Former President Robert Kocharian was banned from leaving Armenia on Sunday as Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian reaffirmed his pledges to imprison him and the leaders of other major opposition groups accusing him of rigging the June 7 parliamentary elections.
Kocharian’s office announced earlier in the day that he is leaving for Russia on a three-day private visit which it said had been planned beforehand. It said late in the evening that the leader of the opposition Hayastan alliance was “illegally and without any explanation” not allowed to board a flight to Moscow at Yerevan’s Zvartnots airport.
A news website controlled by Pashinian’s Civil Contract party was the first to report the travel ban. Pashinian claimed shortly afterwards that Kocharian and two other top opposition leaders will not be allowed to flee the country because he won a popular mandate to “bring to their knees” and “destroy” them.
“If it even occurs to any shoe licker of [Azerbaijani President Ilham] Aliyev that President Kocharian might flee the country, he is sorely mistaken,” shot back Bagrat Mikoyan, the ex-president’s spokesman. “One person will flee Armenia, and that one person is Aliyev’s poodle.”
Kocharian’s Hayastan, billionaire Samvel Karapetian’s Strong Armenia alliance and the Prosperous Armenia Party (BHK) led by another wealthy businessman, Gagik Tsarukian, were the ruling Civil Contract party’s main election challengers. They refuse to recognize Civil Contract’s victory in the polls, rejecting the official vote results as fraudulent. Several other opposition groups have also accused Pashinian of rigging the elections.
Pashinian has repeatedly vowed to jail Kocharian, Karapetian and Tsarukian in recent weeks. Law-enforcement authorities charged Tsarukian with tax evasion and banned him from leaving the country on June 9.
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Yerevan Signals No Foreign Policy Change Despite Russian Pressure
Foreign Minister Ararat Mirzoyan met with his European Union counterparts on Monday, indicating the Armenian government’s intention to continue moving closer to the European Union despite economic sanctions threatened or already imposed by Russia.
The foreign ministers of EU member states and EU foreign policy chief Kaja Kallas had what her office described as an “informal exchange over breakfast” with Mirzoyan just before their regular meeting held in Luxembourg.
According to the Armenian Foreign Ministry, Mirzoyan told them that most Armenians voiced support for their government’s “aspirations towards Europe” in the June 7 parliamentary elections the official results of which gave victory to the ruling Civil Contract party. He emphasized the fact that his first post-election visit abroad is “taking place in this format aimed at further deepening the Armenia-EU partnership.”
Russia has questioned the vote results, rejected by the Armenian opposition as fraudulent, and continued demand that Yerevan swiftly choose between seeking to join the EU or remaining part of a Russian-led economic bloc. In the run-up to the elections, it imposed de facto bans on the vast majority of Armenian-made products exported to Russia, the South Caucasus nation’s main trading partner.
The EU condemned the Russian embargo and promised to give Yerevan 50 million euros ($58 million) in urgent economic assistance and open the EU market to some Armenian goods. Armenian exports to Russia reached almost $3 billion last year, compared with $667 million worth of goods exported to EU member states.
Mirzoyan was reported to discuss with the top European diplomats ways of boosting Armenia’s trade with the EU. They agreed to “continue working in this direction,” the Armenian Foreign Ministry said in a statement.
Speaking before the meeting, Kallas again criticized the Russian pressure on Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian’s administration.
“That is why we have to support them to be resilient,” she told reporters. “That is why we are also discussing with the minister [Mirzoyan] what more can we do to help them on their path.”
Meanwhile, Moscow continued to warn Yerevan against carrying on with its pro-Western foreign policy that has also been criticized by Pashinian’s main election challengers.
“If the Armenian leadership relies solely on Western aid and support, it will certainly make a mistake and the situation in the country will worsen,” Sergei Naryshkin, the head of Russia’s Foreign Intelligence Service, was quoted by the official TASS agency as saying. “Of course, additional barriers and difficulties will arise in the country’s economic development. But I still hope that the Armenian leadership will act wisely.”
Russia is in a position to inflict even greater economic pain on Armenia by ending a significant discount on the price of Russian natural gas imported by the country. Russian Energy Minister Sergei Tsivilev warned of such a measure in a letter sent to Yerevan late last month.
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Iran-Armenia Strategic Relations: Interview with H.E. Khalil Shirgholami
Iran-Armenia Strategic Relations: Interview with H.E. Khalil Shirgholami
Introduction
SpecialEurasia’s recent official mission to Yerevan for the Yerevan Dialogue 2026 offered a unique opportunity to engage directly with regional stakeholders at a moment of profound geopolitical transformation.
During this visit, the team met with H.E. Khalil Shirgholami the Ambassador of the Islamic Republic of Iran to the Republic of Armenia, whose perspective is essential for understanding the evolving dynamics of the South Caucasus.
In this exclusive interview, the Ambassador reflects on the civilizational depth of Iranian‑Armenian relations, the strategic ambitions behind the forthcoming Comprehensive Strategic Partnership Agreement, and the shared commitment to safeguarding regional stability amid shifting global pressures. He also addresses the challenges posed by external actors, the realities behind international perceptions of Iran, and the economic corridors that could redefine connectivity from the Persian Gulf to the Black Sea.
What emerges is a vision of bilateral cooperation rooted not merely in diplomacy, but in a millennia‑old cultural bond that continues to shape political choices, economic strategies, and regional security frameworks. This conversation provides valuable insight into how Tehran and Yerevan imagine their future partnership—one built on strategic clarity, mutual respect, and a shared determination to ensure peace and prosperity for their peoples.
Your Excellency, diplomacy is often viewed through the technical lens of treaties and borders, but at its heart, the relationship between Iran and Armenia is a bridge between two millennial cultures that have coexisted and enriched one another for centuries. In an era of rapid global change and external pressures, how can you leverage this profound historical and cultural depth to ensure that your bilateral ties remain not just a political necessity, but a living example of civilizational solidarity for the entire region?
“As you mentioned, relations between countries can have different reasons or logics; they can have an agreement-based and conventional logic, or they can have a civilizational and cultural logic. The relations between Iran and Armenia, as you correctly pointed out, are based on the civilizational and cultural connection and bond between the two nations, which dates back a very long time.
This civilizational connection or bond elevates the relations beyond a mere state of fleeting or short-term interests and creates ties or reasons that add depth to the relationship. This means the relations flow within the context of a historical and civilizational bond, which can serve as a model for Iran’s relations with other countries in the region, including in the South Caucasus.
Furthermore, it helps this historical and civilizational solidarity translate into a capacity for greater integration and cooperation, ensuring that the mutual interests of both sides—the two nations and the nations that are supposed to work together—are pursued more deeply within this context, ultimately yielding long-term benefits for them.”
Your Excellency, Iran and Armenia share a border that hasn’t just existed for centuries but has thrived as a portal of stability amidst regional turbulence. As both nations look toward signing a Comprehensive Strategic Partnership Agreement in 2026, how do you envision this document growing your relationship from one of ‘neighbourly support’ to a truly integrated strategic alliance for the next 50 years?
“Look, the relations between Iran and Armenia are special and distinguished; they possess various dimensions and flow through different channels. At the same time, we have reached a stage of maturity in our relationship where we require a document to provide a long-term and strategic definition of these relations and, in fact, to institutionalise them.
The Comprehensive Strategic Partnership Document is being drafted with this objective in mind: to serve as the roadmap for relations in the coming decades. It aims to define the various dimensions of the relationship through a long-term and strategic lens, so that the politicians and statesmen of both countries know what the roadmap, the guiding path, and the lofty goals are as we continue the path ahead in Iran-Armenia relations. Therefore, moving beyond a mere neighbourly connection, the relations can enter a structure based on strategic thinking and establish long-term definitions for all areas of the relationship.”
Iran has been very clear about its ‘red lines’ regarding geopolitical changes and the sovereignty of borders in the South Caucasus. In the context of the ‘Crossroads of Peace’ initiative, how can Armenia and Iran ensure that new transit routes remain tools for regional prosperity rather than becoming venues for the influence of external powers that may not share the interests of your immediate region?
“Yes, Iran has previously and clearly declared its red line regarding any geopolitical and border changes in the South Caucasus region. Any initiative intended to be implemented in the region must acknowledge the important reality that geopolitical and border changes are unacceptable.
The presence of non-regional and external actors in the region, along with the objectives and interests they pursue, does not necessarily lead to peace, prosperity, and development. It can turn the area into a battlefield for destructive, negative competitions and can cause deep rifts among regional actors and countries.
Therefore, within the framework of any initiative concerning transit and corridors in the region, realities must be recognised, the interests of intra-regional actors must be considered, and the cooperation of intra-regional actors for development programs— including in the fields of transit and connectivity—must be clearly defined.
Moreover, the possibility of extra-regional actors exploiting the newly created capacities for security purposes must be prevented. This is Iran’s red line.
At the same time, while Iran believes that greater openness and connectivity can contribute to the development of the South Caucasus region, it firmly maintains that these important considerations must absolutely be taken into account.”
Iran is often portrayed through a very specific lens in Western media, yet its diplomatic footprint in Yerevan suggests a policy of pragmatism and regional integration. As a career diplomat, how do you navigate the gap between these international perceptions and the ‘on-the-ground’ reality of Iranian-Armenian friendly cooperation?
“The reality is that misinformation, misperceptions and disinformation campaigns regarding Iran have long been underway and continue to persist. The realities of Iran and the realities of its policies have been overlooked. In the context of our country’s relations with Armenia, which you noted are characterised by pragmatism and a commitment to regional integration, the reality is that Tehran adopts the same approach toward all of its neighbours.
The neighbourhood policy constitutes the central pillar of Iran’s foreign policy. The misperceptions of others, or their illegitimate interests in creating regional divides and sowing discord among regional actors, are unfortunately an inauspicious and negative phenomenon that has exacerbated rifts and created issues and challenges among countries.
Iran-Armenia relations are formed on a foundation of reality, historical and civilizational bonds, the supreme interests and benefits of the two nations, and geopolitical territorial geography. Regardless of what others may perceive in this regard, this narrative is continuing to develop, and we have significant plans to deepen it in the future.”
H.E. Khalil Shirgholami, Ambassador of the Islamic Republic of Iran to the Republic of Armenia
With the global economy facing high volatility due to recent conflicts, the North-South Transport Corridor and the gas-for-electricity swaps have become vital lifelines. Last year, the Yerevan Dialogue 2025 also highlighted the proposal for a transit corridor linking Iran to the Black Sea via Armenia. Beyond these existing projects, what ‘new frontiers’ of economic cooperation do you believe could make the Armenian-Iranian partnership more resilient against external economic pressures?
“Yes, there are significant capacities between Iran and Armenia that have not yet been activated and could be placed on the agenda. One of the most important of these capacities, within the framework of unblocking routes in both the East-West and North-South directions, is the possibility of a railway connection from Iran via the Jolfa route through Nakhchivan to Yerevan in Armenia, and its continuation to Georgia and the Black Sea ports. This can create a massive capacity as one of the branches of the North-South Corridor, enabling the connection of the Persian Gulf and the Sea of Oman to the Black Sea.
India has signed a free trade agreement with the European Union encompassing a population of two billion, and the transit capacity of Iran, Armenia, and Georgia can cover a substantial portion of this trade. Therefore, if we can activate this transit capacity between Iran, Armenia, and Georgia, it will yield tremendous benefits for all three countries.
Some of the economic pressures or illegitimate economic sanctions against Iran have existed and persisted for decades regardless; however, at the same time, the countries of the region have reached a new awakening and awareness that they must pursue the interests of their own nations independent of the pressures of this or that party, and seek to realise the maximum benefits for their own countries.”
Given the trauma of recent wars in this region, what is your message to the Armenian and Iranian people who are looking for a definitive end to the cycle of conflict? How does Iran’s vision for a ‘Regional 3+3’ format provide a better path to peace?
“Iran’s effort and vital priority have been to ensure that the aggressive war waged against our country does not have a negative impact on the region of our northern borders and the South Caucasus region. Given the importance we attach to the interests and well-being of our neighbours, all of Iran’s effort was focused on ensuring that this war had the absolute minimum negative impact on the South Caucasus region.
We communicated this to our Armenian friends as well and made great efforts to ensure that the interactions between the two countries, border connectivity, and mutual travel maintained their normal conditions as much as possible. Tehran has never sought war and conflict, nor does it now. Iran was subjected to aggression and defended itself.
Tehran has always been ready to pursue the logic of diplomacy within an equitable framework. This policy still stands, and if it were not for the excessive demands of the United States, the capacity to establish peace naturally exists. However, regardless of whether a sustainable peace is achieved or not, the security of the South Caucasus region and the security of Armenia remain an important and indispensable priority for us.”
Armenia prepares to issue redesigned biometric passports this fall… See more
Armenia has announced that the design of biometric passports is ready, and their issuance is scheduled for the fall of 2026.
Armenian Interior Minister Arpine Sargsyan is expected to visit a Dutch factory soon, after which the country will start issuing new passports. The government also noted that it will soon share more information on where to obtain the new documents, Arka news agency reports.
“The process is planned to be implemented in two stages: first, we will commission offices of a new quality and standard, and then we will increase their number,” says Sargsyan.
The country initiated the transition to biometric ID cards and passports in August 2024. The government signed a private-public partnership (PPP) agreement with Haypass in April last year to implement the ID document system. Haypass is a consortium established in 2024 between Idemia Identity Security France and ACI Technology S.à.r.l. to develop the biometric ID infrastructure.
The planned system includes biometric ID cards designed by IN Groupe for foreigners, stateless individuals and permanent residents. IN Groupe acquired the Idemia Smart Identity division last year.
Armenia passed amendments to the law On Identity Documents in May, introducing a legislative framework that aligns Armenia’s documents with EU standards. The country is implementing biometric documents as part of the Visa Liberalization Action Plan with the EU that will introduce visa-free travel to the Schengen area.
The new regulation also makes ID cards mandatory for Armenian citizens aged 16 or older. All documents for foreigners, refugees and stateless persons will also become biometric.
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Free After 1,891 Days in Azerbaijani Captivity
ENGLISH om ARMENIEN, AZERBAJDZJAN, NAGORNO-KARABACH
Free After 1 891 Days in Azerbaijani Captivity
When the war in Nagorno-Karabakh came to an end, Vicken Euljekjian was captured by Azerbaijani soldiers. In an interview with Blankspot, he recounts his 1 891 days in captivity, the years he spent in solitary confinement, and the freedom he ultimately regained.
Av RASMUS CANBÄCK 14 juni, 2026
It was late in the evening on 9 November 2020 when news broke that the war in Nagorno-Karabakh had come to an end. At the time, Vicken Euljekjian, an Armenian-Lebanese citizen who had emigrated to the breakaway region, was in Armenia’s capital, Yerevan.
His home near the town of Shushi — known as Shusha in Azerbaijani — was about to fall under Azerbaijani control. He believed he had until 1 December to clear out his belongings.
What he did not realize was that the village where his house was located was not covered by that timetable. Hoping to salvage as much as possible, he returned home with his friend Maral. It proved a costly mistake. Azerbaijani troops detained them both and quickly separated them.
The next day, the beatings began.
“First they hit my right ear. Then the back of my neck. The blows were so hard that my ears started ringing,” Euljekjian recalls.
Only later did he realize that he was being held at a detention facility in Azerbaijan’s capital, Baku.
“Since then, I have had hearing problems. I have lost between 40 and 50 percent of my hearing in both ears. My spine was damaged so badly that I now need support around my neck to hold my head upright.”
We meet at a café in Yerevan. Two childhood friends from Lebanon accompany him, having travelled to Armenia to support him. He leans forward as far as his neck brace allows in order to hear the questions. He repeats them to make sure he has understood them correctly.
During the final period of his imprisonment, he was confined to a wheelchair. At least he no longer needs it, but moving quickly remains difficult.
Vicken Euljekjian, 46, moved to Nagorno-Karabakh in 2018 to start his own business. Photo: Rasmus Canbäck
Released on 14 January this year, Euljekjian spent a total of 1,891 days — five years and two months — in Azerbaijani custody. His friend Maral was released just a few months after the arrest.
Today, his medical treatment is being financed through donations, support from friends, and assistance from an opposition political party.
“There is both a lot and very little to say about my time in Azerbaijan,” Vicken Euljekjian says.
Prison, he explains, is monotonous. Every day resembles the last. The memories that remain most vivid come from the first seven months of his captivity, when he was awaiting trial. At the time, he was being held at a State Security Service detention facility in Baku, not far from the city’s iconic Flame Towers.
“For about 20 days, the Red Cross managed to arrange for me to share a cell with another Armenian prisoner. It was the only time during those years that I was not alone. I had started hallucinating. I saw my mother in dreams. But it did not last long.”
The arrangement ended, he says, because Azerbaijani investigators had come to view him as a Lebanese terrorist.
A Lebanese terrorist?
“Yes. When they captured me, I gave them my Armenian passport. Somehow they looked into my background and discovered that I was from Lebanon. I confirmed it. Then they told me they would charge me as a Lebanese mercenary.”
Euljekjian says he tried to explain that his family were descendants of survivors of the Armenian Genocide.
“I told them, ‘I am Armenian by blood. My grandparents survived the genocide of 1915.’”
There are currently more than 250 political prisoners in Azerbaijan. Armenian detainees are rarely included in these counts. Today, an estimated 19 Armenians remain in Azerbaijani custody.
According to him, the investigator responded that he had never seen an Armenian passport.
“I had handed it to him only minutes earlier. It was lying on the desk in front of him. But he repeated that he had never seen it and locked it away in a safe. It was as if the passport had been erased from existence.”
Soon afterwards, he says, he learned that the authorities intended to film a video portraying him as a foreign mercenary. Because he already understood Turkish, which is closely related to Azerbaijani, he could follow much of what was being said.
“They accused me of receiving $2,500 a month from the Armenian government. At that point I gave up. I told them: ‘OK, do whatever you want.’ I understood that they were not interested in the truth.”
He nevertheless attempted to defend himself during the trial.
“But it felt as though the verdict had already been decided. The whole thing was theatre. You can talk until dawn and try to defend yourself, but in the end it changes nothing.”
He was sentenced to 20 years in prison and transferred to Gobustan Prison, a high-security facility around 50 kilometres southwest of Baku.
Just beyond the prison walls lie the famous Gobustan rock carvings, a popular tourist attraction. Inside, however, was a very different reality.
Five months after returning from more than five years in captivity, Vicken Euljekjian says the process of rebuilding his life has been slow. Photo: Rasmus Canbäck
For decades, the prison has been criticized internationally for poor conditions. In its most isolated section, in a small cell with the number 85 on the door, the third cell from the eastern flank of the building, where he would spend the next four years, Euljekjian lived entirely alone.
When asked whether he was allowed to leave his cell, he looks surprised.
“Leave the cell? No.”
Not once?
“No. Never.”
The cell measured roughly two and a half by four metres. A small window near the ceiling allowed in some daylight.
“You have to understand how bad it was,” he says. “The air was humid – suffocating. In summer the heat was unbearable. There were mice everywhere. It was the worst place you can imagine.”
The loneliness set in quickly.
He imagined cracks in the walls widening into escape routes. Perhaps the damp damage would soften the concrete. He pictured life beyond the prison walls: tourists visiting the nearby rock carvings, his family gathering for dinners without him.
The sense of loss deepened as one piece of bad news followed another. One by one, people close to him died, and he was unable to attend their funerals.
First, his father passed away. Then his brother. When his mother died as well, without him having the chance to say goodbye, it felt as though the walls were closing in around him. He tried to remember the last words he had spoken to them. He hoped they had been something positive.
Outside the prison, his wife Linda struggled to keep the family together. His late brother’s children moved in with her. Both children of Vicken and Linda were forced to abandon their studies to help earn enough money for the family to survive.
“A large part of my time in prison was spent imagining that I was helping my family, making sure there was food on the table,” he says. “It was a very difficult situation for my wife. All the bills that had to be paid.”
For him, imagination became a routine.
Every small detail he learned about life on the outside was woven into an imagined world in which he could still participate. When he closed his eyes, he let conversations between family members play out in his mind. He thought about what he would have said at the funerals. He reconstructed the scenes, over and over again, inside his head.
The interview with Vicken Euljekjian was conducted with the assistance of an interpreter. Photo: Rasmus Canbäck
Could you communicate with other prisoners?
“I need to repeat this: it was the worst place. I could not speak to anyone. Other inmates at different quarters had access to a yard where they could walk. We who were having a life sentence had nothing like that.”
His gaze shifts for the first time during our conversation. Tears begin to form.
The water, he says, was green. The food was barely edible.
“Usually it was some mixture of pasta, buckwheat and flour with boiling water poured over it. The bread was the only thing I could eat.”
When representatives of the International Committee of the Red Cross visited, he repeatedly asked them for one thing.
“Water. That was all I wanted.”
The delegates were foreign staff members working with the ICRC mission in Azerbaijan.
How often did they visit?
“According to the rules, about once a month. In reality, every 40 or 45 days. Maybe nine times a year.”
During the visits, he was allowed to speak with family members for two minutes.
“After four years, even that changed. We could no longer communicate through Red Cross channels and instead had to use a government telephone.”
Was that your only human contact?
“Yes. And they were only allowed into my cell. I was never allowed out.”
The visitors usually brought tomatoes and cucumbers. Occasionally, a tube of melted cheese.
“I asked for more cheese so I could put it on the bread, but they said it was not permitted. Once they brought me a cabbage. I marinated it in salt water and tried to preserve it. After that I was not allowed cabbage again.”
He also asked whether they could bring sausage or other protein-rich food.
“The prison governor claimed it might spoil. I told him I would eat it immediately. It made no difference.”
Eventually, Euljekjian told the ICRC delegates that there was little point in visiting him.
“Three tomatoes and two cucumbers were not worth it.”
Yet the visits continued.
“They would not listen to me, so I kept eating their tomatoes,” he says with a faint smile.
“As a foreigner, I had nobody to stand up for my rights. Whenever I complained to the Red Cross, they referred me to the prison administration. When I complained to the prison administration, they referred me back to the Red Cross.”
According to Euljekjian, Azerbaijani prisoners enjoyed significantly better conditions. Their families could visit more frequently and many cells contained refrigerators.
What kept you alive?
“There was only one thing: the idea that I might eventually get out.”
And a Bible.
“That was the only book I had. I brought it with me. There were some Russian books in the prison, but I do not speak Russian.”
By late 2025, he began to sense that something might be changing. During one visit from ICRC on Christmas day, he learned that discussions were taking place about his deteriorating health.
The injuries he says he sustained during the first days of detention had worsened to the point where he needed a wheelchair. Without adequate medical care, walking had become increasingly difficult.
Before dawn on 14 January 2026, guards suddenly woke him.
“They told me to pack my things.”
He protested.
“I asked them to at least wait until sunrise so I could see what I was packing.”
The guards refused.
“I wanted to know the truth. If I was being transferred to another prison, I needed to think about what to take with me. If I was going home, I would need nothing.”
Eventually, prison officials told him that he was being released.
“I said, ‘Then I do not need anything at all.’”
He smiles.
“But they suggested I at least put on my shoes.”
He was taken to the Lachin Corridor, the road that between 2020 and 2023 served as the only connection between Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh. The route became internationally known after it was blocked for nine months before Azerbaijan’s September 2023 offensive, which triggered the mass exodus of more than 100,000 ethnic Armenians from the region.
Together with three other Armenian detainees — Gevorg Sujyan, Davit Davtyan, and Vagif Khachatryan — he was handed over to Armenian authorities.
Unlike the others, who had family in Armenia, Euljekjian had spent most of his life in Lebanon. Upon arrival, he was taken directly to hospital. He was allowed to stay longer than needed, while finding a solution for accommodation.
Since then, he says, he has received support from the opposition party Armenian Revolutionary Federation and from members of the party’s Lebanese branch. They also helped pay for airline tickets for his wife, Linda, who had, throughout the years, fought hard to raise awareness of her husband’s case.
Today, Vicken Euljekjian lives with his daughter in an apartment in the suburbs of Yerevan. His wife, Linda, remains in Lebanon, where she works. Photo: Rasmus Canbäck
What was it like seeing your family again?
“Almost six years had passed since I last saw my daughter. It took another four months after my release before she could come here. We simply did not have the money.”
He pauses.
“Seeing her again is the best thing that has happened to me. She was a teenager when I was captured. Now she is 24.”
How has prison changed you?
“I would never allow it to change me,” he says. “I am still the same person I was before.”
Toppbild: Only a few times during the interview does Vicken Euljekjian pause. It is when he speaks about his years in Azerbaijani prison. Photo: Rasmus Canbäck
Vill du tipsa reportern? Mejla till [email protected]. Följ gärna hans löpande bevakning om det armeniska valet den 7 juni på WhatsApp.
Canbäck har skrivit om Sydkaukasien för Blankspot sedan 2020. Hans bok Varje dag dör jag långsamt handlar om konflikten i Nagorno-Karabach mellan åren 2020 och 2023.
Av RASMUS CANBÄCK
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Lake Sevan gains nearly half a meter in water level since January
Lake Sevan’s water level has risen by 46 centimeters since the beginning of 2026, reaching 1,900 meters and 69 centimeters above sea level as of June 16, 2026, according to official data.
Data published by the “Hydrometeorology and Monitoring Center” of Armenia’s Ministry of Environment showed that, as of June 16, 2026, Lake Sevan was at an elevation of 1,900 meters and 69 centimeters above sea level, compared with the 1,900 meters and 23 centimeters mark recorded in mid-January of the same year.
According to the data, from the beginning of this year until June 16, 113 million 991 thousand cubic meters of water have been transferred to Lake Sevan through the Arpa–Sevan tunnel waterway.
A certain increase in water discharge has been observed in the rivers flowing into Lake Sevan. For irrigation purposes, water releases from Lake Sevan through the Hrazdan River are not currently being carried out.
Published by Armenpress, original at
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Nearly 3,000 Karabakh-displaced families have purchased homes in Armenia so fa
Within the framework of the state support program for providing housing to families displaced from Karabakh, certificates for home acquisition have been issued to 6,444 families as of May 31, 2026, Deputy Prime Minister Tigran Khachatryan said.
Presenting the 2025 state budget execution report to lawmakers on Tuesday, the Deputy Prime Minister said that 26,432 people are included in the families that have received certificates. More than 2,970 of those families, or around 13,400 people, have already purchased a house or apartment.
“As of May 31, 2026, within the framework of the program, certificates have been issued to 6,444 families, which include 26,432 people. More than 2,970 families, or 13,400 people, have already purchased their house or apartment,” Khachatryan said.
The Deputy Prime Minister said that in 2025, as in previous years, improving the environment for the socio-economic integration of citizens displaced from Karabakh continued to remain one of the main priorities of the Pashinyan administration.
According to him, the programs implemented by the government since September 2023 have made it possible not only to effectively manage the crisis but also to create conditions for transitioning from urgent assistance to socio-economic integration.
Changes were made to the housing provision program in 2025. If, at the initial stage, the issuance of certificates for purchasing housing was planned according to a certain order, then starting from July 1, 2025, the opportunity to receive a certificate was opened to all families meeting the program’s conditions, regardless of family composition.
The Deputy Prime Minister also noted that the list of settlements where the amount of support per person for purchasing an apartment or house was increased from 3 million drams to 4 million drams had been expanded.
According to him, previously, the 4 million dram amount was intended for 452 settlements, while after the changes it was applied to 611 settlements.
Khachatryan added that improvements to the program continued in March 2026 as well. In settlements of the regions bordering Yerevan, the certificate amount allocated per person was also increased to 4 million drams from 3 million drams.
“The improvement also applied to beneficiaries of previously utilized certificates, allowing the additional financial resources to be used for other expenditure directions envisaged by the support program,” the Deputy Prime Minister noted.
According to Khachatryan, within the framework of the Government’s support, the value of apartments purchased by displaced citizens amounts to around 48 billion drams.
He emphasized that if the repayment of loans provided by financing commercial banks, as well as the interest servicing expenses that will be covered by budgetary funds in the coming years, are taken into account, the total amount of the Government’s obligations undertaken within the framework of the program has already reached 85 billion drams.
Published by Armenpress, original at
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Armenia highlights regional connectivity at BSEC ministerial meeting
On June 15, Armenia’s Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs Robert Abisoghomonyan delivered a statement at the 52nd Meeting of the Council of Ministers of Foreign Affairs of the Member States of the Organization of the Black Sea Economic Cooperation (BSEC).
According to the Foreign Ministry’s readout, in remarks delivered via videoconference, the Deputy Foreign Minister highlighted the importance of advancing a constructive agenda aimed at strengthening regional connectivity and expanding opportunities for economic cooperation.
Abisoghomonyan emphasized the need to enhance the effectiveness of the Organization, its bodies, and mechanisms. He noted that Armenia, serving as the Country Coordinator for the BSEC Working Groups on Culture, Tourism, and Customs Matters, remains committed to promoting targeted cooperation in these areas.
The Deputy Foreign Minister welcomed Greece’s assumption of the BSEC Chairmanship and reaffirmed Armenia’s readiness to continue working closely and engaging constructively within the Organization.
Published by Armenpress, original at
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Massive search operation underway in Armenia’s Lori Province for two missing
A massive search and rescue operation involving around two hundred first responders and numerous volunteers has been underway nonstop in Armenia’s Lori Province after two children went missing on June 15 in Vanadzor.
One emergency call claimed that a child had been seen in the nearby river.
The Ministry of Internal Affairs said in a statement that the missing children are sisters aged 7 and 13.
The ministry detailed: “The first emergency call was received on June 15 at 14:45. A citizen reported seeing a child in the Pambak River. Later the same day, at 17:05, another citizen called and reported that the two sisters, aged 7 and 13, had left an address on Narekatsi Street in Vanadzor and had not reached their intended destination.”
Earlier media reports that identified the missing children as being from Karabakh were inaccurate.
The search operations continued throughout the night into Tuesday without interruption. A total of 115 rescuers and 86 police officers are involved in the efforts. Volunteers and divers have also joined the search. Drones, boats, and other technical equipment are being used.
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Central Bank keeps policy rate unchanged at 6.50%
At its June 16, 2026 meeting, the Board of the Central Bank of Armenia decided to keep the Refinancing Rate unchanged at 6.50%.
The Central Bank said in a press release that it also kept the Lombard Repo Facility Rate unchanged at 8.00% and the Deposit Facility Rate at 5.00%.
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