Armenian Directory & News – Page 404 – Armenian Business Directory & News

Christian Solidarity Urges UN to Send Fact-Finding Mission to Artsakh

July 7, 2026July 7, 2026 Baghdasarian Karlen

by Asbarez Staff

July 6, 2026

in Artsakh, Featured Story, Latest, News, Top Stories

Joel Veldkamp, CSI’s director for public advocacy, delivers intervention at UN panel in Geneva on Jul. 2

Christian Solidarity International raised the issue of Azerbaijan’s ethnic cleansing of 150,000 Christian Armenians from their homeland in Artsakh during a United Nations Human Rights Commission session on July 2 in Geneva.

CSI’s intervention was delivered by Joel Veldkamp, CSI’s director for public advocacy, during an interactive dialogue with the Special Rapporteur on Contemporary Forms of Racism, Ashwini KP.

Azerbaijan’s expulsion of Artsakh’s Armenians from their homeland in September 2023 represents “one of the most complete ethnic cleansing campaigns in modern history,” Veldkamp said.

Veldkamp noted that Azerbaijan is defying multiple International Court of Justice orders in refusing to allow the Armenians of Nagorno Karabakh to return to their homeland, and by destroying Armenian religious and historic sites in Nagorno Karabakh.

“We urge the President of the Human Rights Council and the High Commissioner for Human Rights to take concrete measures against the aforementioned gross violations of international law,” he said.

Veldkamp also urged the Special Rapporteur “to undertake a fact-finding visit to the displaced people of Nagorno Karabakh, and submit a report on the ethnic cleansing of Nagorno Karabakh to the Human Rights Council.”

We publish the text of the intervention below.

Human Rights Council 62nd Session, Agenda Item 9
ID with Special Rapporteur on Contemporary Forms of Racism

2 July 2026

On September 19, 2023, the armed forces of Azerbaijan launched an attack on the Armenians of Nagorno Karabakh. Within twelve days, the region had been emptied of virtually its entire Armenian population of 120,000 people. This attack stands today as one of the most complete ethnic cleansing campaigns in modern history.

On November 17, 2023, the International Court of Justice ruled that Azerbaijan must, in accordance with its obligations under the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, ensure that the persons who have left Nagorno Karabakh are able to return in a safe, unimpeded and expeditious manner.

So far, Azerbaijan has not taken any meaningful steps to fulfill this order. And it continues to hold as hostages twenty Armenians who were captured during this ethnic cleansing campaign.

On December 7, 2021, the International Court of Justice ordered Azerbaijan to “take all necessary measures to prevent acts of vandalism and desecration affecting Armenian cultural heritage” – again, in accordance with its obligations under CERD.

Instead, Azerbaijan continues to demolish Armenian churches, monuments and cemeteries, most recently the Holy Mother of God Cathedral in Stepanakert in Nagorno Karabakh.

We urge the President of the Human Rights Council and the High Commissioner for Human Rights to take concrete measures against the aforementioned gross violations of international law.

Madame Ashwini K. P., we urge you to undertake a fact-finding visit to the displaced people of Nagorno Karabakh, and submit a report on the ethnic cleansing of Nagorno Karabakh to the Human Rights Council.

—

CC: The Victory Armenia Refused

July 7, 2026July 7, 2026 Emil Lazarian

· JULY 6, 2026

By Varouj Pogharian, Bogota, Colombia,

Keghart

Israel spent decades blocking the recognition of the Armenian Genocide for reasons of state. When it finally reversed course, Armenia inexplicably failed to capitalize on one of its greatest diplomatic successes.

Israel’s recognition was deeply ironic. For decades, successive Israeli governments refused to recognize the Armenian Genocide despite overwhelming historical evidence. Israeli officials, historians, and members of the Knesset repeatedly acknowledged the reality of the genocide, yet the state itself remained officially silent. The reasons were geopolitical. Maintaining strategic ties with Turkey, and later cultivating a close military and intelligence partnership with Azerbaijan, consistently took precedence over historical truth.

When asked about Israel government’s decision, Prime Minister Pashinyan declared that Armenia saw “no need to respond,” explaining that his government opposed the “weaponization” of the Armenian Genocide. At first glance, the statement appears measured and statesmanlike. Armenia, after all, is attempting to normalize relations with Turkey, negotiate a peace agreement with Azerbaijan, and reduce the risk of renewed war.

The central flaw in Pashinyan’s reasoning lies in assuming that silence is politically neutral. It is not. In international politics, every silence communicates something. By emphasizing the avoidance of “weaponization,” he inadvertently supplies language that denialist governments could exploit.

Pashinyan’s position misunderstands the nature of historical memory. He speaks as though genocide recognition becomes problematic once it enters politics. In fact, recognition has always been political. Recognition by national parliaments is political. Recognition by presidents is political. Recognition by international organizations is political. Even denial is political.

The question is therefore not whether history intersects with politics. It always does. The real question is whether politics serves truth or obscures it.

When governments acknowledge historical crimes despite diplomatic costs, they strengthen international norms against denial. When governments remain silent despite favorable circumstances, they weaken those same norms.

Pashinyan deserves credit for recognizing that Armenia cannot define itself solely through victimhood. Nations require hope as well as memory. They require confidence as well as grief. Yet rejecting victimhood does not require abandoning historical truth. Remembering genocide does not prevent building democracy. Commemorating the dead does not obstruct economic development. Acknowledging history does not preclude reconciliation with former enemies. The challenge lies in balancing memory with statecraft. That balance requires confidence rather than silence. Armenia’s greatest diplomatic asset has never been military power or economic influence. It has been moral credibility.

The history of the Armenian Genocide, painstakingly documented by historians across the world, has provided Armenia with a unique voice in international discussions concerning human rights, prevention of atrocities, and historical accountability. That voice should not be surrendered lightly.

Israeli government’s recognition of the Genocide strengthened the international consensus surrounding one of the twentieth century’s defining crimes. It weakened the global architecture of denial. It offered Armenia an occasion to demonstrate both gratitude and dignity. Armenia did not need to endorse Israel’s motives. It needed only to welcome the outcome.

It is understandable that Armenia cannot remain permanently trapped by history. But neither can it escape history simply by refusing to speak about it. For more than a century, recognition of the Armenian Genocide has been one of the central objectives of Armenian diplomacy and of Armenian communities throughout the world. Successive governments and diaspora organizations have invested enormous effort in persuading governments to acknowledge the events of 1915 as genocide.

Recognition was not sought merely for symbolic satisfaction. It serves larger purposes. It affirms historical truth. It combats denial. It strengthens international norms against crimes against humanity. And most importantly, it reminds future generations that mass atrocities should neither be forgotten nor repeated. Israel had a unique place in this debate.

Geopolitical calculations changed due to the dramatically deteriorating relations between Israel and Turkey. Recognition suddenly became politically advantageous to Israel. Few observers can fail to notice the timing. This does not diminish the importance of the decision. Recognition does not become meaningless because states also pursue national interests. Governments often arrive at morally correct positions for imperfect reasons. International recognition of historical crimes has rarely been detached from politics. France, Germany, the United States, and many other countries reached their decisions through political processes shaped by domestic and international considerations.

Indeed, Israel’s long resistance makes its recognition all the more significant. A government that spent decades preventing recognition has now abandoned that position. That represents a genuine defeat for denial, regardless of the political calculations behind it. It suggests that historical truth could prevail over geopolitical expediency. That alone deserved acknowledgment.

This was precisely why Armenia should have welcomed the decision, not respond with studied indifference. Armenia declined even to express appreciation. By remaining silent, Yerevan missed the opportunity to acknowledge not only a historic act of recognition but also the collapse of one of the last major obstacles to the international acceptance of the Armenian Genocide.

Foreign policy is not simply about avoiding conflict. It is also about recognizing opportunities. Israeli government’s decision represented precisely such an opportunity. By declining even to welcome the recognition, Armenia squandered one of the most significant diplomatic developments in decades. In diplomacy, silence is sometimes wisdom. At other times, it is surrender. Prime Minister Pashinyan’s response to Israel’s recognition of the Armenian Genocide belongs in the latter category: surrender.

Official recognition of the Armenian Genocide is never cost-free. Governments weigh consequences carefully before making such choices. Israel can reasonably conclude that Armenia failed to appreciate the significance of its decision. Expressions of gratitude by Armenian officials would reinforce future cooperation. Silence, on the other hand, diminishes incentives for other governments to take similar risks.

Supporters of Pashinyan would argue that Armenia cannot afford additional confrontations. The argument deserves serious consideration. The country remains militarily vulnerable following the loss of Nagorno-Karabakh in 2023. Relations with Russia have deteriorated. Dependence upon Western political support has increased. Every diplomatic move must therefore be carefully calibrated.

But acknowledging Israel’s recognition need not have constituted confrontation. A carefully worded statement could have accomplished several objectives simultaneously. Armenia could have welcomed Israel’s decision as an affirmation of historical truth. It could have thanked Israel without criticizing Turkey. It could have emphasized reconciliation. It could have reaffirmed its commitment to regional peace while insisting that honest recognition of history strengthens, rather than weakens, reconciliation. Such an approach would have balanced principle with pragmatism. Instead, Armenia effectively chose absence.

Pashinyan’s position also carries implications for the Armenian diaspora. For more than one hundred years, Armenian communities across North America, Europe, Latin America, Australia, and the Middle East have pursued recognition through scholarship, public education, political advocacy, and legal initiatives. Their efforts transformed what was once a largely forgotten tragedy into one of the world’s best-documented cases of genocide. When Armenia’s own government appears reluctant to acknowledge these achievements, many in the diaspora inevitably question whether their sacrifices continue to enjoy official support. The result risks widening the growing gap between Yerevan and the global Armenian community.

None of this suggests that Armenia should abandon its efforts to normalize relations with Turkey or negotiate peace with Azerbaijan. Indeed, lasting peace remains essential. But genuine reconciliation cannot rest upon selective amnesia. Germany did not become Europe’s strongest democracy by minimizing the Holocaust. It confronted its crimes openly. South Africa did not emerge from apartheid by pretending injustice never occurred. It established institutions dedicated to truth. Historical honesty is not an obstacle to reconciliation. It is its foundation.

History rarely offers small nations diplomatic victories. Even when they arrive for imperfect reasons, wise governments recognize them. Pashinyan did not. It may prove to be one of the greatest strategic miscalculations of his tenure.

—

EVN: An Armenian Drone Fleet At Last?

July 7, 2026July 7, 2026 Kalashian Nyrie

Hovhannes Nazaretyan

When Azerbaijan launched the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War in 2020, Armenia had no meaningful drone fleet. It had a handful of reconnaissance aircraft, virtually no loitering munitions, and a military leadership that had dismissed the threat posed by Azerbaijan’s drones, despite the lessons of the April 2016 Four-Day War. Azerbaijan, meanwhile, had spent the previous decade building an entirely different capability. During the six weeks of the 2020 war, Azerbaijan’s drone campaign devastated Armenian armor and personnel, while Armenia had few effective means to defend against or respond to the strikes.

Nearly six years later, Yerevan showcased a very different picture. Thirteen indigenous drones from six private companies were displayed during the May 28 military parade, alongside several foreign acquisitions, and further prototypes were shown at a defense expo days later. Armenia’s domestic drone industry has grown considerably, driven by active private investment and state support. Whether the systems on display meet their stated specifications and can be produced at scale is a question that only battlefield conditions can answer.

How Armenia Fell Behind in the Drone Race

After the May 1994 ceasefire which ended the First Nagorno-Karabakh War and froze the conflict along a line of contact, Baku struggled to procure arms from many traditional suppliers. Israel’s “relaxed attitude about its customer base [was] a perfect match for Azerbaijan” as other many Western countries were reluctant to sell military hardware. Baku’s first reconnaissance drones purchased from Israel (Aerostar and Orbiter), were debuted at the June 2008 military parade in Baku. By 2011, a joint venture with the Israeli UAV manufacturer Aeronautics opened in Azerbaijan for local assembly of drones.

Armenian plans to build UAVs were first revealed in March 2010, but work had reportedly begun four years earlier at the Khanperyants Military Aviation Institute. When an Israeli recon drone was downed in Nagorno-Karabakh in September 2011, military analyst Artsrun Hovhannisyan noted that it is “absolutely indisputable” that Armenia “urgently needs UAVs, and not just a few” and that the issue “must remain at the center of our attention.” He argued that while Baku is purchasing Israeli drones, Armenia is building its domestic tech from scratch, “which could make us a leader in the sector in a few years.”

The first Armenian reconnaissance drone, Krunk-25 (“Crane”), was unveiled during the military parade in Yerevan on September 21, 2011, although it had reportedly been developed around 2009. During the parade, it was presented as being “by no means inferior to foreign drones in terms of their tactical and technical specifications.” Developed by the Khanperyants Military Aviation Institute for aerial surveillance and photography, it was reported to have flight endurance of 3.5 hours, and an operational range of 70 km. Armenia was said to possess 15 units with five mobile control stations, which were integrated into the automated artillery fire control system. At the time, the Krunk-25 was hailed as evidence of the Armenian military’s modernization, with Deputy Defense Minister Davit Tonoyan expressing confidence that Armenian drones would become “quite competitive in the international market.” By 2013, authorities reported that Krunk drones were being “intensively utilized” by the armed forces.[1]

Another recon drone, X-55, was unveiled in April 2014 and resembled the Russian UAV Ptero-E4 acquired two years earlier and on whose basis it may have been created.[2] The X-55 drone could reportedly fly six hours and had a range of 100 km. Unlike the Krunk, it was catapult launched, while the former required a runway. An upgraded version, called Armi-55M, was presented in August 2017 and deployed by the Armenian army two years later. Azerbaijan claimed to have downed X-55s on several occasions.

These early Armenian UAVs were not advanced systems and had limited capabilities. There were no known kamikaze drones or combat variants (UCAVs) capable of carrying guided munitions.

A Warning (Mostly) Ignored

In the meantime, Azerbaijan rapidly expanded its inventory with surveillance drones and loitering munitions from Israel. The Harop, Israel’s first loitering munition export to Azerbaijan, was supplied around 2015, with one hundred units delivered by 2018. During its assault on Nagorno-Karabakh in April 2016, Azerbaijan made extensive use of these Israeli systems. The first-ever use of the Harop specifically gained much international attention.[3]

Following the 2016 Four-Day War, veterans, analysts and tech leaders unanimously identified Armenia’s lack of drone capabilities as a serious deficiency. The official response was largely dismissive. The Defense Ministry pointed to the downing of 14 Azerbaijani drones during that war as evidence that the Armenian military knew what it was doing. Alik Mirzabekyan, the Deputy Defense Minister tasked with integrating advanced technology into the military, whose council the IT sector had criticized for producing “practically zero results” over four years, was nonetheless dismissed from his post. Defense Minister Seyran Ohanyan, for his part, complained that domestic industry had never presented the military with a “finished” product, a remark that raised deeper questions about the absence of a coherent policy to establish and develop a defense technology sector in the first place.

Armenia’s September 2016 military parade did not introduce any new UAVs, but the domestic industry began to finally make some progress on loitering munitions. Their development was first revealed in September 2017 and several models were showcased at a defense expo in March 2018. Two, tentatively designated as Krunk-9 and Krunk-11, entered service that year, but their deployment has not been confirmed. A kamikaze quadcopter developed by UAV Lab called Bzez (“Beetle”) was introduced in June 2019. It carried a 4.6 kg high-explosive fragmentation warhead to a range of 8 to 9 km.[4]

Drones surfaced again in active combat during the clashes in Tavush in July 2020. Armenia claimed to have hit three Azerbaijani tanks with indigenous loitering munitions, while Baku used the SkyStriker, a light Israeli drone. Armenia showcased some of Azerbaijan’s Israeli drones shot down over the years after the July fighting, while in August that year, Armenia’s Hi-Tech Industry Minister released two videos of indigenous loitering munitions being tested.

Devastation and Reassessment

By the time Azerbaijan launched the 2020 war against Nagorno-Karabakh, it had acquired from Israel at least 36 reconnaissance drones across five different models, as well as 450 loitering munitions spanning three models, according to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI), which tracks global arms transfers. To address the gap in its reusable strike-drone capability, distinct from expendable loitering munitions that destroy themselves on impact, Azerbaijan also procured the Turkish-made Bayraktar TB2, capable of both reconnaissance and precision strikes. The TB2 became the first non-Israeli UAV in Azerbaijan’s arsenal.

Although described as the world’s first drone war, the conflict was characterized by a marked asymmetry in UAV capabilities. The combined Israeli-Turkish inventory provided Azerbaijan an overwhelming advantage over Armenia, which only had recon drones and loitering munitions highly limited in quantity and capability. An estimated 12 Bayraktars were acquired by Baku only months earlier and were operated by Turkish crews during the war. Armenian forces managed to take down at least two and, possibly, a third one. Strikes by Bayraktars may have been responsible for the majority of Armenian manpower losses.

Armenian drone use was underwhelming.[5] Through the six-week-long war, Armenia’s Defense Ministry released a single video of a strike by an unidentified indigenous loitering munition, possibly the same as the one shown in May 2020, which authorities had said would enter mass production in the coming months.

The 2020 war, ending with significant hardware and manpower losses, shocked the Armenian public, which for years had been told the Armenian military was the “most combat-ready army in the region.” Not only did Armenia have no proper drone fleet, but also no effective countermeasures. In the 2021 book Storm in the Caucasus, analyst Douglas Barrie argued that Armenia watched Baku systematically build up its drone and loitering munition capabilities but “seemingly paid little attention” to the threat. Additionally, on the battlefield, the Armenian military failed to utilize “readily available” passive countermeasures, such as camouflage, concealment, dispersal, and deception, leaving its ground forces heavily exposed. Colonel Zhirayr Amirkhanyan, who is now assistant to the Chief of General Staff, argued in 2022 that while the drone threat was identified as early as 2016, Armenian military leaders believed that “future operations would be positional in nature and fought with an attritional approach.”

Lessons Learned?

Nearly six years later, the May 28 military parade featured a range of domestically produced and foreign-made UAVs already inducted in the Armenian military. The parade also marked the debut of the military’s newly established UAV Forces, a dedicated branch created to oversee drone operations.

Leonid Nersisyan, a defense analyst at APRI Armenia, argues that Armenia’s experience in recent conflicts acted as a powerful motivator as it forced state institutions to become more agile, stripping away layers of bureaucracy to expedite defense procurement and accelerate domestic production, including UAV production. Between 2023 and 2025, the government awarded 171 billion AMD ($450 million) in contracts to domestic defense companies, with a significant share going to drone manufacturers, leading to a dramatic expansion of the indigenous inventory.

The parade showcased a total of 13 indigenous systems by six private domestic companies. By far the largest domestic drone producer is Davaro with six drones developed by the company shown at the parade.[6] Founded in 2007, Davaro started as an electronics retailer and introduced its first UAV in 2016. Two years later, the company had developed 11 systems. It secured its first government R&D contract in 2019 and its loitering munitions were deployed in active military conflict the next year.

In a recent interview, Hi-Tech Industry Minister Mkhitar Hayrapetyan noted that Davaro currently employs 300 people and is the largest player along with Arsenal. In the past eight years, Davaro’s facility has grown from 9 to over 5,600 square meters.

The Drone Fleet Today

Among domestic drones, one that received perhaps the most attention locally and abroad was Dev-K developed by Davaro. It is a jet-powered interceptor drone designed specifically to hit medium-speed aerial targets flying up to 9,000 meters, similar to the Bayraktar TB2.

Three loitering munition models developed by Davaro were showcased at the parade. The lightweight Dev-1.1 is designed for destroying radar installations thus suppressing enemy air defenses as far as 50 kilometers. Much larger and more capable are Davaro’s Dev-3 and Dev-3.1 designed to target ground assets, armored vehicles, and radar installations. They utilize different targeting methods. Dev-3 features a superior 300 kilometer flight distance and a larger 10-kilogram warhead, but relies on a 50 km video data-link for an operator to manually choose targets. Dev-3.1 can fly half the distance and has half the warhead size, but features superior electronic warfare resistance and relies on onboard AI to autonomously identify and select high-priority targets. Both visually resemble the Israeli-made Harop. Davaro had begun development no later than 2019 with the Dev-3.1 undergoing official testing (evaluation) as early as February 2021.

Davaro’s Dev-3.1 (foreground) and Dev-K (background) loitering munitions at the RISE expo.

The Dev-4 is designed for both reconnaissance and strike operations. It has a maximum flight distance of 200 kilometers and can carry a payload of up to 20 warheads weighing a total of 8 kilograms with a strike accuracy of 20 meters. Davaro’s only purely reconnaissance drone, Bib-10, is designed for aerial photography, video surveillance, and artillery fire coordination. It has an operational range of up to 100 kilometers.

Besides Davaro, two loitering munitions developed by the company Aerodynamics were shown. Both are named Meghu (“Bee”). The Meghu-1 has an operational range of 60 kilometers and utilizes a truck-based system for the simultaneous launch of six UAVs, while the Meghu-5 can strike targets up to 40 kilometers away.[7]

The Meghu-1 at the parade.

The rest of the UAVs at the parade are all designed for surveillance and reconnaissance, differing mainly in endurance, altitude ceiling, and launch method. They share a focus on aerial photography, artillery coordination, and battlefield awareness. Among them, IDS’s Storm-320 is the only one currently deployed in the armed forces with vertical takeoff and landing (VTOL) capabilities. It first appeared during a June 2024 exercise. UAV LAB’s UL-350 and UL-450 were first introduced in 2022 and are based on the Russian Supercam S350 and the Israeli Orbiter-3, respectively.[8] The AW5R, produced by AirWorker, is designed primarily for mapping. Conceived as early as 2019, it has been described by a company engineer as comparable to the Turkish Bayraktar Mini, the Russian Eleron-3, and the American RQ-11 Raven. The last recon drone, SBM-1 was developed by Scarif (Skarif), a little-known company.

The indigenous inventory was not the whole picture. The parade also made Armenia’s foreign drone procurement visible for the first time. All appear to be Chinese, while the American V-BAT drone, revealed earlier, was not shown.

A lightweight loitering munition named Kaytsak (“Lightning”) was announced as capable of striking mobile and stationary targets at a range of up to 17 kilometers. It has been integrated into special forces units and is designed for repelling enemy infiltration attempts.[9] It is most likely the CH-901/FH-901, a tube-launched variant developed by China Aerospace Science and Technology Corporation (CASC) and comparable to the American Switchblade 600.[10]

Twin non-domestic loitering munitions were presented under the names Vorot-1 (“Thunder”-1) and Vorot-2 (“Thunder”-2). Their origin was not revealed, but military watchers identified them as the Chinese anti-radiation (radar hunting) FL-300A kamikaze drone. The first was shown on top of a pickup truck, while the second in a six-box configuration inside a truck-mounted container. Despite the different designations, both appeared to show the FL-300A, which has a reported operational range of 280-300 kilometers

Vorot-1 was described as capable of reaching speeds of up to 220 km/h, which, together with its distinctive bulbous nose housing the radar seeker, suggests it is the FL-300A (designated ASN-301 for export). A significant discrepancy emerged, however, with Vorot-2. Although it appeared visually identical to the FL-300A, the official parade commentary described it as a long-range loitering munition capable of remaining airborne for six hours. Those specifications do not match the anti-radiation FL-300A. Instead, they more closely correspond to another member of Norinco’s Feilong family: the FL-300D, a low-cost, long-range loitering munition with a claimed range of 1,000 km. Whether Armenia has actually inducted this system remains unclear, however, as the hardware displayed did not resemble the FL-300D.

The Chinese anti-radar FL-300A loitering munition, designated as Vorot-1, at the parade.

The largest UAV to be showcased at the parade was the Chinese CH-4B with its 18 meter wingspan. Three units were parked at Republic Square before the parade. Appearing more like a small aircraft, it has been designated by the Armenian military as Aghegh (“Bow”). Representing a completely new tier of capability as the only medium-altitude long-endurance (MALE) system in Armenia’s inventory, it stands alone in its class. The drones were seen carrying AR-1 and AR-2 guided air-to-ground missiles designed for armored vehicles and fortifications and for unarmored vehicles and personnel, respectively.

During U.S. Vice President JD Vance’s visit to Armenia in February 2026, Pashinyan revealed that Armenia had purchased V-BAT drones from the United States. Vance called it the first-ever major American sale of military technology to Armenia and put the deal’s value at $11 million. A single unit was displayed at the Presidential Palace, but no V-BATs appeared at the May 28 parade, and no further details have been reported since the February announcement. Developed by U.S. company Shield AI, the V-BAT is a vertical takeoff and landing (VTOL) reconnaissance drone well suited to Armenia’s mountainous terrain.

Genuine Progress, Open Questions

The parade, which took place just ten days before a pivotal election, was highly politicized. However, the showcasing of Armenia’s new defense equipment was a welcome development. Armenian defense companies have been widely credited with genuine progress.

Former Defense Ministry spokesperson Artsrun Hovhannisyan calls them a “national pride.” Former chair of the Military-Industrial Committee Avetik Kerobyan, critical of state support levels, acknowledges that many firms have succeeded in localizing manufacturing and finding export markets largely on their own. Whether that pride translates to battlefield effectiveness is another question entirely. Eduard Arakelyan of the Regional Center for Democracy and Security identifies what ultimately matters: none of these systems have been tested in combat, which means specifications on paper, however impressive, remain exactly that. Another key question, echoed by the Russian Military Informer channel, concerns industrial scale. Specifically, whether Armenia can establish sustained, cost-effective output that modern drone warfare demands.

Looking Ahead

The RISE expo held days after the parade, offered a glimpse into where the domestic UAV industry may be headed. Industry leader Davaro presented its ever-growing inventory, from micro-loitering munitions to a glide bomb.

UAV Lab introduced UL-650, a long-endurance drone carrying two GBL “fire-and-forget” guided munitions. This represents the second serious indigenous armed drone prototype after Davaro’s Aralez, introduced in 2022.[11] A company representative told EVN Report that the drone weighs 40 kg and can fly for over 9 hours. The GBL munitions were developed by the company Locator and first unveiled last year at a defense expo in Athens. The autonomous precision munitions have reportedly drawn interest from several partner countries.

Two trends observed at the expo can be singled out. First, while little has been revealed publicly about the scale and extent of adoption of cheap first-person view (FPV) drones in the military, available information suggests some efforts are being made.[12] Domestic companies, most notably Feron, displayed a variety of FPV models with warheads at RISE.

The second trend concerns small drone interceptors that have likewise become increasingly visible in the Ukraine war. At least two Armenian firms unveiled their prototypes. Davaro’s RD-1 could be seen at RISE, while Nemesis developed by Yerevan Aerospace Engineering was displayed at the Eurosatory expo in Paris.

Photos by Hovhannes Nazaretyan.

Footnotes:

[1] Azniv (“Noble”), a new variant of the Krunk-25, was shown in April 2014. It was also known as Krunk-25-2. A smaller recon drone, Baze (“Hawk”), was unveiled during a parade in Stepanakert, the capital of Nagorno-Karabakh, in May 2012. It had a claimed maximum range of 30 km and flight duration of one hour.
[2] Although initially given to Armenia’s Ministry of Emergency Situations, the Russian Ptero-E4 drones were later reportedly transferred to the armed forces.
[3] In the most publicized case, a loitering munition killed nine Armenian volunteers travelling in a bus.
[4] A prototype of another kamikaze, Hresh (“Monster”), was unveiled in March 2018. It resembles the X-shape design of the Israeli Hero-30. Carrying a 1.6 kg warhead, it could fly to 20 km. It has been renamed HDS-7 (Hornet-7) and taken over by Davaro. There is no indication it has been inducted into the military so far.
[5] Visual evidence pointed to the downing by Azerbaijan of an X-55 recon drone, a Bzez quadcopter and another, unidentified quadcopter.
[6] Each Davaro system has three known designations. The article uses the names announced at the parade, which are the official Armenian military designations. The alternative names used on the company website as follows: DDS-10K and Draco-10K for Dev-K, DDS-1 and Dragonfly-1 for Dev-1.1, DDS-3 and Dragonfly-3 for Dev-3, DDS-3.1 and Dragonfly-3.1 for Dev-3.1, DDS-4 and Dragonfly-4 for Dev-4. The name “Dev” appears to derive from the Armenian word meaning “monster” or “demon.”
[7] Both models were showcased at the RISE expo days later as Zeel A1 and Zeel A5, respectively, under the brand Zeel AI. The CEO of Zeel AI, whose links to Aerodynamics are unclear, is Paruyr Abrahamyan. As of 2024, Aerodynamics was headed by Hayk Chobanyan, former Minister of High-Tech Industry. Aerodynamics declined to comment on the two companies’ (brand names) relationship, but they appear to operate from the same location.
[8] The latter can also carry a single AGB-003 guided bomb with 2 kg warhead.
[9] Some observers online misidentified it as Davaro’s MDS-1 (Mosquito-1), however, it was not announced as a Davaro or domestic product.
[10] The system also has a 48-tube truck-mounted swarm configuration, but it is unclear whether Armenia possesses the latter.
[11] Davaro’s Aralez combat drone was unveiled at the ArmHighTech-2022 expo and shown carrying four SMA-A5 guided munitions developed by AURS. The drone had stated flight endurance of six hours and range of 600 km, while the munitions featured 7 kg warheads. It could also carry smaller AGB-003 munitions from UAV Lab. The project appears to have been shelved or scrapped.

—

168: Taking business is becoming legal in Armenia

July 7, 2026July 7, 2026 Andranik Taslakhchian

July 6, 2026

The operation to disarm political opponents is gathering new momentum in Armenia. For a long time, it is no news to anyone that, regardless of legal assessments, we are dealing with political reprisals carried out by the government, which is carried out by seizing people’s property and businesses, and redistributing property.

The right to property, which is a protected right all over the world, is seriously threatened in Armenia. Business, even big business, is not protected from the arbitrariness of the authorities. The head of the government, without trial and judgment, can publicly announce the confiscation of people’s property, the seizure of property, and the next moment the entire state system goes into action to carry out those instructions. They do not care about law and justice.

This is a clear terror towards business. Suppressing business, confiscating people’s property will cost the state and the economy, no matter how it is interpreted and presented. The time will come to answer for it and return the “debts”.

It is not even necessary to talk about jeopardizing the economic environment and investments.

We see how after the elections the government is in a hurry to complete the process of confiscating the HEC belonging to Samvel Karapetyan. They submitted a draft decision on recognition of public overriding interest in 100 percent of the company’s shares.

After the planned negotiations did not materialize within three months, it was clear that the government would go the way of confiscating the owner’s property by recognizing a superior interest. Regardless of what justifications will be put under this, it is clear that it is entirely political. On the way of political reprisal, they first took over the management of the company with baseless reasons, then revoked the license, deliberately failed the planned negotiations, and now, by recognizing a superior interest, they are going to complete the operation of seizing the owner’s property.

The government justified the decision to recognize the HPP as a priority interest by the fact that in the current situation it is necessary to immediately ensure the uninterrupted power supply of the population, as well as the normal operation of social and strategic facilities and the stability of the energy system.

“Electricity distribution networks, by their very nature, are a strategic infrastructure, the failure of which can cause large-scale social, economic and security consequences,” they wrote in the draft decision.

It’s been more than ten years since the HEP has been private, they just remembered that it is of exceptional importance and should be recognized as a priority in order to ensure the uninterrupted power supply of consumers and the stability of the energy system. It seems that until now the consumers were deprived of the uninterrupted supply of electricity, the energy system was unstable, and only after the arrival of the government manager, the uninterrupted energy supply of the consumers was restored, and the threats to the stability of the system were eliminated. The official data shows how after the arrival of the governor of the government, the target indicators of energy supply, whose purpose is to ensure stable and reliable energy supply, were defeated.

Both the quality of power supply and the target indicators of blackouts and shutdowns have been defeated. But no one is responsible for that. Meanwhile, with the same reasoning, with the active intervention of various state bodies, the management of the HEP was taken away from the owner and the license of operation was revoked.

Even now, the head of the government justifies himself that the shutdowns have decreased in recent months. And who can guarantee that it is so? If in the past there were counterbalancing mechanisms, the government manager and the PSC have been working together for a long time. In such a situation, for the sake of purpose, any index can be drawn to justify all the illegality that takes place in this whole process of depriving the owner of his property.

Recognizing the overriding interest, the political power will complete the operation to seize the HEP. But this whole horror will not end there. The time will come to answer for all this in international courts and courts, to pay compensation. Don’t think that recognizing a superior interest is the end of everything.

Within the framework of political reprisals, widespread checks have been started in the companies belonging to Gagik Tsarukyan and his family. After “Prosperous Armenia” announced its goals to participate in the elections and remove it from power, it was remembered that Gagik Tsarukyan once acquired “Ararat Cement” and the lands and properties related to it through illegal means and legal violations. The prosecutor’s office immediately made “discoveries” and began to sew up criminal cases.

They didn’t talk about it for eight years, they didn’t do anything to return the state property acquired by “illegal” means, they started working on the eve of the election.

Who would believe that there is no political basis behind this?

On the one hand, they implemented the law enforcement system, on the other hand, the tax system, which has long been a tool to punish businesses that deviate from the political line of the government. On the grounds that he discovered tax irregularities in the “Shangri La” casino belonging to Gagik Tsarukyan’s family, the Minister of Economy, in an urgent mode, deprived the latter of its license.

The General Prosecutor’s Office filed lawsuits against other businesses, including the “Multi Group Concern”, that are close to Gagik Tsarukyan.

We will soon see how far they are going to go and whose businesses they will attack in the near future. One thing is obvious: all this will not go well, the consequences will be borne by the state and the people.

HAKOB KOCHARYAN

—

The main stage will be the street. without removing people from the street in the National Assembly

July 7, 2026July 7, 2026 Tatoyan Vazgen

July 6, 2026

Early this morning, masked officers of the National Security Service raided Gagik Tsarukyan’s mansion and his business companies for searches. Iveta Tonoyan, spokesperson of the “Prosperous Armenia” party (PAP), informed that a search is being carried out at the house of Gagik Tsarukyan. Later, he wrote that large-scale searches are being carried out in almost all companies included in the “Multi Group” concern, as well as in the apartments of the directors of these organizations.

Political scientist Suren Surenyants told reporters that there is nothing legal, the country is in total authoritarianism.

“Everything is done according to the instructions of the self-proclaimed Yanokavans. The Constitutional Court fully legitimized bespredel. Obviously, something similar to a coup d’état took place in the country, because the NA mosaic was affected by illegal interventions,” he said, reminding that during the campaign, Nikol Pashinyan promised to punish specific people, to kill them, moreover, with such cases, he is trying to show the Russians that he will “solve everyone’s issues”, and the only person with whom they should agree in Armenia is himself.

Regarding the change of power and achieving it through street struggle, Surenyants noted.

“It brings us closer to it if the opposition organizes itself, because if the faith in the institution of elections is nullified, if all political figures appear in such an ugly target, public sentiments become more radical. In other words, the day is not far when these public sentiments will lead to the formation of a more radical opposition platform.”

Regarding whether the opposition will take the mandate or not, the political scientist said: if there is no quick revolutionary scenario, if they don’t take the mandate, what should they do?

“The mandate and the street should be combined, but the main stage should be the street. Without a street in the National Assembly, we will take people out into the corridor and beat them. In the near future, the opposition should be able to create a system of resistance and prepare for the streets in advance,” Surenyants stressed.

Details in the video

—

The number one pressing question of the EU is: Will Nikol be able to do more for us Armenians?

July 7, 2026July 7, 2026 Chmshkian Vicken

July 6, 2026

Ursula von der Leyen’s visit did not bring financial and economic comfort to the CP. Promises abounded, but actual support far less. Artak Zakaryan, a member of the RPA executive body, wrote about this.

“Economics versus politics

As predicted (I wrote about it 20 days ago), having realized the harmful consequences of his next unpromising actions, Nikol has again appeared in Russia. But not at a high level, in official Moscow, but in the format of the “Innoprom-2026” exhibition in Yekaterinburg. I’m sure he went to beg and look for ways back to Moscow.

Ursula von der Leyen’s visit did not bring financial and economic comfort to the CP. Promises abounded, but actual support was scant. In addition, Europe is already very supportive of the CP to “win” the elections at any cost and continue to repress the political opposition. So that Pashinyan has nothing to be angry about from the EU, they help him to the maximum in order to keep the power and cover up the loss of Artsakh.

Today, the number one pressing question of the EU is whether Nikol will be able to follow the path of complete rupture.

The problem is that Armenia’s economy is significantly more dependent on Russia than Moldova’s, and besides, Armenia does not have a common border with the European Union. The RA MFA does not hide that for the time being they would like to maintain beneficial economic relations with Moscow, at the same time moving away from it in the security sphere.

Judging by the already war-threatening situation between the EU (NATO) and the Russian Federation, Nikol’s western partners will hurry him up even more in the near future and will not allow him to “sit on two chairs”. (Alen of Aghdam heard the call, became the first swallow-“victim” of this policy)

In this matter, the EU’s Eastern Partnership has relentless experience.

We’ve seen Ukraine, we’ve seen Moldova, we’ve seen Georgia before, where economic benefits from ties with Russia didn’t play a role in political choices. When the choice is made in favor of Russia’s opponents, the socio-economic interests of these countries are pushed into the background. Why?

Because the regimes brought to power in those countries, as well as in Armenia, had and have one goal. to ensure the role of “victim” of EU-Russia conflicts and, if necessary, also of war, for the sake of EU security and well-being.

Our friend Georgia, after its own experience, refuses to go through the same path a second time.

Along with the current issue of the EU, for us Armenians, against the background of anti-Russian sentiment, the question “Are they taking us to Europe or Turkey?” is becoming more relevant.

Perhaps the most pressing question for discussion is whether the announced “movement” towards Europe does not actually cover up the Turkish program and the Turkishization of Armenia.”

—

We have had no contact with Gagik Tsarukyan and his wife since 7:15. Thousands of “Multi Group”.

July 7, 2026July 7, 2026 Arpi Talalian

July 6, 2026

In a briefing with journalists near Gagik Tsarukyan’s mansion, PAP spokesperson Iveta Tonoyan said that at the moment, large-scale searches are ongoing in dozens of institutions and enterprises that are part of the “Multi Group” concern, as well as in the apartments of the directors of these enterprises. According to him, at this moment it can be safely said that the work of the enterprises that are part of the concern is paralyzed, thousands of employees are left outside.

“If the goal of these economic repressions is to keep employees out, there will be no work, and people will lose their jobs, then I congratulate the authorities, they have made today’s goal a reality, because it is absolutely uncertain whether or when the search in this or that enterprise will end.

The investigative committee also does not consider it necessary to come up with a proper clarification as to the scope of the case in which this large-scale series of searches is being carried out,” said Tonoyan.

He mentioned that they are following the process, the events, Yerem Sargsyan, one of the lawyers, was not allowed to go up to the private house of Mr. Tsarukyan, where the search has been going on for the fourth hour already.

“We are dealing with a shameful precedent, that athletes of various sports who were holding training sessions for various international competitions in Armenia were taken out of the rooms of “Olympavan”. It is clear, isn’t it, that this is an international scandal, the International Olympic Committee, all sports federations, it is natural that they will draw attention to this circumstance,” said Iveta Tonoyan. He noted that this is probably one of the regular manifestations of political and economic terror, because after making various announcements, they have already started working today. “For us, this was normal, expected,” Tonoyan said.

He emphasized that Gagik Tsarukyan has not been engaged in entrepreneurial activity for several decades, and the companies in which Gagik Tsarukyan has shares are under trust management.

“And if we take into account that the previous time when Mr. Tsarukyan was banned from the airport, so many fictitious accusations were included in the proceedings, I think that something similar will happen in this case as well. The only goal is to put pressure on Mr. Tsarukyan,” said Tonoyan.

Details in the video.

—

The place of consolidation of all opposition parties should be here at this moment. Suren

July 7, 2026July 7, 2026 Garnik Tadevosian

July 6, 2026

Later, he wrote that large-scale searches are being carried out in almost all companies included in the “Multi Group” concern, as well as in the apartments of the directors of these organizations.

In a briefing with journalists near Gagik Tsarukyan’s mansion, political scientist Suren Surenyants said that we are talking about total repression. According to him, it is pointless to discuss an optimistic scenario after such a vulgar display of power. “You know that there is a partnership in the opposition field, I think that a real opposition consolidation could be formed right here and around this issue, because in the end we imagine consolidation in the form of political resistance.

We don’t live in a standard situation, and it would be correct that the political consolidation we are talking about should be based on the logic of resistance, that is, on such cases, not in cabinets and offices,” Surenyants said, continuing that there should be a strong opposition to every repression.

In his opinion, it is not necessary to have a massive, big rally at once, but currently they need mutual support and harmonious actions with all the opposition parties.

“Yes, we expect that the place of consolidation for all of us should be here at this time, just as if any of our other opposition partners are targeted, the place of consolidation for all of us should be that place,” he said.

Surenyants informed that he communicated intensively with Mr. Tsarukyan on Thursdays and Fridays, they had predicted the scenario, it was not surprising.

He also said that countermeasures to the political process should only be political.

“The opposition must be able to create such a consolidated system that the teeth of the punitive machine wear out. In other words, such authoritarian authorities in the world always make “bespredel” until they meet strong resistance,” he said.

Details in the video.

—

It is an international scandal. Tonoyan: take foreign athletes out of “Olympavan”.

July 7, 2026July 7, 2026 Hunanian Jack

July 6, 2026

The withdrawal of foreign athletes from the “Olympavan” sports base of the National Olympic Committee of Armenia (NAOC) will cause an international scandal. Iveta Tonoyan, spokeswoman of the party, said this in a conversation with journalists near the house of the leader of the “Prosperous Armenia” party, the chairman of the National Organization of Ukraine Gagik Tsarukyan.

In the morning, we reported that masked special forces broke into Tsarukyan’s mansion. Later it became known that investigative actions are also being carried out in various objects belonging to Tsarukyan, as well as in the apartments of the directors of the companies included in the “Multi Group” concern.

Searches are also carried out in “Olympavan”, where athletes from different countries are participating in the sports meeting.

“We are dealing with a shameful precedent, because the athletes of various sports who were holding training sessions in Armenia for the purpose of various international competitions were taken out of the rooms of “Olympavan”. This is an international scandal. The International Olympic Committee and relevant sports federations will naturally pay attention to this fact,” said Tonoyan.

He emphasized that what is happening affects the country’s international reputation.
Tonoyan added that at the moment the works of dozens of companies are paralyzed, thousands of employees cannot enter their workplaces.

At the same time, searches are carried out in Araratcement, Multi Stone, Multi Tabak companies, Yerevan Ararat cognac-wine-vodka combine, Multi Wellness complex, many hotels, including Tsaghkadzor “Multi Rest”, Verin Ptghni “Multi Grand Paravon” and others.

—

The issue of arresting Avetik Chalabyan was raised in the European Parliament

July 7, 2026July 7, 2026 Ani Basmajian

July 6, 2026

The issue of arresting Avetik Chalabyan was raised in the European Parliament.

“HayVote” informs that Gerolf Anemans, a deputy of the “Patriots for Europe” faction of the European Parliament, addressed the European Commission with a written question as a matter of priority, in order to draw attention to democracy, the rule of law and the treatment of political opponents in Armenia.

The issue refers to the arrest of Avetik Chalabyan, the coordinator of the Hayakve national civil association, on June 24, 2026, and it is raised in the context of the visit of European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen to Armenia.

The MEP reminds that back in 2022, the court proceedings against Avetik Chalabyan were criticized by a number of international organizations from the point of view of preserving fundamental rights and fair trial guarantees.

In this regard, two important questions were addressed to the European Commission.

Was the issue of Avetik Chalabyan’s recent detention discussed during Ursula von der Leyen’s visit to Yerevan?

How does the European Commission assess this case in light of the commitments undertaken by Armenia in the fields of democracy, fundamental freedoms and rule of law within the framework of European Union-Armenia relations?

“Hayakve” national civil association emphasizes that the issues raised internationally regarding political persecution, rule of law and protection of fundamental human rights in the Republic of Armenia receive proper international evaluation and attention.

—

Davaro’s Dev-3.1 (foreground) and Dev-K (background) loitering munitions at the RISE expo.

The Meghu-1 at the parade.

The Chinese anti-radar FL-300A loitering munition, designated as Vorot-1, at the parade.

Footnotes:

—

Read also

Read also

Read also

Read also