The anti-corruption committee revealed another cases of election bribery

As a result of the activities carried out by the officers of the RA Anticorruption Committee, factual information was obtained that a number of residents of Ararat region demanded the representatives of the Masis community office of the “Strong Armenia” party to give them electoral bribes on the condition of voting for the mentioned party in the National Assembly elections and recruiting supporters. The Anti-Corruption Committee informs about this.


In connection with the incident, the RA Anti-Corruption Committee initiated criminal proceedings, arrested a number of persons, and carried out administrative actions.

The agenda of Armenia-US bilateral relations was discussed

On June 16, I received the members of the delegation of Save Armenia organization. Security Council Secretary Armen Grigoryan wrote about it on his Facebook page.


“I welcomed the visit of the delegation to Armenia, and the members of the delegation, in turn, thanked for the warm reception and the opportunity for a meaningful discussion.


During the meeting, we reflected on the agenda of Armenia-US bilateral relations, the implementation process of the agreements reached, and also emphasized the importance of further expansion of trade and economic ties and deepening of mutually beneficial cooperation.


In the second part of the meeting, I answered the questions of interest to the participants, exchanging ideas on a number of issues of regional and mutual interest,” he wrote.

Trump considers the current leadership of Iran to be smart

 


US President Donald Trump has stated that he considers the current leadership of Iran to be intelligent and emphasized that it is pleasant to do business with its representatives.


“Now we are dealing with people whom I consider very reasonable and with whom it is pleasant to work. They are strong and intelligent people,” Trump said during a meeting with Qatari Emir Tamim bin Hamad Al Thani. Their conversation with the press was broadcast on the White House website.


According to the American leader, the current representatives of Tehran are less radical than their predecessors and strive to be useful to their country.

The logic of the US-Iran agreement calls TRIPP into serious question

In recent days, the possible 14-point agreement between the USA and Iran has been actively discussed in the international press. Even if only part of the published information is true, one important fact is already visible. the logic of that agreement seriously questions the so-called TRIPP project, which the RA authorities presented for months as an almost inevitable scenario for the future of the region.


It is noteworthy that at least some of the discussed points are based on the recognition of Iran’s security interests and the exclusion of new sources of tension in the region. And this directly contradicts the ideology on which the TRIPP project was built.


This once again proves how short-sighted and based on a wrong assessment of the situation the policy of the RA authorities was. Instead of being guided by the state interests of Armenia and taking into account the positions of all actors in the region, for months they presented to the public projects born in foreign centers as an already established reality.


Today, when the geopolitical conditions change literally within days, it becomes clear that once again the authorities were in a hurry to serve political propaganda, presenting it as a diplomatic achievement.


The state cannot be built on assumptions, wishes or temporary programs of external sponsors. The state is built on a realistic calculation, national interest and correct assessment of regional realities.


And the processes developing around TRIPP show that geopolitics is changing faster than the propaganda theses of the RA authorities.


And unfortunately, the price for this is usually not paid by the government, but by Armenia.


Narek Mantashyan, a member of the “Armenia” bloc




Verelq: Transformation of the real estate registration institute was discussed with Pashinyan

A consultation was held in the Government under the leadership of Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, during which the steps towards the transformation of the Real Estate Registration Institute were discussed.


The head of the cadastre committee, Suren Tovmasyan, noted that large-scale works were carried out by the committee in the direction of the transformation of the institute of real estate registration, registration of rights and restrictions. Accordingly, reports were made on the existing legislative regulations for the protection and guarantee of rights, the risks of the existing procedures for the transfer of ownership rights based on the alienation of registered property.


Reference was made to the current procedure for registration of unregistered property. The experience of different states regarding the regulation of the sector was also presented. Suren Tovmasyan emphasized that the goal of the reforms is to simplify the administration and strengthen the protection of property rights. In this context, recommendations were presented for the implementation of the above goals.


Prime Minister Pashinyan emphasized the programs aimed at the transformation of the sector, emphasized that the most effective approach to institutional reforms is to start them with small steps. In this context, the Head of the Government gave appropriate instructions to those responsible.

Asbarez: Groundbreaking Work on Western Armenian Historical Evolution and Hist

“Prolegomenon to the Millennial History of the Western Armenian World – From ‘Kingdoms’ to an Awakening ‒ Politics and Culture ‒ The First Phase Tenth to Fifteenth Centuries” by Prof. Seta B. Dadoyan is the third in the Book Series of the Western Prelacy entitled “Fundamentals and Phases in the Making of the Western Armenian World” (by the same author).

In her Conclusion to the book, Dadoyan explains the purpose of the Series: “There can be no foresight without hindsight, there is always a need to understand the past, to know where/what one comes from, to think about where/what one is going, or must go to. This is the purpose of the Western Prelacy Book Series.”

In addition to being a critical study of the Armenian historical evolution in the Near Eastern World and appropriate historiography, the book is a summa. It is an ultimate theoretical summation of various hypotheses and theories in the first two volumes of the Series, also her entire scholarship.

The first in its kind, and as per the title, the Prolegomenon is not just an ‘introduction’, but a critical-discursive preamble to writing the history of the Western Armenian World. It traces the extraordinary metamorphosis and the persistence of the Armenians with their political and religious institutions west and south of the mainland after the middle of the tenth and through the next, following the fall of all dynastic powers and the massive move of the people. As such, and as per the title, the book is a Prolegomenon to the unwritten millennial history of the Western Armenian World, that still awaits comprehensive analysis

The study stops at the end of the Early or Proto-Awakening in the fifteenth century precisely because of the circumstances of the Western Armenian World, as she demonstrates. The next phases in the Western Armenian World during the Ottoman and soon the Safavid periods are different themes for other studies.

Methodologically and in objectives, Dadoyan’s study is an argument in favor of her historiographic model of ‘Western-and-Eastern Armenian Worlds’, as opposed to and in refutation of the traditional ‘Center-and-Periphery’, ‘Hayrenik‘-and-Sp‘iwṛk‘’ paradigms. First introduced by the philosopher of science, Thomas Kuhn in The Structure of Scientific Revolutions, a paradigm (from Greek and Latin) is a universally recognized framework of theories, beliefs, values, and techniques that guides a scientific or another community. It dictates which questions are valid to ask, and establishes the accepted methods for finding answers to them.

Covering broad and unchartered areas in Near Eastern and Armenian interactive histories, Dadoyan’s entire intellectual career and publications of the past decades (in sixteen books and over a hundred articles) stand as arguments against most mainstream, often semi-epic Armenocentric paradigms, also the practices of so-called ‘contemporary’, ‘objective’ Armenian historical thinking/writing.

In her view, if all things Armenian were looked upon and analyzed as per the lived experiences of the Armenians ‒ of all classes, backgrounds and faiths ‒ both on the native land and their much larger Habitat west and south of it, there would be a totally different and definitely brighter and more intriguing Armenian history.

In favor of critical, dialectical, and interdisciplinary historiographic perspectives and methodology, the Prolegomenon, her sixteenth book, is in turn a critical study of hitherto unperceived and undetected aspects and paradigm cases that radically alter assumed images and accounts of the historical evolution of the Armenians in the vast Near Eastern region. Dadoyan observes that by the tenth century the broad region was predominantly Muslim.

Previously, after the seventh century and gradually, most Armenians in their homeland and habitats, were under Muslim rule, except for Cilicia (from 1080s to 1375) and much later the First Republic (1918). However, she points out, the subject of fourteen centuries of Islamic-Armenian interactions, and Armenian political, cultural and social experiences and interaction in the Islamic World has never been approached as a unique area. Dadoyan therefore seems to have almost singlehandedly turned it into a discipline, writing six volumes and dozens of studies in this area in the past three and a half decades (since 1991).

As Dadoyan argues and demonstrates in the Prolegomenon, the Western Armenian World, much larger, complex and dynamic in all respects than the Eastern one, is directly related to, and simultaneously an organic part of the Near Eastern region and its peoples. The temporal and thematic gateway to this vast and mostly unexplored subject is the development of Armenian Cilicia, the longest lasting body politic, and the first episode of this world in the eleventh century. Through Cilicia the Western Armwenian World developed through and because of the patterns of its evolution between the Christian West (Chalcedonian Byzantium and Latin Crusaders) and Islamic Empires and factions.

As always, the Armenians were between two powerful poleis (states) in a complicated yet rich mesopolitan condition (meaning ‘between states’, միջնաշխարհեան, a new term by Dadoyan). In the midst and under the pressure of major and minor regional powers, the Western Armenian World grew and shaped its unique path, so did the Eastern Armenian World, but differently.

The circumstances and the responses of the people in the Western Armenian World could not be similar to the East, they were very different, hence the legitimacy, as Dadoyan points out, also the urgency to shift paradigms and initiate new research into the formation and the millennial path of the people and their institutions in this world.

This is the purpose of the Prolegomenon.

The universally granted model of center-periphery, hayrenik‘- sp‘iwṛk‘, according to Dadoyan, is not a ‘natural’ paradigm. There are no ‘natural’ and obvious beliefs, she says, and serious historiography is precisely the critical study of historical narratives, writing and accounts, both in texts and public opinion.

One of the many ‘natural’ beliefs in Armenian historical thinking/writing is depicting all things Armenian and from the beginning as a single stormy yet continuous process, the protagonist of which is the ‘Armenian nation’ azg, which is understood as a single subject with a clear and permanent essence/identity (ink‘nut‘iwn). The stage of the national narrative is the central Homeland (Hayrenik‘), that has an ambiguous, peripheral and dispersed part. Eventually, in the Soviet era and the Cold War, it was labeled as the Diaspora or Sp‘iwṛk‘. This vast entity was and is still considered the external, complementary part, or the artasahman of the hayrenik‘.

This is what Dadoyan calls the ‘center-periphery’ historiographic paradigm that dominates histories from early medieval times through medieval Armenicentric perspectives. In the Awakening the medieval versions that had almost eroded, but were revitalized by the initiative of a native of Bolis, Mkhit‘arist Mik‘ayel Ch‘amch‘iants‘ (in 1780s) to write a ‘modern’ ‘universal’ Armenian history but in the style, language and perspectives of the medieval authors.

In the Soviet Republic of Armenia that lasted seven decades (1921-1991), the hayrenik-sp‘iwṛk‘ model was heavily and intentionally politicized and became a paradigm on all levels, despite the absence of historiographic grounds. The reason was the failure to perceive Armenian historical evolution as a totality and in its regional aspects.

Dadoyan observes that the focus on the ‘center-periphery’ model in fact ends up assuming a monolithic central and authentic part, and secondary, peripheral Habitat, or the so-called Sp‘iwṛk‘. Thus, most of the Armenians in this part and centuries of historical experiences and extraordinary persistence recede into an ontological also historical twilight. They are robbed of relevance, permanence and priority. In the broad spectrum of ‘national’ narrative/s, the Habitat falls into a peripheral status and significance.

Geographically, also periodically classified and referred to, this part is still regarded a random and constantly changing accumulation of communities or hamaynk‘s, gaghut‘s, ‘outside the borders’ of the homeland or hayrenik‘, the depository of all things Armenian. By consequence, Western Armenians inevitably become non-natives, but out-of-borders aliens, artasahmantsts‘i.

One of the main themes of the Prolegomenon is the political status and role of the Armenian Church and its men in the Western Armenian World (following the fall of the consecutive Artsruni, Bagratuni, Siwni Dynastic territories and houses, and the exile of Catholicoate from Bagratid capital Ani in 1045). The only continuing institution everywhere, the Armenian Church was inevitably an integral part of the political history of the people. Yet its political history, also the political careers of its men, have never been studied as a separate and vital theme.

The reason, observes Dadoyan, in typical medieval fashion, and contrary to the record of the political careers of clergy on the ground, the Church was depicted as a ‘purely’ spiritual institution. It was intentionally and despite facts on the ground, defined as a non-political entity. Instead, the mythical-spiritual image of ‘Ghewond erets’ of Vardanants‘ was forced everywhere, (even to this day in the church-schools of USA…). The few histories of the Church are partial contributions but belong to a different discipline.

The first two books of the Series are devoted to the political aspect of the careers of Nerses IV Shnorhali and Yovhan III Ōdznets‘i, depicting both as “saints” and “diplomats.”

Nersēs IV Shnorhali – Saint and Diplomat and the Persistence of the People and the Church in the Western Armenian World/Nersēs D. Blessed Saint and Ambassador and the Survival of the People and the Church in the Western Armenian World. (2025).

Yovhan III Ōdznets’i Saint, Jurist and Great Master of Armenian Mesopolitan Culture and Diplomacy/ Yovhan G. Odznets (ruled 717-728) the Saint, Ruler and Great Master of Armenian Medieval Culture and Diplomacy. (2025)

To understand the millennial path of the Church in the Western Armenian World – also the Eastern Armenian World – Dadoyan makes another paradigm shift from an assumed ‘Armenian Ideology’ to ‘Armenian realpolitik’. Given their complicated mesopolitan circumstances, the Armenians in the Western Armenian World ‒ and the Cilicians in particular, including the clergy ‒ could not be insulated from their environment, nor have the luxury of maintaining a so-called strictly ‘national ideology’. As active and integral parts of the region, they were under pressure from all sides, says Dadoyan.

Dadoyan discusses the relevance of her theory of ‘Armenian realpolitik’ in the study of the Western Armenian World, in particular. She points out that it is probably one of the most appropriate and relevant paradigms to understand and explain most events and episodes of the Western Armenian World. For traditional, also contemporary so-called ‘objective’ historians, in turn this is a controversial concept because it cancels puristic and simplistic narratives about ‘Armenian ideology’ and assumed fixed patterns of Armenian political-cultural behavior.

Dadoyan says that the blunt pragmatism of many Armenian figures and factions, also institutions, including the Church, defies abstract and fossilized models of an ‘authentically’ Armenian identity and ideology. Instead, she suggests that interaction, mobility and migration are keys to explain change and evolution in the millennial Western Armenian World.

The Western Armenian World came about and persisted in a most coveted and tumultuous spot of the medieval Asia Minor by the realpolitik of its leaders and people. Previously too and everywhere, the Armenians made alliances with and/or fought against all the powers and factions in the region, adopting and/or rejecting whatever was most beneficial for them, or the contrary at that time.

In the Western Armenian World in particular, rarely did ideology gain priority over interest in survival, land and power, but on the other hand, and despite the odds, no native tradition and value was betrayed. They were maintained by a sheer will to persist. The immediate instance is the doctrinal status of the Armenian Apostolic Church to this day.

Unfortunately, writes Dadoyan, through the catastrophic events of the late nineteenth century and the first decades of the next, the basic concepts of the early narratives of martyrdom and death/resurrection became even more dramatic models. Following the Genocide and mass deportations, as intellectuals and artists converted the massive catastrophe into dramatic/lyrical constructs and forms, the national cycle of narratives became the ‘money’ for posterity and legitimacy.

In the past century the Republic sees itself as the locus/nucleus/center of the national narrative and the primary depository of the spiritual, intellectual and material investment in the ‘Armenian Metapolis.’ The hayrenik‘-spiwṛk‘ model in all its translations and manifestations is stronger than ever. The makers/actors of the new/old narrative based on the Homeland-Diaspora motif come from all strata, institutions and segments of the Armenian communities. There are politicians, intellectuals, poets, artists, singers, filmmakers, actors, entertainers, clergy, teachers, businessmen, travel agents, and many more. Inevitably, intellectuals are part of the same stage.

On the first page of the Foreword of the first book of the Series on Shnorhali, Dadoyan writes: “… just as knowledge is a significant factor, so is ignorance a major factor… People often make wrong judgments out of ignorance. Right action starts at self-knowledge, or sound knowledge of one’s history, both on individual and collective levels. This volume … is an attempt to provide self-knowledge of a different scope and methodology. The objective is to make so-called ‘academic’ material not only accessible but existentially meaningful and applicable.”

Summary of the Contents and the Arguments in the Four Parts of the Prolegomenon

Part One. The Beginnings in the Tenth Century and Turning Points

Dadoyan briefly traces the formative period in the tenth century and the next. It covers the situation and the events in the very broad area from the mainland to Cappadocia, and the Black Sea to the Mediterranean by the eleventh century. The regional and Armenian circumstances became the stage of the radical and permanent development of the Western Armenian World alongside the Eastern. Her primary argument in the Preface and Part One is: If Armenian history is the entire history of all the Armenians wherever they have been and are, it must cover and explain all episodes everywhere and at all times.

This has not been the case. Indeed, she discovered presented many documented paradigm cases in Arab primary sources that were hitherto unnoticed, yet they radically alter the traditional accounts of things Armenian. Dadoyan argues that there are too many discrepancies, black holes and basic historiographic errors. As a first step, she therefore suggests replacing the traditional model of center-and-periphery, by the model of Western and Eastern Armenian Worlds and start at paradigm cases that stand as counterpoints.

Part Two. The Dynastic Triangle or the Second Age of Kingdoms ‒ Twelfth to Fourteenth Centuries

In this part Dadoyan introduces what she calls her major theory of the Armenian Intermezzo. This is a novel perspective on Armenian mesopolitan history. The Intermezzo is the interval of two centuries between the gradual loss of sovereignty, or the Kingdoms and the rise of a “Dynastic Triangle”, or a ”Second Age of Kingdoms” ‒ another novel theory ‒ in Cilicia, Erznka, and Georgian Armenian Zakarian Ani. The theory of Armenian Intermezzo in her research, concerns a very specific and separate phase in both Near Eastern and Armenian histories, when the Western Armenian World began developing.

During this phase, having lost sovereignty, but not their political interests and needs, the Armenians were major players on the regional level, between the Byzantine-Christian, also Crusader-Latin worlds, on the one hand, and the Islamic Worlds, on the other. Armenian Cilicia is precisely a product and part of this phase and Armenian realpolitik. It is not a “divine gift”, as believed, to replace the Bagratid kingdom the Greeks took from them, nor another national epic episode.

The other important and totally novel argument in Part Two is Cilicia and the Dynastic Triangle or the Second Age of Kingdoms, Twelfth to Fourteenth Centuries. It is the appearance of an Armenian Dynastic Triangle or what she calls the ‘Second Age of Kingdoms’; Cilicia was on the Mediterranean, Erznka on the Western Euphrates in its north, and Zakarian Ani in their east.

While previously the Bagratunis, Artsrunus and the Siwnis, also some lesser Houses, made the First Age of Kingdoms, this was a Second Age of Kingdoms, the western parts of which are totally western. A greater part of this longest Part focuses on the political history of Cilicia, the first body politic in the Western Armenian World, from 1080s, to its fall to the Mamlūks in 1375.

Part Three. Problematics of Sovereignty, Orthodoxy and Identity ‒ The State and the Church in Cilicia focuses on the complexities of the institutional aspects of the struggles for persistence in the Western Armenian World.

Exiled from Ani in 1045, after over a century, in 1150, the Catholicosate finally settled at Hṛomklay, on Muslim land, just east of Cilicia.

Dadoyan points out that for three centuries, to the fall of the Kingdom in 1375, under extreme pressures from all sides, sovereignty and orthodoxy had to be maintained and preserved by political and religious institutions. A total of twenty-two catholicoi resided during the terms of twenty-two Cilician rulers, nine of whom were Princes, and thirteen Kings (Prince Lewon II becoming King Lewon I). Important episodes, such as Church Councils, attempts to modify doctrines as per the demands of the Catholic Church, significant figures, and popular responses are briefly discussed. Dadoyan analyzes the problematics involved in maintaining and preserving political sovereignty and doctrinal integrity at the same time.

The political and religious institutions during the Kingdom (1199-1375), and the Church in particular. This institution faced some of its most difficult challenges. Important episodes, such as the Church Councils for union with the Catholic Church, pressures, compromises and large-scale popular revolts are briefly reviewed. The doctrinal integrity of the Church was a political issue and in Cilicia the common people stood up against both their monarchs and catholicoi. Part Three also has a section on Dadoyan’s different and novel perspective on the ‘1441 Movement’ and its aftermath.

Part Four. A Mesopolitan Culture in the Western Armenian World from the Middle Ages to the Early Awakening ‒The Path to an Awakening.

Dadoyan dedicates this part to the evolution and peculiarities of the mesopolitan culture and intellectual legacy of the Silver Age in Cilicia and the Western Armenian World. Major figures, from Narekats‘i and Magistros – forerunners of the Silver Age – and the twelfth century pillars of the Age, from Grigor II, to Shnorhali and Nersēs Lambronats‘i are presented, always supported by citations. There are specific discussions about the poetry and theology of Narekats‘i, and secularization of learning by Grigor Magistros.

The unique phenomenon of the cosmopolitan City State of Erznka/Erznijān and its major figure Yovhannēs are part of this chapter too. The discussions deal with the legacies of circumstances and figures that generated the basic aspects of not only the Silver Age of Armenian culture but the early Awakening in the Western Armenian World. Dadoyan also focuses on the unique aspects of the Western Armenian intellectual, social and aesthetic cultures that practically marked an early, proto-Awakening.

Asbarez: FAST and AMAA Launch Second Annual AI Careers Camp in Hankavan


PARAMUS, NJ — More than 460 high school students from Armenia and the Diaspora have gathered in Hankavan for the second annual AI Careers Camp, a first-of-its-kind initiative designed to help young people explore the rapidly evolving world of artificial intelligence and future careers.

Organized by the Foundation for Armenian Science and Technology in partnership with the Armenian Missionary Association of America, the camp brings together participants ages 14 to 17 for an immersive summer experience that combines career exploration, speed networking with AI professionals and traditional camp activities.

The initiative builds on FAST’s Generation AI High School Project, which integrates advanced AI education into Armenia’s public school system and extends learning opportunities beyond the classroom. It offers students an opportunity to discover AI-related professions, explore real-world applications of AI across industries, identify their strengths and develop personalized pathways for academic and professional growth.

“Helping young people envision and prepare for their future is essential,” said Suzanna Shamakhyan, executive director of FAST.

“The camp has a strong career-guidance focus. It takes participants on a journey from self-discovery and skills development to speed-dating sessions with AI professionals. We want participants to discover their strengths and explore new career pathways opening up with the advancement of AI.”

As co-organizers, FAST leads the camp’s educational content, while AMAA ensures a vibrant daily program filled with games, competitions, and recreational activities.
“Education does not begin and end in the classroom,” said Aren Deyirmenjian, AMAA Representative in Armenia.

“At Hankavan, we strive to create an environment where young people can discover their talents, build skills that will serve them throughout their lives, and develop new aspirations for the future. Our partnership with FAST enriches that mission with knowledge in the field of AI.”

New this year is a three-day Entrepreneurial AI Camp, delivered in collaboration with Berlin-based IMPACT Week, an organization that has provided training for global companies including Lufthansa and Mercedes Benz. The program introduces students to design thinking, equipping them with skillset to transform ideas into real-world solutions.

This year’s camp also welcomes IDBank as its Financial Literacy Partner, delivering interactive workshops that equip participants with financial knowledge and skills for the future. Complementing these efforts, Nairi Insurance has provided accident insurance coverage for all attendees, supporting student safety and well-being.
AMAA and FAST are founding members of the 405 Educational Alliance, a collaborative network of Armenia’s leading educational organizations.

The Armenian Missionary Association of America, founded in 1918 in Massachusetts, USA, has been active in Armenia for over three decades, implementing educational, social, healthcare, economic, and spiritual-cultural programs through more than 400 staff across the country.

Its educational mission focuses on a new school model, piloted at the Khoren and Shooshanig Avedisian School, integrating a day center and planned expansion with a school-based health center and community services, with further cluster schools envisioned in other regions.

A key non-formal education initiative is Camp Hankavan, offering year-round programs and facilities such as accommodation, conference halls, sports areas, pavilions and an amphitheater, while generating support for school construction in Vardenis and house building for Artsakh Armenians in Tavush.

The Foundation for Armenian Science and Technology was founded in 2017 with the aim of creating a favorable ecosystem to promote technological innovation and scientific advancement in Armenia. FAST develops and pilots programs with the potential for a long-term, sustainable impact on Armenia’s science, technology, and innovation ecosystem. Over its nine years of operation, the foundation has implemented 31 programs and impacted more than 27,000 direct and indirect beneficiaries.

Founded in 1918, in Worcester, MA, and incorporated as a non-profit charitable organization in 1920 in the State of New York as a 501(c)3 tax-exempt organization. the Armenian Missionary Association of America serves the spiritual, educational, and social needs of Armenian communities in 22 countries around the world including Armenia. Visit the website for additional information.

168: Is the return of Iran a global game? How will the US-Iran deal be affected?

June: 16, 2026

US President Donald Trump has announced that Washington and Tehran have reached a framework agreement that will stop hostilities in the Middle East, reopen the Strait of Hormuz and lift the US blockade of Iranian ports.

“The agreement with the Islamic Republic of Iran is ready,” Trump wrote on his social network page, continuing in the next post that “this magnificent agreement will bring peace and security to the entire region.” Iran’s Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs Kazem Gharibabdi confirmed the information about the agreement early in the morning, detailing that “an immediate and permanent cease-fire is declared on all fronts of the war, including Lebanon.” Iran’s Mehr agency has published the draft memorandum of understanding between Iran and the US, which consists of 14 points and refers to regional security, economic cooperation and the regulation of bilateral relations.

According to the document, the parties plan to immediately and permanently stop hostilities on all fronts, including in Lebanon. At the same time, the US undertakes not to interfere in Iran’s internal affairs and to respect the sovereignty of the Islamic Republic. The memorandum envisages the complete lifting of the naval blockade against Iran within 30 days, as well as the withdrawal of American troops from the regions close to Iran’s borders. The document also provides for the reopening of the Strait of Hormuz and the suspension of restrictions on the sale of Iranian oil. According to the draft, the US and its allies must present a program for the reconstruction of Iran’s infrastructure, in the amount of 300 billion dollars. In addition, a 60-day negotiation process is planned in order to reach a final agreement.

Iran, for its part, undertakes not to produce nuclear weapons. At the same time, the USA should not impose new sanctions during the negotiations and should not expand its military presence in the region. The document also states that Iran’s frozen assets of 24 billion dollars should be unblocked, a mechanism for monitoring the implementation of the agreement should be created, and the final agreement should be approved by the appropriate resolution of the UN Security Council. It said final talks would not begin until a number of preconditions were met, including the unblocking of at least half of Iran’s frozen assets, the suspension of oil sanctions and the lifting of the maritime blockade.

Read also

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A high-ranking US official has denied the claims of the Iranian side that Tehran will receive billions of dollars in frozen funds before the start of negotiations on the final agreement, calling the formulation a “distortion of reality”. Speaking to Axios, the official denied reports that Iran would get unconditional access to $12 billion in blocked assets before the 60-day negotiation phase begins.

“This is completely untrue,” the official said.

“This is a pay-for-performance deal, and no frozen funds will be unfrozen until the Iranians fulfill their commitments.”

Iranian officials, for their part, have said that final negotiations will begin only after key commitments are met, including the release of some frozen assets and the lifting of the naval blockade.

The document has not been officially published, but the leaks show that both conflicting parties present the same draft document in accordance with their own political interests and audience. The actual text of the document (14 points) probably exists, but Iran emphasizes what the US is “obliged to do”, and the US emphasizes that Iran will receive all of this “only after fulfilling its demands”. However, international leaders are already welcoming the achievement of a framework agreement between the United States and Iran. London, Paris, Berlin and Rome expressed their willingness to ease some sanctions against Tehran in a joint statement.

Other countries and centers also made statements. Against this background, however, Israel declares that Israel will not withdraw from southern Lebanon. Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz noted. “Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and I have a clear policy that the Israel Defense Forces will remain in the security zones of Lebanon, Syria and Gaza indefinitely to protect the borders and Israeli communities from jihadist elements.”

The framework agreement to be signed between Washington and Tehran, despite the different interpretations at the moment, claims to change the logic of global politics. According to Donald Trump, this “great historical deal” not only lays the foundation for the new security architecture of the Middle East, but can directly affect the neighboring regions, particularly the South Caucasus. The quick reaction of major Western capitals – London, Paris, Berlin and Rome – and the willingness to ease sanctions show that the European superpowers have huge economic needs. The return of Iranian oil to the world market and the planned unblocking of transportation routes can significantly reduce the prices of energy carriers, giving a big boost to the world economy. However, according to experts, the weakest link of this agreement remains Israel’s tough position.

Israel’s Defense Minister Israel Katz’s statement that their troops will not leave southern Lebanon, Gaza, and Syria indicates that the Washington-Tehran agreement is still not strong, and a complete regional consensus has not been achieved. Israel views the diplomatic game between Washington and Tehran as an existential threat to its security, which means that even if the document is signed in Geneva on June 19, the risk of renewed military clashes will remain extremely high. The possible recovery of US-Iran relations and the gradual lifting of sanctions also radically change the geo-economic map of the South Caucasus.

Coming out of isolation, Iran, with its huge economic potential, will naturally look for stable and safe transit routes to Europe through Armenia. In this context, Iran may also be interested in the TRIPP project.

All of this is directly related to Armenia, because the de-encirclement agenda around Armenia is in the stage of active discussions and agreements, and at this very stage, the stabilization of the situation around Tehran significantly increases the latter’s weight in the South Caucasus as well.

The implementation of the US-Iran framework agreement will be a cornerstone for strengthening Tehran’s position, returning it from international isolation to influential global political and economic platforms, which will be especially visible due to the suspension of oil sanctions in the energy market and the legal legitimization of regional hubs.

This global geopolitical transformation will be directly projected on the South Caucasus, where Tehran, freed from Western pressure, will pursue a much more decisive policy, preventing the establishment of absolute hegemony of the Turkish-Azerbaijani tandem in the region. For Armenia, the possible rise of Iran can create various opportunities. It is able, most importantly, to balance the influence of Turkey and Azerbaijan in the region, which will allow Yerevan to conduct a more independent foreign policy. At the same time, this is not only an economic opportunity for Armenia, but also a geopolitical challenge, as Azerbaijan, Turkey and Israel will try to advance their own agendas with even greater intensity against this background. Armenia’s success in this possible configuration around Iran will depend on the extent to which Yerevan will be able to use Iran’s emerging potential.

Today, the critical minerals of Armenia are in the center of attention of the USA

June: 16, 2026

Doctor of Political Sciences, Professor Vahe Davtyan writes: “If today the critical minerals of Armenia are in the center of attention of the USA, then tomorrow the shale reserves, which many have already managed to forget, may return to the agenda.

Meanwhile, American interest in Armenia’s shale resources has a long history.
Back in 1995, within the framework of the “Energy” target program, the RA government decided to carry out geological-research works in order to evaluate and exploit the industrial potential of combustible shale, oil, gas and coal reserves discovered during the Soviet years. However, due to the financial and economic crisis of the 1990s, the initiative remained incomplete.
In 2011, the Ministry of Energy and Natural Resources of the Republic of Armenia and International Minerals registered in the Isle of Man
The agreement provided for a joint assessment and technical study of energy resources, including potential shale gas reserves.
However, the American side’s geological research in Armenia started long before the signing of the said memorandum.
According to the studies of the US Geological Survey, there are about 44 million tons of combustible shale reserves in the Aramus region. American specialists came to this conclusion as a result of research conducted in 1994.
In the 2005 report, the American side had already presented higher estimates, indicating the presence of shale reserves of 17-18 million tons in Ijevan, Shamut and Germanis, and around 128 million tons in the Dilijan region.
Today, in the conditions of increasing geo-economic activity carried out by the US in Armenia, a gradual expansion of American interest in the entire complex of strategic resources of Armenia, from critical minerals to shale resources, is possible.
All this is getting a new character of resource colonization. TRIPP is one of the pillars of that strategy.”

For small and not rich countries, the main question should be: how did you get it?

June: 16, 2026

Artak Zakaryan writes on his Facebook page. “The English King’s College London has published research, according to which it is no longer justified for countries with limited budgets to copy the armies of great powers on a smaller scale.

From the conclusions of the research, it follows that the scaled-down models of large armies are considered more expensive, while at the same time, from the point of view of the combat effectiveness of the armed forces of a small country, they are less effective.

It should be noted that in the conditions of modern war, not the status of existing weapons and tactical-technical characteristics, but your own ability to make the aggression started against you long-lasting, costly and unpredictable for the enemy has become much more important.

The concept of “deterrence by denial” is based on this principle, the goal of which is not to defeat a stronger state in an open conflict, but to deprive it of the opportunity to achieve quick and cheap success. In a strategic sense, this is a defensive approach, when the state seeks not to threaten the opponent with a heavy punishment or a counterattack, but to organize its defense in such a way that the opponent ultimately cannot achieve its goals.

Ukraine, Taiwan, Finland, and Iran present various examples of the implementation of this approach.

Taiwan relies on a so-called “hedgehog strategy,” using mobile coastal missile systems, mines, drones, distributed air defense systems and infrastructure stockpiles to make a possible invasion as difficult as possible.

The Ukraine war showed that relatively inexpensive UAVs, satellites, civilian communications networks, radio-electronic warfare and flexible logistics can cause systemic damage when used effectively.

Finland and Sweden demonstrate a model where defense is built not only on armed forces, but also on a trained public, reservists, strategic reserves, vital infrastructure and stable governance.

The main conclusion is that the effective defense of medium and small states sometimes depends not on expensive and well-known systems, but on the goal and target architecture of security, defense capability and military-political management.

Unmanned aerial vehicles, mobile missile systems, distributed sensors, radio electronic warfare means, munitions stocks, backup energy supply, protected channels and decentralized command can, in specific situations, together provide no less deterrent effect than the few authoritative systems and classic models of warfare that usually become the primary targets.

This does not mean the abandonment of traditional military equipment, but requires a review of defense concepts and justifications for the acquisition of armaments.

Modern conflicts show that cheap and massive means, if properly integrated, can significantly change the balance of power.

For small and non-rich countries, the main question should be not how to create a smaller version of the armed forces of big and rich powers, but how to turn your limited resources into the most expensive retribution tool for the aggressor.

That is why the defense concept of “deterrence by excluding the opportunity” is not just a theoretical idea today, but a practical strategy for states that cannot afford to participate in a symmetrical arms race.