noting that it contains some of the earliest examples of mosques, baths, cemeteries and marketplaces built during the Seljuk period.

He added that the Ani Bridge is a key surviving structure within the ancient city.

Because the original inscription on the bridge has not survived, its exact construction date remains uncertain, Arslan said. However, its architectural design dates to the 11th-12th centuries.

“Based on its plan and architecture, we can say it belongs to that period,” Arslan said. “It is a single-arched structure with a wide span over the Arpaçay River. For the Middle Ages, this represents a major architectural and engineering achievement.”

Arslan noted that the bridge was damaged during the 19th-century occupations and now stands in ruins on both sides of the international border.

He said the newly signed protocol represents a major step toward preservation.

“Under the protocol, the bridge will be jointly restored by both countries,” Arslan said. “This is a valuable development for protecting a world heritage site. It is also an important part of the normalization process between Türkiye and Armenia.”

He added that restoration plans are being prepared and that archaeological work around the bridge will be included in upcoming excavation programs. “The restoration will be completed in accordance with international conservation principles and returned to its original form,” he said.

Landmark Gorky Exhibit Extended at Armenian Museum

Watertown News
May 13 2026

The following announcement was provided by the Armenian Museum of America:

Due to overwhelming interest and positive reviews from prominent publications such as Boston Art Review and Artscope magazine, the Armenian Museum of America recently announce that “Arshile Gorky: Redrawing Community and Connections” has been extended to Sept. 27, 2026.

The show was highlighted as a top pick by the Boston Globe and by GBH Arts Editor Jared Bowen. 

This landmark exhibition was opened to coincide with the 100 Years of Arshile Gorky programming in the City of Watertown. Curated by Kim S. Theriault and sponsored by the JHM Charitable Foundation, the exhibition brings together works from private collectors and leading institutions including the Whitney Museum of American Art, the Housatonic Museum of Art, and Yale University Art Gallery.

“Gorky’s work demonstrates an aptitude for navigating the zeitgeist of his time; through synthesizing surrealist, abstract, and modernist frameworks, he formulates an approach that was increasingly his own. By tracing his artistic development alongside his personal history,

Redrawing Community and Connections situates Gorky as a progenitor of Abstract Expressionism,” writes Abigail Feliciano in Boston Art Review. “Comprising generous loans from the Armenian diaspora, the exhibition reinforces that Gorky’s work has been sustained not solely by institutions, but by individuals who chose to steward his place in art history.”

“Redrawing Community and Connections” explores how Gorky, who arrived in Watertown after surviving the Armenian Genocide, helped shape modern art in America while forging powerful connections rooted in resilience and belonging. “This exhibition presents a fresh lens on Gorky’s legacy, emphasizing the deep human connections that shaped his art and life,” notes Dr. Theriault.

“As the first Armenian museum to host an exhibition of Arshile Gorky’s work, we are honored to share this remarkable collection,” adds Museum President Michele M. Kolligian. “When we saw the response from our members and the art world, we made every effort to extend the exhibit so we can share this unique story with a wider audience. We are truly grateful to the lenders for supporting the extension of the show. We are proud to present these rarely seen works and to invite visitors to engage with Gorky’s story in a meaningful way.”