Armenian Church Leader Faces Trial as Government Pressure Escalates

Khondkarian Raffi
Aug 12, 2026

Armenian Church Leader Faces Trial as Government Pressure Escalates

August 12, 2026 | Armenia
August 12, 2026

The Armenian government’s confrontation with the Armenian Apostolic Church has reached an unprecedented point, with Catholicos of All Armenians Karekin II appearing in court on criminal charges last week while the newly elected parliament opened without the Catholicos for the first time since Armenia regained independence.

The developments have intensified concerns among religious freedom advocates that Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan’s government is increasingly interfering in the internal affairs of the country’s historic church.

On Aug. 7, Karekin II and six senior clerics appeared before a court in Vagharshapat in connection with allegations that they failed to comply with a civil court order involving a defrocked bishop. The hearing ended almost immediately after the presiding judge recused himself because of a prior professional connection to the Catholicos’s defense attorney. The case is expected to be reassigned to another judge.

According to Reuters, the defendants face up to two years in prison if convicted. The prosecution stems from the church’s decision to defrock Bishop Gevorg Saroyan after a civil court had ordered the church to allow him to continue serving as primate of the Masis Diocese.

The criminal case represents the most serious legal challenge yet to the leadership of the Armenian Apostolic Church. It comes after more than a year of increasingly open conflict between the church and Pashinyan’s government.

An Unprecedented Court Case

The dispute began in January, when Karekin II removed Saroyan from his position as diocesan primate. Saroyan subsequently challenged the decision in civil court, seeking reinstatement.

The court issued a preliminary injunction prohibiting the Armenian Apostolic Church from interfering with Saroyan’s exercise of his authority while the case was pending. Church authorities subsequently determined that Saroyan had violated ecclesiastical obligations and recommended that he be defrocked. Karekin II accepted the recommendation.

Prosecutors now argue that the defrocking amounted to obstruction of the court order.

The Armenian Bar Association has strongly criticized the prosecution, arguing that the underlying dispute concerns precisely the kind of internal religious matter in which civil courts should exercise restraint.

In an Aug. 7 statement, the organization said that decisions concerning “doctrine, ecclesiastical discipline, church governance, and the appointment or removal of clergy” are presumptively matters for religious communities rather than civil authorities. It called on prosecutors to reconsider the indictment against Karekin II and the six members of the Supreme Spiritual Council.

The organization also emphasized that respect for judicial authority and respect for religious autonomy are not inherently contradictory. Rather, it argued, the rule of law requires courts to recognize the limits of their authority when dealing with the internal governance of religious institutions.

Reuters reported that Armenian civil society groups have likewise raised concerns about the case. Anna Melikyan, a lawyer with Protection of Rights Without Borders, described the prosecution as “a clear interference of the executive power in church affairs” and said concerns about judicial independence become particularly serious in politically sensitive cases involving the church and clergy.

Catholicos Excluded from Parliament Opening

The court proceedings came days after another unprecedented development.

When Armenia’s newly elected National Assembly opened following the June parliamentary elections, Karekin II was not invited to address lawmakers.

The omission is particularly significant because the Catholicos has a formal role in the opening of a new parliament. Article 33 of Armenia’s Constitutional Law on the Rules of Procedure of the National Assembly states that the President of the Republic and the Catholicos of All Armenians “have a right to present a welcome speech” at the opening of the first session. The provision has been part of Armenia’s parliamentary procedure throughout the post-Soviet period.

The law does not require the Catholicos to speak, but it expressly establishes his right to do so. The decision not to invite Karekin II therefore marked a significant break with established practice and came amid an increasingly hostile relationship between the government and church leadership.

Opposition lawmakers condemned the decision, while the two opposition parliamentary blocs subsequently visited the Mother See of Holy Etchmiadzin to receive the Catholicos’s blessing.

The timing was notable. The newly elected parliament was formed after Pashinyan’s Civil Contract Party won a majority in the June 7 election, giving the prime minister another political mandate after years of controversy surrounding his government’s handling of the loss of Nagorno-Karabakh and its efforts to shift Armenia away from Russia and toward closer relations with the West.

From Political Dispute to Religious Freedom Concern

Pashinyan has repeatedly called for Karekin II to resign. The prime minister has also accused the Armenian Apostolic Church of serving as a vehicle for foreign influence, particularly Russian influence. However, Reuters reported that he has presented no evidence for those accusations. Karekin II and the church have denied the allegations.

In April, Pashinyan’s Civil Contract Party released an electoral platform calling for the removal of the Catholicos and proposing significant changes to the structure and governance of the Armenian Apostolic Church. The proposals included appointing an interim church leader, drafting a new church charter, and establishing new oversight mechanisms.

Critics warned that the proposals represented an attempt to use political authority to reshape an institution whose internal governance is supposed to remain independent of the state.

The Armenian Bar Association has now framed the issue in broader international human rights terms. Citing European human rights law, the organization argued that religious autonomy is an essential component of freedom of religion and that state interference in internal religious governance must satisfy strict legal requirements.

The World Council of Churches has also expressed concern. On Aug. 7, the WCC said it was deeply concerned about the situation and warned against “undue interference in inner church matters.” The organization emphasized the Armenian Apostolic Church’s historic and spiritual role in Armenian life and expressed support for the church and its members.

A Historic Institution Under Pressure

The Armenian Apostolic Church occupies a unique place in Armenian society. Armenia is traditionally recognized as the first nation to adopt Christianity as a state religion, and the church has played a central role in preserving Armenian religious, cultural and national identity through centuries of foreign domination.

The government maintains that it is defending the authority of Armenia’s courts and addressing legitimate concerns about the church’s political activity. Pashinyan’s supporters have portrayed the Catholicos and other senior clergy as political actors aligned with opposition forces and, in some cases, with Moscow.

Critics, however, argue that the government is using the courts and political institutions to exert control over a religious institution precisely because the church has become an influential source of opposition to the prime minister.

Reuters reported that opposition politicians, church leaders and civil society groups view the prosecution as politically motivated and part of a broader crackdown on government critics. The trial has therefore become a test not only of the relationship between Pashinyan and Karekin II, but of the boundaries between political authority and religious independence in Armenia.

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Doctors spanning the information gap to boost health literacy in Armenia

Torgomian Varazdat
Council of Europe
Aug 12, 2026

Doctors spanning the information gap to boost health literacy in Armenia

Council of Europe helps develop a more accessible and inclusive health system in the country

When Dr Mariam* fled her home and crossed the border into Armenia, she brought with her over a decade of medical experience. What neither the system nor her medical training had prepared her for was bridging the gap between her own experience of displacement and the expectations of a new healthcare environment, as well as between her patients’ needs and their ability to navigate the healthcare system.

Like many refugee healthcare professionals, Mariam found herself caught between two worlds: trained to practise medicine, but unfamiliar with a different system and unsure how to help patients facing a similar problem. She is far from alone. Across Europe, nearly half of the population – especially people in most vulnerable situations – struggle to find, understand, and use basic health information. This deficit widens inequalities and puts additional burden on healthcare systems and society.

What is health literacy?

This term describes the ability of individuals to find, understand, and use health information. But achieving that requires more fair, resilient, and rights-based health systems, because health literacy is often framed as a patients’ “problem” where people need to change and understand the system better. What if, however, institutions and the system itself are what needs to change?

The missing link in health literacy is communication

That shift in thinking is at the heart of a Council of Europe event that took place in Gyumri, Armenia. Mariam joined dozens of other healthcare professionals for an intensive workshop. The goal was not to learn more about medicine, but to better understand how to empower patients to participate in the decisions concerning their health, how to communicate the decisions taken, and thus reduce stigma and discrimination in the field of healthcare.

Through role-play,  guided debates and real-life scenarios, participants practised skills that rarely feature in standard medical training: how to make patients feel safe, respected, and understood from the moment they walk in; how to explain a diagnosis in an understandable way; how to support patients in making an informed decision about their own care; and how to ensure that services, including digital, are accessible to all, including people in vulnerable situations. This responds to the needs of everyone, including people in vulnerable situations, including migrants and refugees.

By supporting refugee medical professionals to become “bridges” between public institutions and displaced communities, the Council of Europe is ensuring that the right to health has substance for everyone.

A system that speaks people’s language

The results are beginning to show. Participants left not only with new tools, but with a different understanding of their role.

“We learned that health literacy is a two-way street,” says Mariam. “Institutions usually expect the public to understand them. But we are the ones who should help our patients understand the system. When patients leave the clinic truly understanding their care, they don’t just get healthier, they regain the trust in the system.”

Armenia, with the Council of Europe’s support, is working to strengthen the relationship between health institutions and the people they serve and to ensure that access to healthcare is not determined by where someone was born, what language they speak, or what their journey to Armenia looked like. The Council of Europe work in this area is guided by the European Social Charter and the Convention on human rights and biomedicine (Oviedo Convention), and builds on the Council of Europe Guide to health literacy and the Report Promoting health literacy and human rights to reduce stigma and discrimination.

As Secretary General Alain Berset highlighted on World Health Day 2026: “Through strengthening equitable access to care, promoting health literacy, and safeguarding human dignity, we reinforce the foundations of resilient, inclusive, and stable communities. Protecting health protects the democratic values that unite us.”

*Name changed for privacy reasons

The event was organised by the Council of Europe as part of its project “Protection of Human Rights in Biomedicine III”, implemented within the Council of Europe Action Plan for Armenia 2023-2026. The initiative is part of the Council of Europe’s €2.8 million comprehensive package launched in 2024 as a response to the refugee influx Armenia faced in 2023. Under this component of the project, 200 refugee healthcare professionals received accredited training on national and European human rights standards in biomedicine, aligned with the Oviedo Convention to enable them to pursue their professional activities in Armenia.


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In complex dispute, Armenian bishop faces criminal trial

Adrine Hakobian
Aug 12, 2026
Edgar Beltrán
Aug 12, 2026

The head of the Armenian Apostolic Church faced a courtroom last week, as Catholicos Karekin II faces obstruction of justice charges alongside five other Armenian bishops, as the latest in a long-running and complex dispute between Armenian Apostolic prelates and Armenia’s prime minister.

Catholicos Karekin II of the Armenian Apostolic Church. public domain.

Karekin II and six other Orthodox Armenian Church officials are accused of disobeying a court decision ordering the reinstatement of Bishop Gevorg Saroyan, an ally of Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, who was dismissed from his post and laicized by Karekin II after repeatedly calling for the Karekin’s ouster.

The trial is the high point of a conflict between the Armenian Apostolic Church and the Armenian government which began with Pashinyan’s election in 2018.

Five other Armenian bishops are standing trial alongside Karekin II — Archbishop Nathan Hovhannisyan, Archbishop Haykazun Najaryan, Bishop Vahan Hovhannesyan, Bishop Edgar Hakobyan, and Bishop Artur Hakobyan.

If found guilty, the bishops could face two years in prison.

Armenia, a country roughly the size of Maryland, has a population of around three million people. It is bordered by Turkey, Georgia, Azerbaijan, and Iran to the south. Around 95% of the population belongs to the Armenian Apostolic Church and 0.6% belong to the Catholic Church.

The Armenian Apostolic Church is one of the Oriental Orthodox Churches, a roughly 70 million-strong communion that also includes the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church and the Coptic Orthodox Church.

The Oriental Orthodox Churches diverged from the Chalcedonian tradition — represented today by the Catholic Church and Eastern Orthodox Churches — after the Council of Chalcedon in 451 A.D., largely because of differences over formulas used to define Christ’s nature.

Bishop Saroyan was among a group of 10 Armenian bishops who showed their support for a controversial 2025 “roadmap” introduced by Pashinyan to reform the Armenian Apostolic Church, which called for new statutes in the church, and a reform of governance, which he said was meant to ensure greater transparency . The roadmap also called for the election of a new ecclesiastical leader in place of Karekin II.

Support for that plan saw Saroyan dismissed from office by Karekin II in January.

When announcing his dismissal, the Church cited Saroyan’s “abuse of office, failure to fulfil the duties incumbent upon the primate, as well as instances of coercion and pressure exercised against the clergy of the diocese.”

But a court in Armenia ordered the Church to reinstate Saroyan the same month. Karekin II responded by laicizing Saroyan.

Prosecutors then opened a criminal case against Karekin II on Feb. 14 and barred him from leaving the country, accusing him of obstructing the court order.

Pashinyan, who has served as prime minister since 2018, posted a video in early January in which he read aloud a statement setting out his “roadmap” for the reform of the Armenian Apostolic Church.

The video showed eight Armenian Orthodox bishops signing the document at Pashinyan’s residence. Two others, who were not present, also endorsed it.

On Jan. 6 — Christmas Day in Armenia — Pashinyan called for a procession in support of reform from St. Gregory the Illuminator Cathedral to the Katoghike Holy Mother of God Church in the capital, Yerevan.

In a fiery address to participants, he said: “Today, the de facto head of our Church and his upper circle — the narrow group he has formed — are operating with a sectarian mindset, which means that we must liberate the Armenian Apostolic Holy Church from schism and return it to the people.”

One of the 10 signatories of the reform roadmap text was Bishop Gevork Saroyan, head of the Diocese of Masyatsotn. On Jan. 10, Karekin II removed Saroyan from his post, citing abuse of office.

Karekin II’s legal representative described the move as “direct interference in the internal affairs of the Church.”

The root of the conflict is a dispute about the role of the Church in Armenian public affairs, with Pashinyan accusing Karekin II of having problematic foreign ties, and Karekin suggesting the prime minister is responsible for war losses in the country’s long-simmering conflict with neighboring Azerbaijan.

In December 2025, Pashinyan accused Karekin II of having ties to “foreign intelligence services,” through his brother, who is also an Armenian bishop serving in Russia.

In June 2025, Pashinyan also accused Karekin II of fathering a daughter, saying that “If it turns out that Karekin II has indeed broken his vow of celibacy and has a child, he cannot remain the Catholicos of All Armenians.”

Pashinyan then said that the Armenian government “must have a decisive voice in the election of the Catholicos of All Armenians” and that candidates “must undergo an integrity check.”

On May 30, Pashinyan’s then-pararmour, Anna Hakobyan, called the country’s clergy “the country’s chief pedophiles” and “the country’s chief maniacal perverts.”

Pashinyan’s hostility after the Armenian Church has grown after several senior officials, including Karekin II himself have asked for his resignation and issued critical pastoral letters against him.

In 2024, Archbishop Bagrat Galstanyan launched a campaign of civil disobedience called the Holy Struggle, including a large rally in the country’s capital on May 9, 2024 with Karekin II’s support. While Galstanyan said the movement was not political, calls for Pashinyan’s resignation brought together various opposition groups.

The Church issued strong criticisms of the government and called for Pashinyan’s resignation after the 2020 war in Nagorno-Karabakh, a region disputed between Azerbaijan and Armenia. After another major offensive in 2023, Azerbaijan took control of the region and displaced hundreds of thousands of ethnic Armenians, prompting Karekin II to call for Pashinyan’s resignation once again.

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The trial of Orthodox Church’s head will undoubtedly raise diplomatic and ecumenical flags within the Vatican, even if Catholics represent a tiny percentage of the Armenian population. The Holy See certainly has diplomatic interests in the region though, especially in neighboring Azerbaijan.

The Vatican has been criticized for its ties to the Azeri regime, which is accused by human rights organizations of ethnically-based persecution of Armenian Christians in the Nagorno Karabakh region.

Azerbaijan signed agreements in September with the Bambino Gesù Children’s Hospital and the Vatican Apostolic Library and Apostolic Archives, alarming critics who accuse the Azeri regime of human rights abuses against the Armenian minority and of practicing “caviar diplomacy” by using its cultural and economic power to shape Vatican policy in the South Caucasus region.

In April 2025, the Azeri regime held a conference at the Pontifical Gregorian University, prompting widespread backlash.

The conference was entitled “Christianity in Azerbaijan: History and Modernity.” But Armenian activists and Church leaders called the event part of a broader campaign to erase Armenian Christian heritage from disputed territories.

Promotional materials for the conference included distinctly Azeri reads on West Asian history, including a display of the medieval Armenian monastery of Dadivank, with the claim that it belonged to the “Caucasian Albanian” culture, an Azeri government claim widely disputed by historians.

“This has no basis in reality. They say these are Caucasian Albanian churches, but Caucasian Albanians disappeared in the 8th century,” Orthodox Archbishop Vicken Aykazian, ecumenical director of the Eastern Diocese of the Armenian Apostolic Church of America, told The Pillar back in April 2025.

Despite these controversies, the conference received a letter of congratulations from Cardinal Claudio Gugerotti, prefect of the Dicastery for the Eastern Churches.

Months before the 2020 offensive in Nagorno-Karabakh, Azerbaijan’s First Lady Mehriban Aliyeva was awarded the Order of Pope Pius IX at the Vatican.

Ilqar Mukhtarov, Azerbaijan’s ambassador to the Holy See, received the same distinction on April 3, 2025.

The Heydar Aliyev Foundation lists the Vatican Apostolic Library and the Vatican Museums among its partners and several restoration projects that it is supporting at the Vatican.

The list includes the Roman Catacombs of Marcellinus and Peter, the Catacombs of Commodilla, and the Catacombs of San Sebastiano, the restoration of a statue of Zeus in the Vatican Museums, the restoration and translation of more than 3,000 books and 75 manuscripts in the Vatican Apostolic Library, the restoration of a bas-relief with the encounter between Pope Leo the Great and Attila the Hun in St. Peter’s Basilica, and the restoration of the Basilica of St. Paul Outside the Walls.

According to Italian outlet Irpi Media, the donations amounted to 640,000 euros (around $730,000). But an Azeri official said publicly in 2020 that the figure was “over 1 million euros.” Many of the restoration works came after 2020, suggesting the actual sum could be even higher.

One of the largest restoration projects was unveiled in 2024, when the Vatican City State Governorate announced an agreement between the Basilica of St. Paul Outside the Walls and the Heydar Aliyev Foundation.

Observers suggest links between the Vatican and the former Soviet republic were strengthened thanks to Cardinal Claudio Gugerotti, who is now prefect of the Dicastery for Eastern Churches and was the apostolic nuncio to Azerbaijan, Armenia, and Georgia from 2001 to 2011.

During Gugerotti’s service as nuncio, Azeri authorities signed a bilateral agreement with the Holy See in 2011, appointing an ambassador the same year, and began to have frequent meetings, both in Azerbaijan and the Vatican, with Holy See officials, among them then-Secretary of State, Cardinal Tarcisio Bertone, and Cardinal Gianfranco Ravasi, the then-president of the Pontifical Council for Culture.

According to Irpi Media, Ravasi is another central figure connecting Azerbaijan and the Vatican.

Ravasi opened the doors to Azeri-funded restoration projects in the Vatican with a 2012 agreement to restore Roman catacombs, as well as another to translate and restore manuscripts in the Apostolic Library.

https://www.pillarcatholic.com/p/in-complex-dispute-armenian-bishop

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Armenia, Azerbaijan, and US hold meeting in Washington to commemorate 2025 sum

Kajoyan Gevork
OC Media
Aug 12, 2026
by Ani Ghulinyan

12 August 2026 (Updated:  1 day ago)•1 min read

Marking the first anniversary of the Washington summit, senior diplomats from Armenia, Azerbaijan, and the US met in Washington.

The meeting was attended by Armenia’s acting Deputy Foreign Minister Vahan Kostanyan, Deputy Azerbaijani Foreign Minister Elnur Mammadov, and US Undersecretary of State for Political Affairs Allison Hooker.

Kostanyan praised President Donald Trump’s role in convening the August 2025 summit and in advancing peace between the two countries since, according to an Armenian readout.  During the meeting, the diplomats exchanged views on the positive developments achieved until now, regional infrastructure projects, and confidence-building measures. They also emphasised the importance of addressing existing humanitarian issues.

The meeting comes one year after Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan and Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev met at the White House alongside Trump. There, they initialed, but did not sign, their long-negotiated peace treaty and agreed on the Trump Route, a large infrastructure project that would connect Azerbaijan to its exclave of Nakhchivan through Armenia’s Syunik province. Washington has positioned itself as the chief broker of the deal and presented the summit as a breakthrough after years of on-and-off talks following the 2020 and 2023 wars between Armenia and Azerbaijan.

Over the past year, Yerevan and Baku held further talks to finalise and sign the peace treaty, alongside committing to steps on border delimitation, reopening regional transit links, and other confidence-building measures.

Earlier during the week, US Secretary of State Marco Rubio marked the anniversary by highlighting progress made on the Trump Route. The US, Armenia, and Azerbaijan shared a joint statement to mark the anniversary.

However, several disputed issues are still unresolved, including humanitarian matters and Azerbaijan’s demand that Armenia amend its constitution to remove language that Baku sees as a territorial claim.

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Armenian Nuclear Power Plant must be closed sooner or later – Aliyev

Nahapetian Zhanna
Aysor, Armenia
Aug 12, 2026

Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev said that Azerbaijani specialists have already conducted an analysis in Armenia as part of the TRIPP project and identified locations where power transmission lines could be installed, Azerbaijani media reports.

According to Aliyev, Baku expects the Armenian side not to delay resolving the issue, as an additional source of electricity may be needed, primarily by Armenia itself.

Aliyev noted that the nuclear power plant currently remains Armenia’s main source of energy, claiming that its management is not in the hands of the Armenian side.

He described the nuclear power plant as “outdated” and a “potential threat to the entire region,” although IAEA specialists reportedly stated during their recent visit that the plant’s operation poses no threat.

“Azerbaijan and Turkey have repeatedly expressed their concern about this issue at various international platforms.

Extending the lifespan of that plant cannot be an endless process; it must be closed sooner or later. In that case, Armenia may face a serious energy crisis, so the presence of an additional source of energy supply would be beneficial for Armenia,” Aliyev said.

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With Russian Gas Prices at Risk, Armenia Eyes Iran and Azerbaijan as Backup Su

Hagop Kamalian
Ukraine – Aug 12, 2026
JournalistShostal Oleksandr

Armenia seeks gas alternatives

Armenia Looks Beyond Russia for Gas Imports

According to UATV: Armenia is considering Iran and Azerbaijan as alternative gas suppliers, seeking protection in case the price of Russian gas increases. Sarkis Khhandanyan, a lawmaker from the ruling Civil Contract party, said Yerevan is reviewing these options amid possible changes to the cost of Russian gas. Energy security has long been a sensitive issue in Armenia, and the latest discussions highlight growing concern about reliance on a single supplier.

The situation is complicated by Moscow’s warning that it could suspend or abrogate the gas supply agreement if Armenia continues its EU accession process. That threat adds fresh pressure on the country’s energy security, as dependence on one dominant source leaves little room to absorb sudden changes in terms.

Why Diversifying Gas Suppliers Matters

With sanctions on Russia being tightened, two sanctioned oil tankers from the country’s shadow fleet were seized in January 2023. The episode underscores the need for Armenia to explore alternative energy routes and ensure its power sector remains stable and secure.

A wider set of gas suppliers would greatly improve Armenia’s energy security at a time when traditional partners appear less predictable due to geopolitical shifts. Bringing Iran and Azerbaijan into the mix could reduce the economic risks tied to Russian gas dependence. Such a move would also mirror broader changes in regional energy policy, as countries across the area look for more stable and durable solutions to their energy needs.

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Joint Statement of the US, Armenia and Azerbaijan on the One-Year Anniversary

Emil Lazarian
Commonspace.eu
Aug 11, 2026
11 August 2026

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Brazen daytime attack on blogger raises concerns about safety in Yerevan

Ani Tigranian
OC Media
Aug 12, 2026
by Ani Ghulinyan

12 August 2026•3 min read

Armenian police have launched a criminal case against a 39-year-old man for attacking a blogger in broad daylight in a crowded area near Yerevan’s Sasuntsi Davit train station. The incident raised concerns among the public that crime rates were on the rise in Armenia, despite official statistics and international ratings indicating Yerevan remains one of the safest capitals in the world.

On 3 August, blogger Nare Hovsepyan posted a video showing her injuries shortly after the attack. While her video had around half a million views on Instagram and raised concerns about safety in Yerevan, Armenia’s official statistics do not show an increase in crime rates. Instead, police statistics show a rise in detentions for crimes such as drug and weapons offences. However, the Interior Ministry claims that overall crime fell in 2025, and international rankings rate Yerevan among the safest capitals in the world in 2024.

The attack on Hovsepyan is not the only high-profile case over the summer. In August, a 30-year-old man was stabbed downtown Yerevan and taken to hospital in critical condition. In June, a 27-year-old victim died after being stabbed in Yerevan’s Shengavit district. In July, again in Yerevan, three people were hospitalised with cuts and puncture wounds to the chest after a stabbing. Earlier, in February 2026, one was killed, and six were injured in a killing in a residential area in Yerevan’s Ajapnyak district, which attracted the most attention. Taken together, these incidents have led to an increase in public concern about street-level crime among individuals in Yerevan.

In July, the Patrol Service released a statement showing that during the first half of 2026, they uncovered 2,288 crimes. Detections of drug trafficking rose by 80 cases compared to last year, reaching 1,300. The detection of illegal firearms and ammunition increased by 35 cases, reaching 132, while the detection of bladed and blunt weapons increased by 19.9%. The statement also broke down police efforts that uncovered cases of physical assault, hooliganism, theft, bodily harm and vehicle theft.

Although the Interior Ministry did not comment on the recent incidents, the rising crime figures are not new, and officials have offered explanations for it before.

In 2024, then-Interior Minister Vahe Ghazaryan told parliament that the police had stopped concealing crimes, which he said was one reason why crime rates appeared to be on the rise. He also pointed to court practices, such as detained suspects not being formally charged and recidivism from criminals who had been released, as well as amnesties. Ghazaryan noted that data showed criminals who received amnesties often committed new crimes.

Despite these figures, Armenia ranked as the seventh safest country in the world out of 146 countries by NUMBEO, according to the analytics platform’s Crime Rate and Safety Index by Country report. Yerevan was ranked the fifteenth safest city out of 329 globally. Armenia and Yerevan were also rated the safest country and city, respectively, among all Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS)  states. Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan referenced these rankings in a January 2024 meeting with police officials.

Around a week before that, Armenia’s Interior Ministry reported that crime declined in 2025, with the total number of recorded crimes falling by about 3.2% compared to 2024. Crimes against people dropped by roughly 23%, while property crimes fell by close to 14%. Both of these drops were said to be the result of sustained law enforcement work. Alongside this drop in overall crime, the detection and clearance rate increased by almost 7%, indicating that the police were not only dealing with fewer crimes, but also solving a greater proportion of those that occurred.

Interior Minister Arpine Sargsyan pointed to the drop in crimes against people as an especially encouraging sign, while also stressing that illegal weapons possession should remain a priority for the police. She has also noted that the ministry updated its methodology for counting crimes, shifting from counting by the date the crime was registered to the date they occurred instead. This technical change affects how raw year-on-year figures are compared, though officials say it does not change the overall trend of decline.

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Armenian Nuclear Power Plant has a lifespan until 2036: MP Yeghoyan responds t

Kalantarian Kevo
ARKA, Armenia
Aug 12, 2026
12.08.2026, 16:51

The Armenian Nuclear Power Plant has a set lifespan, and neither the Armenian government, nor the Azerbaijani government, nor any other government in the world determines it, stated Arman Yeghoyan, an MP of the ruling Civil Contract party.

YEREVAN, August 12. /ARКА/. The Armenian Nuclear Power Plant has a set lifespan, and neither the Armenian government, nor the Azerbaijani government, nor any other government in the world determines it, stated Arman Yeghoyan, an MP of the ruling Civil Contract party.

“There is a maximum permissible lifespan for a nuclear power plant, and that lifespan is 2036, no matter what anyone says,” Yeghoyan told reporters, commenting on the Azerbaijani President’s remarks that the Armenian Nuclear Power Plant “must be shut down sooner or later.”

The MP also recalled the Armenian government’s plans to build a new nuclear power plant and noted that the country is negotiating with a number of international partners to this end.

He emphasized that a provision regarding the nuclear power plant is also contained in the Armenia-EU agreement signed in 2017.

Speaking about energy imports to Armenia, as well as the import and export of electricity, Yeghoyan noted that the more open roads and opportunities there are, the more profitable it will be for the country. “But this has nothing to do with the nuclear power plant issue,” he emphasized.

The Armenian Nuclear Power Plant is the only nuclear power plant in the South Caucasus region. It is located near the town of Metsamor, approximately 30 km west of Yerevan. The plant is one of the country’s key sources of electricity, providing up to 40% of its total generation.

The service life of the existing second power unit of the Metsamor Nuclear Power Plant was previously extended until 2026. A program for a further 10-year extension, until 2036, is currently underway. The work is being carried out with the participation of Rusatom Service (a division of Russian Rosatom Corporation).

Armenian authorities plan to build a new nuclear power plant within 8-10 years. Various options and the experience of partners from the United States, France, China, Russia, and South Korea are currently being explored.

A preliminary feasibility study for the construction of a new 1,200 MW unit, developed by the Rosatom state corporation, is already under review by the Armenian side.

Earlier, Rosatom First Deputy Director General Kirill Komarov, responding to a question from the ARKA news agency, stated that the corporation could offer Armenia nuclear reactors with capacities ranging from 50 to 1,000 MW. He added that it is possible, in particular, to assemble a reactor of any capacity from 50 MW units. -0-

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Azerbaijan’s president says his country could supply electricity to Armenia

Emil Lazarian
Arab News, Pakistan Edition
Aug 12, 2026
Updated 12 August 2026
Reuters
August 12, 202618:16
  • Armenia and ‌Azerbaijan ⁠have been moving toward ⁠normalizing relations after decades of conflict
  • “Today their (Armenians’) primary energy source is a nuclear power plant,” Aliyev said

BAKU: Azerbaijan’s ‌President Ilham Aliyev has said his country could supply electricity to neighboring Armenia, saying Yerevan will not be able to extend the life of its aging Metsamor nuclear power plant indefinitely.
There was no immediate comment from the Armenian government on Aliyev’s proposal or on whether Yerevan ‌would consider importing electricity ‌from Azerbaijan.
Armenia and ‌Azerbaijan ⁠have been moving toward ⁠normalizing relations after decades of conflict, opening the possibility of new transport and energy links between the two countries.
Long heavily dependent on Russia and Iran for its ⁠energy supplies, Armenia is now reviewing ‌proposals from ‌US, Russian, Chinese, French and South Korean ‌companies to construct a new nuclear ‌reactor to replace the Soviet-era Metsamor nuclear power plant.
Aliyev said in an interview with Azerbaijani state television that Azerbaijani specialists ‌had carried out preliminary surveys of Armenian territory and identified possible locations ⁠for ⁠electricity transmission pylons, part of a plan to connect Azerbaijan’s power grid with its Nakhchivan exclave via Armenia.
“Today their (Armenians’) primary energy source is a nuclear power plant,” Aliyev said. “If this source is closed, Armenia could face a major energy crisis,” he said, saying that an additional source of electricity would be in Yerevan’s own interests.

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