Skip to main content

Armenia to offer $1,400 one-off payment for each newborn

OC Media
Aug 14, 2026

Armenia’s Ministry of Լabour and Social Affairs has suggested making a one-off payment of ֏500,000 ($1,400) for each child born on or after 1 September 2026. The draft decision was approved by the government in November 2025.

The decision is changing the family support system that was designed to encourage families to have more children and increase low childbirth rates. It replaces the structure based on the order of a child’s birth in the family with a flat payment for every child, while pushing benefit distribution entirely online and cashless. Officials say that the decision to go online is partly meant to stop child benefits from going to citizens who no longer live in Armenia.

Armenian government used to offer payments based on the child’s position within the family, with more money allocated to second and subsequent children

Until the end of August, families will receive payments under current law: ֏300,000 ($800) for the first and second child born, ֏1,000,000 ($ 2,700) for the third and fourth child, and ֏1,500,000 ($4,100) for the fifth and subsequent children.

The application to obtain the benefit will be exclusively online, with some exceptions for Armenian citizens who are temporarily abroad.

The move is part of the government’s wider plan to encourage cashless payments. The childbirth benefit, poverty benefit, emergency assistance, the benefit for childcare under two years old, and pensions are all moving to cashless payments too.

Back in 2025, the government also discussed the issue of citizenship and residency separate from the online application rule that already exists. Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan criticised cases where people who do not live in Armenia permanently still receive these benefits, calling it ‘illogical’.

‘This cannot continue. If a person isn’t tied to Armenia and the centre of their life isn’t here, why should Armenia pay?’, he said.

The Minister of Labour and Social Affairs, Arsen Torosyan, said that in 2024 alone, 1,450 one-time childbirth benefits were paid for children of Armenian citizens born abroad who had not yet been registered with Armenia’s civil registry. He clarified that these payments cost roughly ֏600 million ($1.6 million) a year to the budget.

‘Now we are also regulating that issue with the following logic. Within one year after birth, if they come back, register and claim Armenian citizenship, they will receive the money; if they do not, they will not receive it’, explained Torsoyan.

The deadline for applying for the allowance is set on the last day of the month in which the child turns one year old.

—

Russian wheat and coal were sent to Armenia through Azerbaijan.

Caucasian Knot
Aug 8, 2026
8 August 2026
Russian wheat and coal were sent to Armenia through Azerbaijan.
15 wagons of wheat and 10 wagons of coal passed from Russia through the territory of Azerbaijan to Armenia.

As reported by “Caucasian Knot”, on July 3, 976 tons of wheat from Russia were sent to Armenia via transit through the territory of Azerbaijan.

A freight train consisting of 25 wagons with Russian wheat and coal departed from the Baladzhary station of the “Azerbaijan Railways”, heading to Armenia via transit through the territory of Azerbaijan, Report reported.

The cargo includes 15 wagons of wheat with a total weight of 1,049 tons and 10 wagons of coal with a total weight of 700 tons. The train will then proceed through the Bёyuk-Kyasik railway station to Georgia, from where it will head to Armenia.

Over 37,000 tons of wheat, about 9,000 tons of fertilizers, 1,136 tons of propane, 133 tons of aluminum, 414 tons of anthracite, and 67,000 tons of timber have been delivered from Russia to Armenia via transit through Azerbaijan. Additionally, about 15,000 tons of diesel fuel and about 5,000 tons of AI-92 and AI-95 gasoline have been exported from Azerbaijan to Armenia, according to the publication.

It is worth noting that in October 2025, the President of Azerbaijan Ilham Aliyev announced the lifting of all restrictions on the transit of goods to Armenia. In early November 2025, a shipment of Russian grain arrived in Armenia through Azerbaijan for the first time since the 1990s. The authorities of Armenia stated that this fulfilled one of the agreements reached in the USA, contributing to strengthening peace between Yerevan and Baku.

On February 4, Aliyev and Pashinyan discussed the initiated economic cooperation at a meeting in the UAE and agreed to seek opportunities to expand trade. Although trade and economic cooperation between Azerbaijan and Armenia is mutually beneficial, Baku analysts believe it will have a limited nature in the near future .

We have updated the applications on Android and IOS! We would appreciate your feedback, ideas for development both in Google Play/App Store and on the pages of the Caucasian Knot in social networks. Without installing a VPN, you can read us on Telegram (in Dagestan, Chechnya, and Ingushetia – with a VPN). Through a VPN, you can continue to read the “Caucasian Knot” on the website, as usual, and on social networks Facebook*, Instagram*, “VKontakte”, “Odnoklassniki” and X. You can watch videos of the “Caucasian Knot” on YouTube.

* the activities of the Meta company (which owns Facebook, Instagram, and WhatsApp) are banned in Russia.

Translated automatically via OpenAI from class=”gmail_default” st1yle=”font-family:tahoma,sans-serif”>
Source: class=”gmail_default” st1yle=”font-family:tahoma,sans-serif”>© Caucasian Knot

—

Argam Abramyan refused to admit guilt in organizing the murder.

Caucasian Knot
Aug 11, 2026
11 August 2026
Argam Abramyan refused to admit guilt in organizing the murder.
THIS MATERIAL (INFORMATION) WAS PRODUCED AND DISTRIBUTED BY A FOREIGN AGENT LLC “MEMO”, OR RELATES TO THE ACTIVITIES OF THE FOREIGN AGENT LLC “MEMO”.

The son-in-law of the leader of “Prosperous Armenia” Gagik Tsarukyan, Argam Abramyan, did not admit guilt in the case of a contract murder, his lawyer reported.

As reported by “Caucasian Knot”, law enforcement officers detained former parliament deputy Argam Abramyan – the son of ex-Prime Minister Ovik Abramyan and the son-in-law of the leader of “Prosperous Armenia” Gagik Tsarukyan. Abramyan is suspected of organizing a murder. On August 9, he was arrested for two months.

Argam Abramyan does not admit guilt in organizing the murder and considers the accusation unfounded, said Abramyan’s lawyer Emin Khachatryan on August 10 to “News of Armenia”.

According to the lawyer, Abramyan “has nothing to do with the charges brought against him.” At the same time, he refused to answer the question of whether the accusation could be related to the ongoing processes against Gagik Tsarukyan. “Let me not comment, you understand everything perfectly yourself,” Khachatryan said.

The lawyer also noted that Abramyan has not made any statements regarding the political context of the case. “He said that he considers this accusation extremely unfounded and absurd, so he does not even want to comment,” the lawyer added.

Recall that on July 7, the court arrested billionaire Gagik Tsarukyan for two months, accused of fraud and tax evasion. The defense stated that there are documents proving that Tsarukyan is a victim in this case, and appealed his arrest. On July 24, law enforcement officers detained Arman Davtyan, the director of the “Ararat” plant owned by Tsarukyan, on charges of tax evasion. Tsarukyan was suspected of tax evasion by the “Ararat” brandy factory. The defense called the case absurd, as Tsarukyan transferred all his businesses to management back in 2003 when he was elected to the National Assembly. On August 6, new charges were brought against Tsarukyan under articles on extortion and legalization of property obtained by criminal means. Two managers of Tsarukyan’s enterprises have been arrested for two months.

We have updated the applications on Android and IOS! We would appreciate your feedback, ideas for development both in Google Play/App Store and on the pages of the Caucasian Knot in social networks. Without installing a VPN, you can read us on Telegram (in Dagestan, Chechnya, and Ingushetia – with a VPN). Through a VPN, you can continue to read “Caucasian Knot” on the website, as usual, and in social networks Facebook*, Instagram*, “VKontakte”, “Odnoklassniki” and X. You can watch videos of the “Caucasian Knot” on YouTube.

* the activities of the company Meta (owner of Facebook, Instagram, and WhatsApp) are banned in Russia.

Translated automatically via OpenAI from class=”gmail_default”>

Source: Caucasian Knot

—

A close associate of Pashinyan ruled out the possibility of a referendum on th

Caucasian Knot
Aug 12, 2026
12 August 2026
A close associate of Pashinyan ruled out the possibility of a referendum on the EAEU in the near future.
A referendum on the possible exit of Armenia from the EAEU cannot be held in the coming months. The country remains a full member of the union, stated a member of parliament from the “Civil Contract” party.

As reported by “Caucasian Knot”, the bans on the import of Armenian products into Russia contradict the agreements between the two countries, reminded Nikol Pashinyan during a phone conversation with Vladimir Putin on July 27. The latter, in turn, insisted on holding a referendum in Armenia on joining the EU. A referendum on the choice between the EAEU and the EU will be meaningless and illegitimate until a number of procedural steps are completed, which will demonstrate disrespect for the people of Armenia, Pashinyan stated on August 7.

The authorities of Armenia should determine their participation in the EU or EAEU as soon as possible, for example, by holding a referendum that could serve as a basis for an “intelligent divorce” between the two countries, Putin stated on May 9. Armenia cannot sever economic ties with Russia and the EAEU, but has not eliminated the distrust between Yerevan and Moscow against the backdrop of the Armenian authorities’ rhetoric about the country’s accession to the European Union, analysts pointed out.

A member of parliament from the ruling faction “Civil Contract”, Sarkis Handanyan, commented on the country’s status in the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) on August 11. He emphasized that Armenia remains a full member of the union – its status has not changed and will not change in the near future.

“In the coming months, our participation will continue both politically and in terms of financial resources. Membership is based on the interests of both Armenia and the other member states of the union,” News.am quoted Handanyan as saying.

The parliamentarian emphasized that the process of rapprochement with the European Union for Armenia is characterized by internal reforms, and holding a referendum on exiting the EAEU is impossible, as this issue “has not been discussed in the country.” Sarkis Handanyan added that the continuation of Armenia’s membership in the Eurasian Economic Union will be reflected in the program of the new government.

The deputy also commented on Armenia’s status in another pro-Russian intergovernmental organization, the CSTO. Responding to a statement by the Deputy Head of the Russian Foreign Ministry, Mikhail Galuzin, about the possible deprivation of Armenia’s voting rights in the CSTO, Handanyan emphasized that Yerevan does not plan to activate its participation in this organization.

“Nothing has changed in Armenia’s position. Armenia has frozen its participation in the CSTO for several years now, and, in fact, we do not see a way back. We will monitor the developments and take into account the decision made by our partners in the CSTO,” “News-Armenia” quoted him as saying.

Translated automatically via OpenAI from class=”gmail_default”>

Source: Caucasian Knot

—

The former member of the Armenian parliament has been arrested in a case of br

Caucasian Knot
Aug 14, 2026
14 August 2026
The former member of the Armenian parliament has been arrested in a case of bribing voters.
Martun Grigoryan, who was in the top ten of the “Prosperous Armenia” list, has been arrested for two months in a case of bribing voters in favor of the party.

As reported by “Caucasian Knot”, Martun Grigoryan is being charged in the case of bribing voters during the elections in Armenia.

The court granted the prosecution’s request to arrest former parliament member Martun Grigoryan for two months, reported lawyer Arsen Babayan.

Grigoryan was detained on the morning of August 13. The Anti-Corruption Committee reported that they had approached the court with a request to arrest the ex-deputy in the framework of a criminal case regarding the alleged bribery of voters in favor of the “Prosperous Armenia” party. The case was initiated in June. The agency clarified that Grigoryan is a defendant in the case. In the parliamentary elections of 2026, he was in the top ten of the candidate list from “Prosperous Armenia,” writes Armenia Today.

Martun Grigoryan was part of the opposition faction “I have honor” in the previous parliament, reports “News Armenia”.

On July 7, the court arrested billionaire Gagik Tsarukyan for two months, accused of fraud and tax evasion. On July 24, law enforcement detained Arman Davtyan, the director of the “Ararat” plant owned by Tsarukyan, on charges of tax evasion. Tsarukyan was suspected of tax evasion through the “Ararat” brandy factory. The defense called the case absurd, as Tsarukyan has transferred all his businesses to management since 2003, when he was elected to the National Assembly. On August 6, a new charge was brought against Tsarukyan under articles on extortion and legalization of property obtained by criminal means. Two managers of Tsarukyan’s enterprises have been arrested for two months.

“Caucasian Knot” also reported that Tsarukyan’s party “Prosperous Armenia,” along with other opposition political parties, previously issued a statement about the illegitimacy of the authorities and plans to seek their removal.

Translated automatically via OpenAI from class=”gmail_default”>
Source: Caucasian Knot

—

Armenian Banks Tighten Checks on Transactions Linked to Russia Sanctions

The Moscow Times
Aug 13, 2026

Armenian banks must identify and block transactions that may be intended to circumvent international sanctions against Russia under new rules that took effect on Aug. 12.

The requirements are set out in regulations on banks’ minimum internal control standards approved by the Armenian Central Bank.

The measures, which could further restrict Russians’ access to Armenia’s banking system and disrupt payment routes used to transfer money from Russia to other countries, come as Armenia pursues closer ties with the European Union amid a deterioration in relations with Moscow.

Under the regulations, banks must establish systems for managing sanctions-evasion risks and identify, suspend or reject suspicious transactions before they are processed.

Banks must screen not only their clients but also counterparties and other parties involved in transactions. They are required to consider factors including a transaction’s geography, currency and location, as well as the origin of the goods or services involved.

For individuals, banks must examine citizenship, residential address and tax residency. For companies, they must assess where they are based and operate, along with their affiliated parties and beneficial owners.

The screening must be continuous. Banks are required to review a customer within one business day of any changes to sanctions lists or the customer’s information. They must also use automated monitoring systems to identify potential attempts to evade sanctions.

Armenian banks that regularly provide services to financial institutions operating outside the country must assess those institutions’ exposure to sanctions-evasion risks.

Financial adviser Natalya Smirnova said banks would look beyond whether customers were included on sanctions lists and examine their sources of capital and income, corporate ownership structures and the routes taken by their money.

“If your company or employer has sanctioned founders or beneficiaries, that may be grounds for refusing to credit the funds, even if you personally are not subject to any restrictions,” Smirnova wrote on Telegram.

The stricter compliance requirements could also affect brokers in the United Arab Emirates and other countries that receive transfers from Russia through Armenian banks, she said.

The financial news channel OhMySwift said the rules could affect institutions that use Armenian banks to transfer money to other jurisdictions.

Armenian lenders began refusing to open accounts for Russians and rejecting some transactions late last year. In some cases, banks closed accounts without providing detailed explanations, citing only “internal compliance requirements.”

Russian citizens had opened more than 70,000 accounts at Armenian banks by July 2022, according to Armenian government data.

The new restrictions come as relations between Armenia and Russia continue to cool. Armenia began the process of seeking European Union membership in March 2025.

Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan later said Armenia was not Moscow’s ally on the war in Ukraine and invited Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky to attend a European Political Community summit.

Russian President Vladimir Putin has urged Armenia to hold a referendum on EU membership, saying that if the country leaves the Russian-led Eurasian Economic Union, the two sides should separate on mutually beneficial terms.

This article was translated with the help of artificial intelligence and was reviewed by a Moscow Times editor before publication. Learn more about our newsroom’s AI policy here.


—

A Constitution at the Crossroads: Armenia’s Reform Debate in a Shifting South

I•CONnect
Aug 14, 2026
By I•CONnectAugust 14, 2026

—Anna Vardanyan, political journalist and researcher, former advisor to the Vice Speaker of the Parliament of Armenia, and accredited journalist at the Constitutional Court of Armenia

Armenia’s constitutional reform debate is increasingly shaped by broader regional dynamics in the South Caucasus. At its core is the potential revision of references in the current text of the Armenian Constitution to the 1990 Declaration of Independence, now closely tied to normalization efforts with Azerbaijan and Turkey and the Washington-mediated peace process. In this context, constitutional change has become closely linked to questions of peace, regional order, and political continuity.

However, translating these strategic objectives into constitutional reform will depend not only on the regional diplomatic environment but also on the domestic political balance that emerged after Armenia’s 2026 parliamentary elections.

Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan’s Civil Contract party secured a parliamentary victory in Armenia’s June 7, 2026 parliamentary elections but failed to obtain the constitutional majority needed to unilaterally amend the country’s Constitution. That outcome may complicate the government’s plans to adopt a new Constitution, a process Pashinyan has presented as necessary for Armenia’s institutional transformation and a new legal framework for state governance. Without the required two-thirds majority in parliament, the government would need to secure support from opposition lawmakers or rely on the constitutional procedures governing the adoption of a new Constitution, including a referendum if applicable, potentially slowing the reform agenda. Opposition forces have criticized the proposed constitutional overhaul, arguing that it could serve the government’s political interests rather than address Armenia’s deeper institutional challenges. The lack of a constitutional majority therefore leaves the future of the reform process uncertain. Although the government retains a parliamentary majority, it cannot unilaterally amend the Constitution and must instead seek support from opposition lawmakers or pursue constitutionally prescribed procedures requiring broader political legitimacy. Given the polarized political environment and the opposition’s resistance to revising the Constitution, constitutional change is likely to become one of the principal political challenges facing the new parliament.

Constitutional Principles and the Declaration of Independence

The current phase of constitutional discussion in Armenia is being driven as much by external strategic developments as by internal legal or institutional considerations. As the country engages in advanced peace negotiations with Azerbaijan—facilitated in part by Western actors—constitutional change is increasingly framed as a prerequisite for durable peace. Azerbaijan has called for the removal of constitutional language referencing Armenia’s 1990 Declaration of Independence. The Armenian Constitution’s preamble refers explicitly to the Declaration of Independence, adopted on August 23, 1990. That Declaration includes references to the Armenian SSR’s reunification with Nagorno-Karabakh, which Azerbaijan interprets as a territorial claim.

The removal of the reference to the Declaration of Independence does not, as a matter of law, necessarily require the adoption of a new Constitution. Nevertheless, the Armenian authorities have framed this change as part of a broader constitutional reform culminating in the adoption of a new Constitution, which, under the existing constitutional framework, is subject to approval by a nationwide referendum.

This would go beyond a symbolic amendment, reshaping the state’s foundational narrative. While the preamble does not establish directly enforceable norms, it guides constitutional interpretation and reflects core values, so its revision would carry both symbolic and interpretive weight. The issue has gained urgency amid renewed peace negotiations and external diplomatic pressure, potentially signaling a shift in the expressing of Armenia’s constitutional identity from historically rooted claims toward a more forward-looking, state-centric identity. Proponents argue that such a change would align the Constitution with Armenia’s current international obligations and facilitate peace. Critics, however, warn that it risks eroding national identity and conceding to external pressure without sufficient guarantees in return.

Inclusivity and Democratic Legitimacy

Within Armenia, constitutional reform has been discussed intermittently since the 2015 transition to a parliamentary system. However, the current phase is distinct in both urgency and framing. Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan has suggested the need for a “new constitution” that reflects contemporary realities, including post-war conditions and evolving regional relations. Later, he also indicated that his political force favors excluding references to the Declaration of Independence from a new Constitution, characterizing the document not as a foundation of statehood but as a source of prolonged conflict and dependency.

At the same time, the constitutional reform process has generated significant concerns regarding inclusivity and transparency. No official draft has been made public, constraining informed public debate and limiting broader societal engagement. While the authorities have indicated that a constitutional referendum is envisaged following the parliamentary elections, no clear timeline has been established, and any draft would first need to secure a two-thirds majority in parliament. According to the Ministry of Justice, the text has already been finalized and is currently under review within the ruling party, yet it is still deemed not ready for publication, with no detailed explanation provided for the delay or for when it might be disclosed. This absence is particularly striking given Armenia’s past constitutional reforms, such as those in 2005 and 2015, which—despite criticism—at least involved published drafts and formalized consultation processes.

The lack of a publicly available draft undermines the participatory dimension of constitution-making, which is widely regarded as essential to democratic legitimacy (see, for example, International IDEA’s guidelines on constitution-building). The exclusion of civil society, legal experts, and the wider public from meaningful engagement with the proposed text undermines democratic legitimacy. In Armenia, limited consultation further risks eroding trust in the process itself. While inclusive constitution-making typically involves expert drafting, public debate, parliamentary discussion, and referendums, the legitimacy of any popular vote will depend on prior deliberation.

Geopolitical Context: Peace Process and External Actors

The current constitutional debate in Armenia cannot be understood in isolation from the broader regional context. Following the 2020 war and subsequent developments, including Azerbaijan’s reassertion of control over Nagorno-Karabakh, the balance of power in the South Caucasus has shifted significantly.

Recent peace negotiations—some mediated in Washington—have emphasized mutual recognition of territorial integrity and the normalization of relations. Reports and analyses suggest that Azerbaijan has made constitutional changes in Armenia a key demand, particularly the removal of language perceived as irredentist. Turkey, for its part, has linked normalization with Armenia to progress in Armenia–Azerbaijan relations. Its strategic interest lies in opening regional transport corridors and consolidating its influence in the South Caucasus, often in coordination with Azerbaijan.

The United States has emerged as an increasingly active mediator, promoting a peace agreement that would stabilize the region and reduce Russian influence. In this context, constitutional reform in Armenia is seen not only as a domestic adjustment but as a signal of commitment to a new regional order.

Implications for the Regional Order

If successful, Armenia’s constitutional reform could facilitate a peace agreement, normalize relations with neighbors, and contribute to regional stability. It could also redefine Armenia’s position in the South Caucasus, potentially opening new economic and diplomatic opportunities.

However, the long-term stability of such an arrangement depends on mutual trust and reciprocal commitments. If reforms are perceived as one-sided concessions, they may generate domestic backlash and undermine sustainability.

Moreover, the role of external actors raises questions about the future balance of power.

A U.S.-mediated settlement may shift the region’s geopolitical orientation, but its durability will depend on local ownership and implementation.

Constitution-Making as Diplomacy

One of the most striking features of the current process is the transformation of constitution-making into a tool of foreign policy. Traditionally, constitutions are expressions of popular sovereignty, reflecting internal consensus. In Armenia’s case, however, external expectations appear to be shaping the agenda.

This raises important normative questions. Can a constitution retain legitimacy if it is perceived as externally driven? Comparative experience suggests that externally influenced constitutional processes—such as those in Bosnia and Herzegovina (Dayton Agreement) or Kosovo—often face long-term challenges related to ownership and legitimacy.

At the same time, proponents argue that Armenia’s situation is unique. Given the security environment and the need for peace, aligning constitutional language with international norms may be both pragmatic and necessary.

Yet, regardless of the competing arguments surrounding the reform, its implementation will ultimately hinge on whether it secures sufficient public legitimacy through the referendum process. This raises a key question for Armenia’s political future: what would happen if voters reject the proposed changes?

Scenarios: What If the Referendum Fails?

A failed referendum would have significant implications. Domestically, it could weaken the government’s authority and deepen political polarization. It might also signal public resistance to perceived concessions, particularly if the reforms are framed as externally imposed.

From a geopolitical perspective, failure could complicate the peace process. Azerbaijan may interpret it as a lack of commitment, potentially delaying or derailing negotiations. External mediators, including the United States, could face credibility challenges if agreements they support are not ratified domestically.

One possible scenario is a repeat referendum following revisions to the proposed text, an option that the Armenian Prime Minister has not ruled out. This approach has precedents in other countries, but it carries risks of reform fatigue and further polarization. Alternatively, the government could attempt incremental reforms, though this may not satisfy external expectations.

Regional Comparisons

Comparative examples from the South Caucasus offer useful insights. Georgia’s constitutional reforms, particularly those in 2017–2018, were domestically driven but also influenced by European integration goals. Azerbaijan, by contrast, has used constitutional amendments—such as those in 2016—to consolidate executive power.

Armenia’s case is distinct in that constitutional reform is directly linked to a peace process. This creates both opportunities and risks. On one hand, it allows for a comprehensive rethinking of the state’s legal and political framework. On the other, it exposes the process to external pressures that may undermine its legitimacy.

Conclusion and Recommendations

Armenia’s constitutional reform debate illustrates how deeply intertwined domestic legal processes and international politics have become. What might once have been a technical discussion about constitutional design is now a central component of regional diplomacy.

To ensure legitimacy and sustainability, the government should first publish a draft text and enable broad public consultation, as transparency is key to building trust. Second, reforms should reflect not only external expectations but also a coherent vision for Armenia’s future. Third, any constitutional concessions should be balanced by clear guarantees in the peace agreement.

Finally, the sequencing of elections and constitutional reform must be carefully managed. The June 7, 2026 parliamentary elections served as a de facto test of public support for the government’s broader political and diplomatic agenda, including constitutional change. Ultimately, the success of constitutional reform will depend on its ability to balance legal coherence, democratic legitimacy, and geopolitical pragmatism. If managed carefully, it could mark a turning point in Armenia’s development and contribute to a more stable South Caucasus. If not, it risks becoming a source of internal division and external vulnerability.

Suggested citation: Anna Vardanyan, A Constitution at the Crossroads: Armenia’s Reform Debate in a Shifting South Caucasus, Int’l J. Const. L. Blog, Aug. 14, 2026, at: class=”gmail_default” st1yle=”font-family:tahoma,sans-serif”>

—

Levon Aronian: The Armenian Art of Strategy, Time and Excellence

Kenya – Aug 14, 2026

The grandmaster and ambassador of Jardins d’Arménie speaks about  chess, family, Armenia, and why true mastery cannot be rushed 

Armenia speaks to the world through a diverse tapestry of languages, each rich in history and nuance. Some are ancient, some contemporary, while others need no words at all: classical  music, chess and Armenian Royal brandy. 

Each embodies aspects of the Armenian spirit—memory, discipline, finesse, courage and the passage of time. In chess, few encapsulate this essence as profoundly as Levon Aronian.

A grandmaster distinguished by his creativity, Aronian belongs to an elite group of players whose  games are celebrated not only for their outcomes but also for their artistry.

With two FIDE World Cup titles to his name, he has led Armenia to historic team victories and competed against some of the strongest players across generations.

Although he has represented the United States since 2021, his roots remain firmly planted in Armenia, evident in his language, musical tastes, circle of friends and cherished memories, as well as his sense of obligation to promote Armenian chess.

Today, Aronian continues his lifelong journey from tournament to tournament and country to country, moving from one chessboard to the next. He promises that soon he will be travelling to Switzerland before returning to the United States.

While the pace may be demanding, it has long become second nature to him.

Having started travelling at the age of nine, Aronian learned not only to adapt but also to embrace the experience.

“I learned to enjoy travel. I learned to detach myself from places and people in a certain way, and to discover different cultures. It has become such an essential part of my character that I cannot imagine not traveling.”

For a man who has spent much of his life away from home, the concept of home has become clearer rather than more complex. It transcends any single location; home is defined by family. Yet Armenia holds a unique significance—a cherished land imbued with warmth, language and childhood memories. 

The Beginning: A Sister, a Board, and a Lifelong Game

Levon Aronian’s introduction to chess was not marked by the dramatic flair of a fairy tale. Instead, it unfolded at home, almost by chance.

At the age of eight and a half, he regularly pestered his older sister, who was more than six years his senior, to let him join her games with friends. To keep him entertained, she introduced him to chess. What began as a way to stave off childhood boredom soon became the focus of his life.

“I was eight and a half. My sister told me to play chess, and then I fell in love with the game. After that I needed opponents – and that is how it all began.”

Since Aronian’s early days on the board, the chess landscape has changed dramatically. Advances in computer technology have transformed preparation, calculation and the approach to risk embraced by young players.

While he acknowledges these changes, Aronian does not come across as a relic clinging to the past. Instead, he views the wisdom that comes with age as the ability to remain receptive.

“The most valuable thing you can learn with age is to keep an open mind. If you close yourself inside a little shell, that is not good. If you keep your mind open, if you spend time with young people, advising them and learning from them, then you continue to evolve.”

This mindset may help explain Aronian’s enduring relevance in the chess world. Rather than viewing the younger generation only as competitors, he studies and learns from them, drawing inspiration from their energy.

In an era of chess defined by technology, rapid play, psychology and calculated risks, he strives to embody the spirit of a “young thinker.” 

“Chess has changed enormously. Because computers have become so strong, players try to keep some part of themselves in the  game, and that creates more risky players and more desire in the younger generation. I try to learn from them. I am not stuck in the old ways. I try to remain a young thinker.”

Armenia,  Music, Chess, and the World

Though Levon Aronian now competes under the American flag, Armenia continues to shape his worldview. Asked what he carries from his homeland, Aronian does not cite political ideologies but instead speaks about Armenian culture.

For him,  music remains an enduring connection. In a society often marked by turmoil, he finds solace in the principles and cultural heritage that provide stability in his life.

“I have a certain set of principles, and I try to live by them. In a world of chaos, that keeps me sane. And probably music – I carry a lot of music from Armenia with me. I listen to Armenian music and try to stay in touch with my country and my culture in that way.”

This connection carries symbolism. Armenia has garnered global respect for contributions to art forms that take time to cultivate, including music, chess, brandy, craftsmanship and education. Each represents a commitment to discipline that cannot be rushed. They require patience and, in return, offer the reward of maturity.

For Aronian, chess has opened global doors, while Armenia has provided the inner dialogue to navigate them.

This is why his role as an ambassador for Jardins d’Arménie Royal Brandy goes beyond sponsorship; it reflects a cultural connection.

For Aronian, Armenian Royal brandy belongs to a realm steeped in patience, discipline and sophistication. Like chess, it requires time to develop its intricate layers. As with the age-old game, Armenian Royal brandy has gained international appreciation through its quality. 

Jardins d’Arménie: Where Craftsmanship Meets Connection

In the realm of luxury brands, Aronian approaches partnerships with caution. Over the years, he has received numerous proposals but has prioritised meaningful human connections.

This principle guided him to Jardins d’Arménie Royal Brandy in collaboration with Pogossian Luxury Brand House. The link was Armen Pogossian, the House’s owner, whom Aronian regards as an engaging, well-educated and thoughtful individual. Their friendship fostered a partnership based on shared values and mutual respect.

“Throughout my career, I received many offers to represent different brands, but I am normally very selective and cautious. It had to be someone I could connect with. With Armen, that connection came early. I understood that he is an interesting, broadly educated and thinking person, and that made a big difference.”

Recently, Aronian showcased the brand’s international footprint at the Monte-Carlo Television Festival, where Jardins d’Arménie Royal Brandy partnered as a Crystal Partner. The event attracted global guests from television, cinema, media and culture, with Prince Albert II of Monaco attending the festivities. 

InternationalSports Competitions

For Aronian, the essence of the brand’s success goes beyond the design of its bottle or the narrative behind it. The true test, he says, comes when people taste the product.

“You can tell a thousand stories about your product, describe it in a million words and have a beautiful bottle. But at the end of the day, a person opens the bottle and tries what is inside. What I witnessed personally is how good the product is, and how special the experience is. That is why people respect it.”

Looking ahead, Aronian is optimistic about the future of Jardins d’Arménie, citing its authenticity and craftsmanship. With its Armenian roots, global aspirations and distinct character, the brand is positioned for continued success.

“I think the future of what Jardins d’Arménie represents is very hopeful. It is already a great success, but it will become bigger. The main reason is that it is a unique product.”

The next move

In competitive chess, Levon Aronian stands out not only for his skills on the board but also for the life he leads away from it. He frequently speaks about the value he places on family life.

Travelling together, celebrating his wife’s resurgence in her music career—writing songs and performing globally—and spending time with his daughter, Aronian has combined his personal and professional lives. For him, happiness fuels his passion for  chess and supports a mindset focused on growth and learning.

Aronian is also committed to nurturing the next generation of talent. Alongside fellow Armenian grandmasters and friends, he is currently mentoring a promising 13-year-old.

“We are always looking for new talents to support. Right now we are supporting one boy. He is thirteen years old and very talented.”

When reflecting on how he wishes to be remembered, Aronian looks beyond titles and accolades, emphasising a desire to be of service. His journey through chess has taught him that determination and perseverance can create opportunities, both in the  game and in life. 

Games

“I would like to be remembered in the sense that, if I made the world even slightly better, that is enough. I am not looking for any special legacy. One thing I learned from chess is that if you fight and put in the hours, you always have a chance.”

This philosophy reflects the values he associates with Armenia: the pursuit of excellence, humility, ambition and an appreciation of memories without being defined by the past.

Aronian remains a prominent voice for Armenia on the global stage, linking chess with creativity, competition and culture.

Similarly, Jardins d’Arménie and Pogossian Luxury Brand House seek to convey the narrative that Armenian craftsmanship, like chess, has a place on the world stage, reflecting confidence and pride.

At first glance, chess and the crafting of fine brandy may appear to occupy different realms. Yet both are disciplines nurtured by time and patience, gaining richness as they mature.

Together, they serve as a reminder that Armenia’s achievements are not solely defined by scale, but also by elegance, courage and mastery.

—

‘We have proved that Armenia is not a province, but a crossroads’ — Pashinyan

JAM News
Aug 13, 2026
  • JAMnews
  • Yerevan

Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan said there should be no situation in which anyone could say: “Armenia has nowhere to go and nobody needs it.” Four years ago, Belarusian President Alexander Lukashenko made a similar statement.

According to Pashinyan, Lukashenko’s words actually reflect a “deeply rooted institutional perception” of Armenia, not only in Belarus but also in other countries that belong to the Russian-led Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU). The prime minister sees this as a “disrespectful perception”. He believes it developed from the following assumption:

“There is the Karabakh conflict, there is a conflict with Azerbaijan, there is a conflict with Turkey, and this hostility is insurmountable. So they have nowhere to go, and we can treat them however we want.”

However, Pashinyan said Armenia had managed to prove otherwise:

“We have demonstrated in practice that many countries need Armenia as a responsible partner in the international community and as a very important country. We have proved that Armenia is not a province, but a crossroads — together with the South Caucasus and the wider region.”

At a briefing, the prime minister again answered questions about Armenia’s choice between the EAEU and the European Union. He also discussed possible decisions on the management of Armenia’s railways, which Russia took over under a concession agreement in 2008. The Armenian government has effectively developed new proposals that would limit Russia’s role but would not yet terminate its concession.


  • Armenia begins shift from Russia towards EU – but finish line remains distant
  • Pashinyan: ‘Russia wants either exclusive ties or nothing’
  • Armenia seeks alternatives amid concerns over possible Russian gas price hike

“Before alternatives emerge, we need both the EU and the EAEU equally”

Russia continues to pressure Armenia over the need to choose between the EAEU and the EU. Armenian journalists therefore asked the government again about its position. Pashinyan said Russia expected Armenia to choose between “two alternatives”. However, the “second alternative” has not yet taken shape:

“We will certainly make this choice through a referendum in the future. But this will happen only after we first carry out the necessary institutional preparations and then formally apply for EU membership.”

According to Pashinyan, Armenia currently needs both the EU and the EAEU equally because the second alternative does not yet exist. He also said Armenia could eventually face not only a choice between these two options, but also a third approach:

“Perhaps a third initiative will emerge: neither the EAEU nor the EU. In other words, we do not need either structure. Who said that everyone must belong to some structure?”

Moreover, he said the government was considering many possible options, including “a fourth and fifth alternative”.

Returning to the issue of holding a referendum on EAEU or EU membership, he stressed:

“This choice must be a mature one because we do not yet know how realistic this path is or what the roadmap will look like.”

Without naming Russia, the prime minister said Armenia could not treat anyone’s interests with contempt or disregard. But it also could not put another country’s interests above its own national interests.

“That is why we are trying to discuss and resolve all issues patiently, without escalation or nervousness. We will discuss them for as long as necessary, until we find a solution that more or less satisfies both sides,” he said.

“We will not pursue the termination of the concession agreement”

Nikol Pashinyan once again said Yerevan wanted to resolve the issue of Armenia’s railway “in a friendly manner” without escalating the situation. He said both Armenia and Russia should consider each other’s interests and seek compromises.

This time, the prime minister outlined several possible scenarios for how the situation could develop:

“One of them could involve the Russian side selling its concession rights, either fully or partially. In other words, there could be certain shareholder configurations,” he said.

According to Pashinyan, Armenia does not want to terminate the concession agreement. It has always had that option and still does. However, the Armenian side prefers not to take such measures.

He said a possible solution for Yerevan would involve a Russian company selling its concession rights to a third party at market value.

At the same time, he noted that this approach might not be particularly acceptable to Russia’s partners.

He also said the Armenian government was working with experts to find an option that would at least partly address the concerns of both sides:

“[The experts] say that we could introduce a different management model. For example, Russia could retain part of its shares while transferring the rest. But the Russian side would have to retain a smaller stake. Otherwise, the problem would not be resolved.

There is another idea. The licence could be divided into two parts. At present, the railway infrastructure and its operation form a single package.”

Pashinyan explained the problems facing Armenia:

“The current situation prevents Armenia from seizing the historic opportunity to integrate our railway into the international rail network.”

He noted that countries responsible for the “lion’s share” of rail freight and which could become potential beneficiaries are looking for ways to bypass Armenia:

“They not only tell us this, but we can also see that they are showing no investment interest in this sector. As a result, we understand that the reason lies in the fact that our railway is under a Russian concession.”

Nikol Pashinyan added that this was why the government had raised the issue with its Russian partners in a friendly manner and proposed finding solutions.

Since 2008, Armenia’s railways have operated under a concession held by South Caucasus Railway. The company is a wholly owned subsidiary of Russian Railways. The agreement provides for a 30-year concession. However, since 2008, freight volumes have halved, some routes have stopped operating, and the required investments have remained on paper. Meanwhile, Armenia wants to fully unblock its borders, which requires restoring railway links to the borders with Azerbaijan and Turkey. Since the Russian company that operates Armenia’s railways has not undertaken to restore these sections, Armenia is looking for ways to implement the plans itself.

—

‘Even if nuclear power plant is shut down, Armenia will not face serious probl

JAM News
Aug 13, 2026
  • JAMnews
  • Yerevan

“Every nuclear power plant has an operating lifespan. Neither the Armenian government nor the Azerbaijani government, nor the government of any other country in the world, determines that lifespan,” Armenian ruling-party MP Arman Yeghoyan said in response to the Azerbaijani president’s remarks.

In an interview with AzTV, Ilham Aliyev said the Metsamor Nuclear Power Plant was “outdated” and posed a potential threat to the entire region. He said “sooner or later it must be shut down”, after which “Armenia will face a full-scale energy crisis”.

At the same time, the Azerbaijani president said an energy corridor running through Armenia to Nakhchivan, then to Turkey and Europe, would “allow Armenia’s energy system to withstand a crisis”.

MP Arman Yeghoyan responded that “Aliyev has not made any revelation”. The maximum permitted operating period of the nuclear power plant expires in 2036, a fact that has long been known.

“And we have already announced that we are considering building a new nuclear power plant and are negotiating with several international partners,” the MP said.

Political analyst Samvel Meliksetyan believes Azerbaijan is trying to portray itself as a “generous country ready to help Armenia solve its problems”, despite the long-running conflict.

He noted that this was not the first such case. Baku had previously said that Azerbaijan could serve as a reliable partner for supplying energy resources to Armenia. Meliksetyan, however, said Armenia currently has a surplus of electricity. He stressed that even if the nuclear power plant shuts down, the country will not face serious problems.

“The claim that Armenia’s energy system will face a crisis after the Metsamor Nuclear Power Plant closes is not true,” the political analyst told JAMnews.

He said Armenia does not currently need additional sources of electricity. He noted that the project for a new nuclear power plant remains under discussion and that Armenia has opportunities to expand solar power.

In addition, the fifth unit of the Hrazdan Thermal Power Plant has roughly the same generating capacity as the nuclear plant. The only problem is that the nuclear power plant produces cheaper electricity.


  • ‘Regional stability is main achievement’: assessing Washington peace summit one year on
  • Turkey takes practical steps to restore rail link with Armenia
  • Armenia begins ratifying TRIPP agreement with US: foreign minister outlines key details

Aliyev again refers to TRIPP as the “Zangezur Corridor”

During his visit to Nakhchivan, Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev gave an interview to state broadcaster AzTV. Alongside the issue of the nuclear power plant’s closure, Aliyev discussed the 2020 Second Karabakh War. He called the trilateral statement of 9 November, which ended the fighting, “an act of Armenia’s capitulation”. He added that “there is no need to look for any humiliating or offensive meaning in this term; it is simply a reality”.

He then turned to the issue of transport links between mainland Azerbaijan and Nakhchivan. He stressed that this route had remained one of Baku’s strategic goals for many years.

“On 9 November, trilateral negotiations took place with the mediation of the Russian president. I insisted categorically that the statement we were about to sign must include a corridor linking mainland Azerbaijan with the Nakhchivan Autonomous Republic. The Armenian side did not want to agree to this. But it did not have many alternatives. If the war had continued, we would of course have suffered losses as well, but Armenia’s losses would have been much greater. Its troops were, so to speak, surrounded, and their destruction had effectively become a possibility,” the president said.

Point 9 of the November [statement], which the leaders of Armenia, Azerbaijan and Russia signed, does not refer only to a road linking Azerbaijan with Nakhchivan. It states: “All economic and transport links in the region shall be unblocked.” Moreover, the document does not contain the term “corridor”.

Aliyev went on to say that Armenia had delayed implementation of the relevant provision of the 9 November statement and had taken no practical steps to create the “Zangezur Corridor”.

According to him, Russia, the third signatory to the statement, either could not ensure its implementation or had other reasons for not doing so.

“Until August last year, this issue remained frozen. The situation changed when the United States became involved, around spring 2025. The implementation of the project known as TRIPP then began successfully,” Aliyev said, linking the Trump Route transit project to the idea of the “Zangezur Corridor”.

For several years, Baku had demanded that Armenia provide a “Zangezur Corridor” to connect Azerbaijan with Nakhchivan. The Armenian authorities repeatedly said they were ready to unblock all transport links, but refused to provide a “corridor”. The issue stemmed from the fact that Azerbaijan used the term “corridor” to refer to an extraterritorial route. Armenia, meanwhile, refused to give up sovereign control over its own territory.

On 8 August 2025, the sides reached an agreement in Washington, with the mediation of the US president, under which Armenia would provide a route while retaining its sovereign rights. The transit project therefore received the name “Trump Route for International Peace and Prosperity” (TRIPP).

Aliyev also said that, as part of TRIPP, Azerbaijan had already prepared a project to build power transmission lines from mainland Azerbaijan to Nakhchivan through Armenian territory:

“As a result of our specialists’ survey of Armenian territory, we identified the points where the supporting pylons should be installed.”

The Azerbaijani president expressed hope that “Armenia will not delay this process”, saying it would also benefit the country.

“There is no infrastructure by that name in Armenia” — MP

Arman Yeghoyan, an MP from Armenia’s ruling Civil Contract party, said that documents signed by Armenia and Azerbaijan, including the peace agreement initialled in Washington, do not contain the term “Zangezur Corridor”.

“At the level of political narratives, you can say many things. But we are saying that there is no such concept or infrastructure with such a name or term on Armenian territory.”

The MP urged people to remember that Armenia is implementing the TRIPP project. The leaders of Armenia, Azerbaijan and the United States signed the declaration launching the project in Washington on 8 August 2025.

According to political analyst Samvel Meliksetyan, when the Azerbaijani side explains what it means by the “Zangezur Corridor”, it refers to the railway from Horadiz to Nakhchivan and then on to Turkey. He also noted that Aliyev used the name TRIPP in his interview.

The analyst said the meaning attached to the term “Zangezur Corridor” in 2022–2023 differs from what it means today. In his assessment, the project no longer involves an extraterritorial corridor:

“From a legal standpoint, TRIPP cannot become an extraterritorial corridor. But from a propaganda standpoint, Azerbaijan uses and will continue to use the term ‘Zangezur Corridor’, with some modifications.”

Meliksetyan stressed that the “Trump Route” project would proceed according to principles agreed with US mediation.

Commenting on Aliyev’s statement about building power transmission lines through Armenian territory, the political analyst said the sides were assessing the most suitable routes. He said the involvement of Azerbaijani specialists should not be interpreted as “acting on their own”.

“All the work is being carried out within the TRIPP framework. An electricity link will run through Armenian territory and connect the two parts of Azerbaijan. Azerbaijani specialists can only discuss where the link will enter Armenia from Azerbaijani territory and where it will re-enter Azerbaijan,” the expert explained.

Summing up his impressions of Aliyev’s interview, Meliksetyan said the Azerbaijani president had spoken in his characteristic style, seeking to highlight his “political achievements”.

The analyst said it was no coincidence that Aliyev focused on Nakhchivan’s economic and energy development, as well as its transport prospects. The president said Azerbaijan would finance the railway restoration itself, but also expressed interest in attracting international investors.

“Although Azerbaijan has repeatedly said that it has no financial problems, they certainly exist. Baku is trying to attract new investment to Nakhchivan through TRIPP to restore this section of the railway,” Meliksetyan said.

—