Another batch of grain is being transported from Russia to Armenia through the territory of Azerbaijan.
According to Azerbaijani mass media, 20 railway wagons loaded with wheat left Biljajar station.
On August 6, 979 tons of wheat were delivered to Armenia from Russia through the territory of Azerbaijan.
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On August 13, RA NA Speaker Ruben Rubinyan received Alexandra Cole, Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland to the Republic of Armenia.
The ambassador congratulated Ruben Rubinyan on his election to the post of the RA National Assembly Speaker.
During the meeting, the parties noted with satisfaction that relations between Armenia and the United Kingdom have made significant progress in recent years and are developing within the framework of strategic partnership. In this context, the importance of the joint declaration on strategic partnership was addressed, as well as the support and role of the United Kingdom in the development of democratic reforms, the peace process and bilateral relations.
Issues related to regional developments were also discussed.
The further deepening and expansion of cooperation between Armenia and the United Kingdom in political, economic and other directions, as well as the continuous development of inter-parliamentary cooperation, were highlighted.
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The facade of the Holy Resurrection Church in occupied Hadrut, Artsakh
Posts on Azerbaijani social media suggest that the Holy Resurrection Armenian Church, built in 1621 in what is now occupied Hadrut in Artsakh, has been desecrated.
Alen Ghulyan, an activist, posted videos on Facebook and wrote an explanation.
“The video clearly shows that the walls of the temple are covered with inscriptions and distorted, and the cross on the dome has been destroyed. The cross was demolished after 2022. In the footage from the period when, after the occupation of Hadrut, the Azerbaijani regime declared the temple as allegedly ‘[Caucasian] Albanian’ and sent representatives of the so-called ‘[Caucasian] Albanian-Utian Christian community’ there to conduct demonstrative pseudo-religious rituals, the cross was still on the dome,” Ghulyan explained in the post.
Since the published video does not contain footage shot in the church yard, it is not possible to determine the condition of the ancient tombstones located just a few feet from the entrance to the temple, the activist said.
“Let me recall that in December 2023, the Azerbaijani regime announced plans to [Caucasian] Albanianize the Surb Harutyun [Holy Resurrection] Armenian church, as well as announced it will conducting archaeological excavations there and createa museum of ‘[Caucasian] Albanian’ culture,” Ghulyan added.
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Artsakh Cultural Heritage Ombudsman and Vice President of the National Historical-Cultural NGO Hovik Avanesov has sounded the alarm on how Azerbaijanis are praising the destruction of the main cathedral in occupied Stepanakert as a “victory.”
“A photograph recently circulated on Azerbaijani social media, taken on the grounds of Stepanakert’s Cathedral of the Holy Mother of God. Particularly painful is the fact that the Azerbaijani woman who posted the photograph had also visited the same site in 2025, when the cathedral was still standing. Thus, the new photograph documents not only the destruction that has taken place, but also provides a clear indication of the attitude that has developed toward Armenian cultural and religious heritage,” Avanesov said.
Satellite monitoring data confirms that the cathedral was destroyed sometime between March 3 and April 2, 2026. In recent months, the Office of the Artsakh Cultural Heritage Ombudsman, as well as other organizations and experts specializing in cultural heritage protection and satellite monitoring, have repeatedly raised alarms over the cathedral’s destruction.
“Yet one of the most telling—and at the same time most painful—aspects of this episode is the caption accompanying the photograph: ‘gorbagor oldu,’ meaning ‘disappeared’ or ‘was destroyed.’ The destruction of an Armenian church is presented not as a cause for grief or concern, but as a source of pride and satisfaction,” Avanesov added.
He said that this phenomenon cannot be viewed merely as the behavior of one individual or an isolated social media user; it is an _expression_ of a deeper and systemic problem.
“When the destruction of a church is accompanied by public expressions of joy and pride, it demonstrates that the cultivation of anti-Armenian sentiment and hostility toward Armenian cultural heritage in Azerbaijan is systemic in nature,” Avanesov pointed out.
“Actions targeting Armenian cultural heritage in Artsakh have long ceased to be merely a matter concerning the fate of individual monuments. What is at stake is a systematic policy aimed at erasing the Armenian presence, under which churches, monasteries, cemeteries, khachkars, monuments, entire settlements, historic neighborhoods, and other cultural sites are either destroyed or subjected to alterations and reinterpretations designed to deny their Armenian identity,” the cultural heritage defender said.
The destruction of the Mother Cathedral is particularly symbolic because it has taken place under circumstances in which the international community, international organizations, and cultural heritage protection bodies are aware of the dangers facing Artsakh’s Armenian heritage. For years, documents, expert reports, photographs, and satellite evidence have been published, yet these records have often not been followed by practical and preventive measures.
The current response of international organizations is clearly not commensurate with the scale of the threat. Statements, expressions of concern, and appeals following each new act of destruction cannot substitute for meaningful action. If the international community limits itself to documenting destruction after it has already occurred, that is not the protection of heritage—it is merely the retrospective recording of its destruction.
“It is equally unacceptable that professional organizations are forced to use satellite imagery to uncover the destruction of monuments, while competent international bodies remain unable to establish effective mechanisms for continuous monitoring, independent expert assessment, fact-finding missions, and accountability,” Avanesov emphasized.
Saving Artsakh’s cultural heritage requires not another round of ceremonial statements, but concrete measures. Avanesov is calling for the establishment of international monitoring mechanisms; the involvement of independent experts; the systematic collection and publication of satellite data; the legal documentation of every act of destruction; the identification of those responsible; and the implementation of mechanisms for international legal and political accountability.
The destruction of Stepanakert’s Cathedral of the Holy Mother of God must serve as yet another serious warning to the international community, he added.
“If an Armenian church can be destroyed today and that act presented as a ‘victory’—and, moreover, celebrated with pride—this is not a new phenomenon. It was the same logic under which Azerbaijan’s authorities glorified Ramil Safarov, who axed to death sleeping Armenian officer Gurgen Margaryan, and responded similarly in the case of the beheading of Kyaram Sloyan. The continuation of this logic means that yet another monument of Artsakh’s Armenian heritage may be placed in danger tomorrow,” Avanesov said referring to past instances when Azerbaijanis barbarically have killed Armenians and were later glorified as heroes by official Baku.
“Cultural genocide begins precisely when the destruction of a monument is no longer perceived as a crime and is instead transformed into a symbol of victory. And international inaction, regardless of the political or other reasons invoked to justify it, effectively creates an environment of impunity,” Avanesov warned.
“The destruction of Stepanakert’s Mother Cathedral must not only be documented; it must become a matter of the international legal and political agenda. Silence, delayed responses, and vague statements are no longer sufficient. To save Artsakh’s Armenian cultural heritage—which represents a universal human value—immediate, systematic, and measurable action is required, while the surviving monuments can still be saved,” he emphasized.
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The historic Karasun Manuk Armenian Church in the İskenderun district of Turkey’s southern Hatay province is undergoing restoration after sustaining significant damage in the devastating earthquake of February 6, 2023, Ermenihaber.am reported.
Built in 1876, the church has a history spanning nearly 150 years. The earthquake caused extensive damage to the church, including the destruction of part of the altar.
According to Yusuf Tabash, chairman of the board of the Karasun Manuk Armenian Church Foundation, the restoration works will be carried out with 5 million Turkish liras ($105,000) in state funding.
Tabash said the church will be completely closed for religious services by the end of this week as restoration work gets underway.
The project will include repairs to the roof and floor, as well as drainage improvements. The altars will be reconstructed, while necessary work will be carried out to restore the appearance of damaged sections of the walls.
The buildings adjacent to the church, including shops that provide a source of income for the church, will also be restored.
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President Ilham Aliyev of Azerbaijan speaks to an AzTV reporter in Nakhichevan on Aug. 12
Says Armenia ‘Capitulated’ and ‘Surendered’
President Ilham Aliyev of Azerbaijan on Wednesday outlined his vision for the proposed Trump Route that would run through Armenia’s Syunik Province, asserting that route is far more than a transport road, but an opportunity for Azerbaijan to exert its presence within Armenia—essentially signaling a takeover of the road, by calling it “East Zangezur.”
But first, Aliyev said that by signing the November 9, 2020 agreement, which ended the Artsakh War, Armenia capitulated.
“Following the conclusion of the Second Karabakh War, a trilateral statement was signed by the President of Azerbaijan, the President of Russia, and the Prime Minister of Armenia. In fact, this was an act of capitulation by Armenia, because Armenia surrendered,” Aliyev said in an interview with Azerbaijani television from Nakhichevan.
“At that time, the Aghdam, Kalbajar, and Lachin districts, which were still under occupation—we had not yet liberated those territories through military means—were returned to us without a single shot being fired,” Aliyev added.
“Naturally, Armenia did not do this voluntarily; we compelled them to do so. If, under wartime conditions, you compel the other side to take such a step, it means that the other side has capitulated,” the Azerbaijani leader emphasized.
Aliyev told the AzTV reporter that the Trump Route for International Peace and Prosperity is not merely a transport road, but rather he envisions it as an “energy corridor.”
The project implies the construction of not only a railway or highway, Aliyev said. “Fiber-optic cables, power lines, and in the future, if needed, oil and gas pipelines can also pass through here. Because the more alternatives there are, the better it is for everyone,” he added.
“As for Armenia, I would like to reiterate that the sooner the energy corridor is established in Armenia, the better it will be for TRIPP and the entire region,” he said.
“In other words, if we undertake this project, it would take no more than six months. However, Armenia must, of course, do this itself. Therefore, I believe this issue should be clarified shortly. This will be an integral part of the Zangezur corridor, of TRIPP,” he said.
“When we put forward the idea and initiative for the Zangezur corridor, first and foremost, we had the transport component in mind. But today, we view it in a broader context. For instance, our project to construct power transmission lines from the main part of Azerbaijan to Nakhchivan through the territory of Armenia is ready,” Aliyev told AzTV.
Azerbaijan has built a large substation in the liberated Jabrayil district, whose main function is not domestic supply but the transmission of large volumes of energy, he said.
“It is ready and was constructed specifically for the Zangezur energy corridor. As a result of the analysis conducted by our specialists in Armenia, the exact locations have even been identified for the installation of power transmission towers. I hope the Armenian side will not delay this matter either. Because, first of all, they themselves may need it,” he added.
He argued that the primary source of energy for Armenia is the Metsamor Nuclear Power plant, which he said Armenia does not control, presumably referring to its management by a Russian company.
“This plant is outdated and poses a threat to the entire region. Azerbaijan and Turkey have repeatedly expressed their concerns regarding this issue on various international platforms. The lifespan of that plant cannot be extended indefinitely; it will have to be shut down sooner or later,” Aliyev said.
“Naturally, if it is shut down, Armenia will plunge entirely into an energy crisis. Therefore, as they say, having an additional source of energy can only be beneficial.”
There have been no reports from the Armenian government that Azerbaijani “specialists” conducted analysis in Armenia to advance Aliyev’s agenda. Certainly, Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan and his government must address this matter.
Aliyev also said that the plan for the so-called “Zangezur Corridor” was engrained in the Nov. 9, 2020 agreement and blamed Armenia for delaying it and Russia for not effectively managing the process. He said, however, all that changed when he and Pashinyan met with President Donald Trump in Washington last year and signed the TRIPP agreement.
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A road connecting Iran to Armenia via the Syunik Province
Contrary to the claims by, Iran has not reached any preliminary agreement with Armenia on the Trump Route for International Peace and Prosperity project, which Tehran opposes and has conveyed its concerns to Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan and other Armenian leaders.
Major General Yahya Rahim Safavi, an Iranian military commander, stated this, as he commented on the situation around the TRIPP project and the respective talks with Armenia, the Sepah Pasdaran Telegram channel reports.
“There is neither real understanding nor common ground on this issue. We [i.e. Iran] have openly and clearly brought our red lines to Armenia’s attention. Therefore, the statement of the Armenian parliament member does not correspond to reality,” Major General Yahya Rahim Safavi, a former commander of Iran’s powerful Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, said in a post on the Telegram social media platform.
“On the other hand, if we are against the U.S. presence in the Persian Gulf, then why should we support their presence in the South Caucasus? We view the region and the security of our borders as a whole. Therefore, this project—in its current format—poses a threat to Iran,” Safavi added.
The major general is currently a military adviser to the top military aide and senior advisor to the Commander-in-Chief of Iran’s Armed Forces.
“We continue negotiations with Armenia. However, if the responsibility for security there is placed on the American armed forces, Iran reserves the right to retaliate and take appropriate steps,” Safavi said.
“It would be better if the Armenian border guards independently monitored the Iranian-Armenian border and the routes passing through it,” the Iranian military leader said.
As recently as last month and in a clear reference to the United States and TRIPP, President Massoud Pezeshkian of Iran warned Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan that “extra-regional” powers must not be allowed to interfere in Iran-Armenia relations. Pashinyan reportedly assured him that Yerevan “will not participate in any plan, project or action that is against the interests and security of Iran.”
“Friendly relations between Iran and Armenia should be developed independently of the influence of foreign actors and based on the common will of the two countries,” Pezeshkian told Pashinyan, who was in Tehran on July 3 to attend the funeral ceremony of Iran’s late Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei.
“Experience has shown that the presence and interventions of extra-regional powers have not only not helped resolve regional issues but in many cases have complicated challenges and caused instability,” Pezeshkian added.
A few days later, on July 8, Iran’s Ambassador to Armenia, Khalil Shirgolami, said that Tehran wants clarity from Yerevan on what it called “legitimate concerns” voiced about TRIPP.
At the time Shirgolami said that the agenda for Armenia-Iran relations should include risk management and overcoming challenges arising from the possible implementation of the TRIPP project.
The Iranian diplomat added that after the signing of a memorandum between Iran and the US, Washington has repeatedly violated its provisions.
“Therefore, Iran’s concern about the presence of Americans near its borders is completely legitimate and logical, and a clear response should follow,” added Shirgholami.
The ambassador said that the Armenian government has assured that the implementation of the TRIPP project does not pose any threat or challenge to Iran due to the presence of Americans.
“It is necessary to develop mechanisms, within the framework of which the government of Armenia will be able to realize the full potential of unblocking, but at the same time, a clear response must be given to the presence of the Americans and the possible risks and threats for Iran,” Shirgholami added.
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Former National Security chief Armen Grigoryan (right) meets with Hikmet Hajiyev in Dilijan in June
Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan announced on Thursday that he is replacing Armenia’s long time National Security chief Armen Grigoryan and is appointing the controversial former Parliament speaker Alen Simonyan, who in the past has insulted Artsakh Armenians and has criticized Armenia’s allies.
“It’s not that I’m dissatisfied with Armen Grigoryan’s work,” Pashinyan told journalists after the cabinet meeting, where he announced Simonyan’s appointment. “But it’s not that I’m so satisfied with my own work that I consider it perfect. I think such decisions are normal in politics.”
Pashinyan also announced that he had offered Grigoryan another position on his staff. He did not specify the position but said that Grigoryan had turned it down.
During the past eight years of his tenure, and especially after 2021, Grigoryan was actively involved in the processes of Armenian-Azerbaijani relations and the peaceful settlement of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict.
Not long ago, in 2022, Grigoryan tried to advance issues related to the security and rights of Armenians living in Artsakh during talks with with his Azerbaijani counterpart, Hikmet Hajiyev, a chief advisor to President Ilham Aliyev of Azerbaijan.
“There was an agreement between me and the assistant to the Azerbaijani president to create an international mechanism for Nagorno-Karabakh and Azerbaijan to discuss the rights and security of the Armenians of Nagorno-Karabakh,” Grigoryan had stated.
However, Baku never agreed to any international mechanism, and a year later, in 2023, Azerbaijan launched a violent attack on Artsakh that forcibly displaced the Armenian population there, which fled to Armenia.
Grigoryan’s last meeting with Hajiyev was in Dilijan, a week after the June 7 parliamentary elections. Many wondered why Hajiyev had rushed to Armenia after the elections.
As Pashinyan explained in parliament, the purpose of the Grigoryan-Hajiyev meeting was to “manage the threat of war” created after the elections. Judging by Pashinyan’s statement, the Azerbaijani side was concerned about the nearly half a million votes received by the opposition forces.
A longtime Pashinyan ally, Simonyan served as parliament speaker from 2021-2026. He expected to retain his post after the parliamentary elections held on June 7 and won by Civil Contract. However, the party’s governing body instead designated Ruben Rubinyan, who was elected in August.
Simonyan was often seen as a loose cannon, publicly criticizing Armenia’s allies, among them Russia, and insulting Artsakh Armenians.
In an eyebrow-raising incident last year, Simonyan came to Baku’s defense, seemingly empathizing with what he called Azerbaijan’s “big wounds,” and rationalizing demands by Aliyev who was pushing for no Armenian border checks along the road going through Syunik to Nakhichevan—the Trump Route for International Peace and Prosperity.
In another disparaging remark in 2024, Simonyan faced strong opposition criticism after implying that Azerbaijan had a legitimate right to recapture Artsakh by force.
“When the second Karabakh war started [in 2020] we were very upset because the world did not respond to that war the way we wanted,” Simonyan said at the time. “The reason [for that response] was also the lack of legitimacy, the lack of legitimacy on our side.”
“Attacking Karabakh and occupying territories from Armenia are different things from the legal standpoint,” Simonyan said. “Azerbaijan carried out an operation in Karabakh behind which it had at least three or four UN [Security Council] resolutions.”
“The fact is that that territory in question was and is an internationally part of Azerbaijan,” added Simonyan.
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August 13, 2026
President of Azerbaijan Ilham Aliyev visited the Autonomous Republic of Nakhichevan on August 11, and in the context of that visit interview gave to the Azerbaijani TV station.
The geopolitical background of Baku’s military operations in the 44-day war
Aliyev, in fact, confirmed our in analyses and expert in interviews the claims made regarding Nakhichevan’s strategic and geopolitical significance and possible security against and around Armenia risks with the fact that the autonomous republic will become a great base for strengthening the Turkish-Azerbaijani military, energy and logistics ring around Armenia, etc. And a number of decisions related to Nakhichevan served as the basis for these claims, they are:
■ In the fall of 2025, it became known that legal and natural persons with the status of residents of the Autonomous Republic of Nakhichevan in 2026. for 10 years from January 1, almost all taxes can be exempted, which implies a number of changes in the Tax Code, and that the exemption will be extended to key industrial directions, an attempt will be made to improve the investment environment, increase the volume of investments.
■ Amendments to the constitution of the Autonomous Republic of Nakhichevan, which essentially was limited The autonomy of Nakhichevan. In particular, references to the Moscow and Kars treaties were removed from the preamble of the Nakhichevan constitution. Instead, the preamble of the constitution emphasized that “Nakhijevan is an integral part of the Republic of Azerbaijan”.
■ The plenipotentiary representation of the President of Azerbaijan in the Autonomous Republic of Nakhichevan, by Aliyev’s decision, received the status of a state body of the 1st class:
■ Azeri sources months ago had reported that works are underway to connect the Autonomous Republic of Nakhichevan to the main energy system of Azerbaijan and to form the Azerbaijan-Turkey-Europe energy corridor.
In this context, it was informed that a high-voltage transmission line with a voltage of 330 kilovolts and a capacity of 1000 megawatts is being built, starting from “Jrakan (Jabrayil)”, and that in the next phase of the project, an additional 44 km long transmission line will be built, which will cross the “Zangezur Corridor”. In 2025, Ambassador of Azerbaijan to Turkey Rashad Mamedov announced. “There is an opportunity to build a gas pipeline from Zangezur to Nakhichevan. Thanks to this, it becomes possible to lay a pipeline from Nakhijevan to Kars, which will open new perspectives.”
What statements Aliyev made on the topics mentioned in his interview, which we considered remarkable, are presented below:
■ For one reason or another there is an energy crisis in our region, and this crisis may be exacerbated by ongoing wars, increasing risks, disruptions in transportation chains related to the transportation of energy carriers, and other factors. It cannot be ruled out that new unpleasant events may happen in the future. Therefore, the special role of Azerbaijan in this regard is undeniable we must ensure uninterrupted and stable energy supply of Nakhijevan.
For this purpose, on my initiative, we signed a gas exchange agreement with Iran. Within its framework, a gas pipeline was built from Iran to Azerbaijan, and the transportation of gas from the Astara region of Azerbaijan to the territory of Iran was ensured. In other words, we secured 100 percent gas supply of Nakhichevan through a swap deal.
■ When we put forward the idea of ”Zangezur Corridor”, we first of all had in mind the transport sector. But today we consider it in a wider context. For example: Our project of laying power transmission lines from the main part of Azerbaijan through the territory of Armenia to Nakhichevan is ready. A very large substation was built in the Jabrayil region specifically for the Zangezur energy corridor.
In other words, Aliyev makes it clear that during the 44-day war, their military operations were based on much broader geopolitical and geo-economic plans, and this does not only apply to Jrakan, but also to Kovsaka and other areas.
In this context, he reminded about the tripartite declaration of November 9-10, 2020 and its preparation stage, where they set a condition: the tripartite declaration should include a clause on connecting the main part of Azerbaijan to Nakhichevan, to which the Armenian side did not agree at first, but in the end it had no choice but to disagree. More about this declassification Aliyev did it back in 2024.
In his interview, Aliyev also emphasized that the “Zangezur Corridor” project was implemented thanks to the USA. In other words, Russia, a party to the tripartite declaration, could not force Armenia to fulfill its obligations in this regard by August 2025, or, according to Aliyev, there were other reasons for this.
Strengthening the military potential of Nakhichevan will not cease to be the priority of Aliyev, who is going for peace
On various occasions, the President of Azerbaijan has made it clear that there cannot be economic and energy security without a powerful army. Therefore, in his interview in Nakhijevan, he did not ignore the role and importance of the separate unified army of Nakhijevan, which exists “under the nose” of Armenia, on which Turkish influence and control has always been very strong.
“It is known that by my order, the Separate All-Army Army was created in Nakhichevan, which, of course, is an inseparable part of the armed forces of Azerbaijan. However, the special circumstances of Nakhichevan, its geographical location and the lack of geographical connection with Azerbaijan have forced us to pay more attention to the security of this region, an autonomous republic, and it will always be so. That is why it is a priority condition.
As I mentioned, The armed forces of Azerbaijan play a crucial role in the region, and the military potential in Nakhichevan is being strengthened day by day and will continue to be strengthened from now on. In these years Strengthening the defense potential of Nakhichevan was one of the main priorities. The military strength of Nakhichevan was demonstrated both through the supply of equipment, particularly modern equipment, and through the creation of new special purpose units. Recently, we have noticed this trend in the armed forces of Azerbaijan as well,” Aliyev stressed.
Let’s add that the separate joint army of Nakhichevan was formed in 2013. in December, in fact, the tasks were completed in 2014. In the same 2014 in the summer, in June, the Armenian army in the Nakhijevan region made serious improvements in position and occupied dominant positions in a significant part of the border with a skillful maneuver.
At that time, according to various reports, the RA came under the control of several tens of square kilometers, which until then had not been controlled due to the difficult relief and climatic conditions.
The Razminfo specialized website had photos almost immediately publish from the specified location.
Later, Defense Minister Seyran Ohanyan visited the new positions of the Nakhichevan border and gave instructions on the creation of the communication infrastructure of the new defense lines. All this was also received by the third president of RA confirmation.
By the way, on the same days, the Ministry of Defense of Azerbaijan issued a message in which it was asserted: “The separate all-power army is in full control of the operational situation in Nakhichevan.” Later, in one of the interviews, the Minister of Defense of Azerbaijan, Zakir Hasanov, denied the message of his own department, accepting the fact of serious positional improvements made by the Armenian side, just in softer tones.
“After the creation of a separate unified army in Nakhijevan, Armenians established one or two positions in their own territory. B:You won’t solve the problem with one or two combat positions, right?” to say was he
2018 After the change of power in RA in April-May, the Azerbaijani side already secured some progress in the Nakhijevan wing, but, globally, the Armenian side in the Nakhijevan wing is still in a fairly good position, but the situation may change dramatically if Pashinyan decides to withdraw troops from Yeraskh, which he talked about years ago. And this is in the context of the 44-day war we have seen The significance and influence of Nakhichevan and the local military potential.
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August 13, 2026
EU publishes “2025 human rights and democracy in the world” the report։
In 2025, Armenia continued to advance its justice reform agenda and strengthen the respect, protection and implementation of human rights. However, the authorities face some criticism from civil society about the consistency and progress of the reforms. Civil society organizations also highlighted ineffective investigations into police abuses, particularly excessive use of force, lack of judicial independence, and the use of pretrial detention in criminal trials.
Armenian civil society remains one of the most vibrant in the region. Despite the polarized environment, media pluralism persists. However, disinformation, foreign interference and hybrid threats have increased ahead of the June 2026 general election.
Authorities have continued efforts to support the integration of more than 100,000 Artsakh Armenians. In 2025, the rent and utility support program was replaced by targeted assistance measures, although pressures on housing, employment and social services continued. The adoption of the 2025-2028 Gender Policy Implementation Strategy and Action Plan was a positive development, and the law on gender-based violence is already in place, but its implementation needs to be improved.
“Civil society continues to challenge the government’s disability assessment algorithm. There is still no progress in the adoption of comprehensive anti-discrimination and minority legislation.
Concerns remain about the transparency of judicial appointments and the effective implementation of integrity mechanisms. The government has also announced its intention to create an autonomous data protection agency. The opposition and some civil society have raised accusations that the criminal justice system has been instrumentalized in punishing dissent and undermining freedom of expression, including through the potential abuse of criminal law provisions on hooliganism. Similarly, strategic lawsuits against public participation (SLAPPs) continue to be a concern, targeting journalists, environmental advocates, and human rights defenders.
The EU-Armenia Strategic Partnership Agreement signed in December 2025 reaffirms that the EU and Armenia will work together to promote human rights. Human rights and fundamental freedoms also stand out among the short- and medium-term priorities of the strategic agenda.
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