Renowned Scholars Express Deep Concern Over Pashinyan’s Removal of Genocide Mu

Vice President JD Vance with AGMI Director Dr. Edita Gzoyan at Dzidzernagapert on Feb. 10


We, the undersigned, express deep concern over the recent and troubling developments at the Armenian Genocide Museum‑Institute in Yerevan. On March 11, Dr. Edita Gzoyan, one of the most outstanding and dedicated directors in the history of the Institute, submitted her resignation — reportedly under pressure from the government rather than by free choice. 

Dr. Gzoyan has elevated the AGMI to international academic prominence. Under her leadership, the Institute expanded its archival collections, organized key symposia and conferences, and produced scholarly works that have significantly advanced genocide studies worldwide. She has been a tireless advocate for rigorous historical research on the Armenian Genocide and related atrocities against Armenians — work that has strengthened global understanding of past injustices and supported the cause of historical truth. 

What makes her forced departure particularly alarming is its timing and context. Just weeks earlier, Dr. Gzoyan had personally guided U.S. Vice President J.D. Vance during his visit to the Tsitsernakaberd Memorial Complex. She highlighted not only the genocide of 1915 but also later massacres of Armenians in Sumgait, Kirovabad, and Baku, underscoring the historical continuity of anti‑Armenian violence in the region. She also presented Vice President Vance with scholarly works on the Armenian Genocide and the Nagorno‑Karabakh conflict — essential context for understanding Armenia’s history and contemporary challenges.  On March 12, in response to a journalist’s question regarding the forced resignation of Dr. Edita Gzoyan, Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan stated:

“I was the one who asked the director of the Armenian Genocide Museum-Institute to submit a resignation letter; it was done on my instruction. I considered giving a book about Artsakh to Vance to be a provocative act that goes against the Government’s policy.”

The sequence of events indicates a broader and deeply troubling pattern: the silencing of independent academic voices in favor of political convenience. There is every reason to believe that this is less about museum administration and more about repositioning the AGMI to align its work with geopolitical priorities — especially a desire to avoid honest discussion of atrocities related to Azerbaijan amid ongoing normalization efforts. 

The Armenian Genocide Museum‑Institute is not merely a tourist site. It is a center of historical memory and scholarship — a bulwark against denial and distortion. Its leadership should be protected from political interference, not subjected to it. Dr. Gzoyan’s forced exit sends a chilling message to academics and historians everywhere: that rigorous inquiry and truthful remembrance can be displaced for diplomatic comfort.

All of us have been actively engaged with AGMI in numerous meaningful capacities—participating in its conferences, serving on the editorial board of the “International Journal of Armenian Genocide Studies” and on the academic board, collaborating with AGMI and its staff on joint scholarly initiatives, and contributing to the field through the publication of academic articles and books. Gzoyan has played a key role in involving us in AGMI’s activities through her creative vision and outstanding scholarship, helping shape the Institute’s future.

We believe that any attempt to remove Dr. Gzoyan from the directorship of the AGMI would seriously jeopardize the Institute’s future and undermine its standing within the international scholarly community. Such a decision would not only disrupt the Institute’s ongoing work but would also send a deeply troubling signal to leading scholars of genocide studies worldwide, discouraging them from collaborating with AGMI and weakening the global academic partnerships that are essential to its mission.

For these reasons, we strongly urge the Armenian government to refrain from interfering in the leadership of the Institute. We call on the authorities to respect the independence of AGMI and to ensure that Dr. Gzoyan is allowed to continue her work without political pressure or intervention. Protecting the Institute’s autonomy and leadership is critical for preserving its credibility, safeguarding its scholarly mission, and maintaining the trust of the international academic community. We believe that directorship of the AGMI should be based on the qualities of the individual as a scholar and administrator and not the political expediencies of any particular administration.

The AGMI staff and members of the Board have expressed their full confidence in Dr. Gzoyan’s exceptional leadership. We firmly demand that Dr. Gzoyan be reinstated immediately and allowed to continue the outstanding work she has been leading.

Prof. Bedross Der Matossian, Professor of History, Hymen Rosenberg Professor in Judaic Studies, University of Nebraska-Lincoln
Prof. Elyse Semerdjian Robert Aram and Marianne Kaloosdian and Stephen and Marian Mugar Chair of Armenian Genocide Studies at the Strassler Center for Holocaust and Genocide Studies at Clark University
Prof. Armen Marsoobian, Professor of Philosophy, Southern Connecticut State University
Prof. Keith Watenpaugh, Professor of Human Rights Studies, University of California, Davis
Prof. Melanie Schulze Tanielian, Associate Professor of History, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor
Dr. Simon Maghakyan, Associate Member of the Faculty of Asian and Middle Eastern Studies, University of Oxford
Dr. Boris Adjemian, Director of Bibliothèque Nubar de l’UGAB
Mr. Marc Mamigonian, Director of Academic Affairs, National Association for Armenian Genocide and Research
Prof. Vahé Tachjian, Houshamadyan, Berlin / Ara Hrechdakian Chair of Armenian Studies at Saint Joseph University of Beirut
Prof. Houri Berberian Professor of History, Meghrouni Family Presidential Chair in Armenian Studies University of California, Irvine
Prof. Henry Theriault, Ph.D., Vice-Chair, Board of Directors, National Association for Armenian Studies and Research, and Co-Editor, “Genocide Studies International”
Prof. Ronald Grigor Suny, William H. Sewell Jr. Distinguished University Professor of History Emeritus, The University of Michigan; Professor of Political Science and History Emeritus, The University of Chicago
Prof. Barlow Der Mugrdechian, Haig and Isabel Berberian Coordinator of Armenian Studies, California State University, Fresno
Prof. Lori Khatchadourian, Associate Professor, Departments of Near Eastern Studies & Anthropology, Cornell University
Dr. Hilmar Kaiser, Universität Bern
Mr. Michael Bobelian, Adjunct Professor at Columbia University and Baruch College
Prof. A. Dirk Moses, Anne and Bernard Spitzer Professor of International Relations at the City College of New York
Prof. Hervè Georgelin, Assistant Professor, National University of Athens, Greece
Mr. Gregory Aftandilian, Senior Professorial Lecture, American University, Washington, DC
Prof. Julien Zarifian, Professor of U.S. History, University of Poitiers, France
Prof. Fatma Müge Göçek, Professor of Sociology, University of Michigan
Prof. David Gaunt, Emeritus Professor of History, Södertörn University, Stockholm, Sweden
Prof. Tessa Hofmann, formerly Freie Universität Berlin, Germany, Institute for Eastern European Studies
Dr. Talar Chahinian, Continuing Lecturer in Armenian Studies, University of California, Irvine
Prof. Samuel Totten, University of Arkansas, Fayetteville

Etchmiadzin Denounces Pashinyan’s Attacks on Church at European Parliament

Catholicos Karekin II with the Supreme Spiritual Council of Etchmiadzin on Feb. 13


YEREVAN (Azatutyun.am)—The Armenian Apostolic Church on Friday rejected Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan’s new accusations voiced in the European Parliament amid his continuing attempts to depose its supreme head, Catholicos Karekin II.

Addressing the European Union’s legislative body on Wednesday, Pashinyan claimed that the church’s top clergy is leading a “party of war” that comprises Armenia’s main opposition groups and is keen to reignite the conflict with Azerbaijan. He accused it of collaborating with “foreign special services” not named by him.

The church’s Supreme Spiritual Council dismissed the allegations as “fabricated” and “unacceptable” at the end of a four-day session held in Etchmiadzin. In a statement, it said they are aimed justifying the Armenian authorities’ “illegal actions against the Church” and “further repressions” planned by them.

Pashinyan began pressuring Karekin II to resign last June shortly after the Catholicos accused Azerbaijan of committing ethnic cleansing in Nagorno-Karabakh and illegally occupying Armenian border areas during an international conference in Switzerland. Three archbishops and one bishop were arrested in the following months on different charges strongly denied by them. Three of them have been moved to house arrest in recent weeks.

Earlier this year, law-enforcement authorities also indicted Karekin II himself as well as six other clergymen. They were banned from leaving the country to attend an emergency episcopal conference held in Austria last month.

Pashinyan defended the crackdown in his speech at the European Parliament. His domestic critics say it violates Armenia’s constitution and laws guaranteeing the ancient church’s separation from the state.

Pashinyan has used different lines of attack on the church during his nearly yearlong campaign. He said until December that Karekin II and other top clerics at odds with him must go because they had secret sex affairs in breach of their vows of celibacy. He then began accusing them of spying for a foreign country, presumably Russia.

Last month, Pashinyan turned on eight prominent members of the Armenian communities in the United States and Europe who condemned his “attacks” on the church. He claimed that they want to remove the seat of the Catholicos from Armenia and seize church treasures kept in Etchmiadzin.

Armenian Diaspora’s Nation Building Opportunities in the 21 Century

The panelists at the ARF “Diaspora” Conference


A Debate That Asked the Right Questions

On the evening of Thursday, March 12 the Krikor and Mariam Karamanoukian Glendale Youth Center became something rare in diaspora public life: a room where difficult, necessary questions were asked without the comfort of easy answers.

Organized by the ARF-WR’s “Diaspora” Conference Committee as a precursor to the upcoming Diaspora Conference, the Public Debate-Discussion on “Armenian Diaspora’s Nation-Building Opportunities in the 21st Century” drew a full house of community members, scholars, activists, and civic leaders united by a single conviction, that understanding must precede action.

Beneath the evening’s wide-ranging discussion lay a deeper question: before the Armenian diaspora can assume a decisive role in nation-building, it must first understand and define its own strategic capacity. The evening was not designed to produce immediate answers, but rather to map the conditions that would allow the diaspora to become a credible and equal partner in shaping the Armenian future. This is because the stakes could not be higher: today, more Armenians live outside Armenia than within its borders, a reality that places the diaspora not at the margins of the Armenian story, but at its very heart.

The audience listens attentively to the Diaspora Conference

In addition, the evening was deliberately framed not around crisis or lament, but around opportunity. Five distinguished panelists — diaspora studies scholar Dr. Khatchig Tölölyan, international relations professor Dr. Khatchig Der Ghougassian, community and spiritual leader Rev. Fr. Karekin Bedourian, ARF Bureau member Khajag Mgrdichian, and prominent civic attorney and community advocate Lara Yeretsian — brought to the stage a rare breadth of expertise: from the theoretical to the pastoral, from geopolitical strategy to courtroom advocacy. brought to the stage a rare breadth of expertise: from the theoretical to the pastoral, from geopolitical strategy to courtroom advocacy. The debate was moderated by Dr. Kevork Hagopjian, Esq., minority rights expert, and an active voice in Armenian diasporic communal life for over two decades.

Starting From Strength
The debate opened with a question that set its tone from the first moment: what is the single greatest asset the Armenian diaspora brings to nation-building in 2026 that no previous generation possessed? The responses revealed a community that is, in many ways, more richly positioned than it has ever been, globally networked, institutionally experienced, economically established, and increasingly embedded in the civic and political structures of its host countries. Participants pointed to the diaspora’s unprecedented capacity for transnational coordination in light of advanced technologies and AI and drew attention to a generation of young Armenians whose hunger for evolving identity and meaning represents a profound, if still largely untapped, opportunity.

No Diaspora Without a Homeland
One of the evening’s most clarifying moments was a reflection on the very nature of diaspora itself. The panelists emphasized that there is no diaspora without a Homeland — Hayrenik. To be diasporic is not simply to live abroad; it is to carry within oneself a connection to a homeland, a consciousness of displacement, and a living desire to return or contribute. This is not sentiment — it is the defining condition that separates a diaspora from a mere immigrant community.

Complementarity, Not Competition
From this foundation emerged one of the evening’s most candid conversations: the relationship between the diaspora and Yerevan is not without tension. The concern raised was not one of rivalry, but of autonomy, mutual respect and strategic partnership. The panelists were clear: the diaspora’s nation-building role is only meaningful if it is treated as a genuine strategic partner, with its own voice, its own organizational logic, and its own contribution to defining the shared future. Complementarity, in this sense, is not a given. It must be built deliberately, on the basis of mutual recognition and equal partnership.

Re-Defining the Diaspora’s Strategic Value
The evening’s most intellectually charged exchange centered on a fundamental question of identity and purpose: should the diaspora develop its own distinct agenda — investing in itself, its communities, and its institutions on its own terms — or is its greatest contribution found in serving as a strategic force that amplifies Armenia’s power and presence in the world? The debate made clear that this is not an either/or choice, nor an abstract one. How the diaspora answers it shapes everything — from how it allocates resources, to how it organizes politically, to how it defines success across generations.

What emerged from the discussion was a more demanding proposition: that to become a truly effective partner to Armenia, the diaspora must first do the harder work of reassessing itself honestly — mapping its real assets, evaluating its organizational capacity, and clearly articulating its strategic value. Not as an article of faith, but as a credible, evidence-based case. Only then can it claim — and expect to be treated as — an equal partner by Yerevan.

Building Outward, Not Only Inward
The conversation highlighted that today’s youth possess professional, intellectual and entrepreneurial capacities that can be redirected toward a common national purpose. Yet the panel also recognized a tension: alongside an engaged and highly networked generation, there is another that is drifting, more individualistic, assimilated or disconnected. The challenge, then, is not merely to “save” youth, but to invest in their real potential, respect their individual paths to success and connect those successes to a larger Armenian collective project.

The discussion suggested that traditional Armenian institutions remain valuable, but cannot simply rely on inherited legitimacy. If they are to remain relevant, they must modernize their methods, language, leadership cultures and forms of outreach. Inclusivity was also highlighted as essential: the future cannot be built by narrower circles speaking only to themselves. A stronger Diaspora will require broader participation, greater openness and a clearer understanding of diversity as an asset rather than a weakness.

An equally important insight emerged around the diaspora’s presence within the mainstream institutions of its host countries. Nation-building, it was argued, is not only what happens inside Armenian community spaces — schools, churches, political organizations — but also what Armenians do within the broader civic, legal, and political structures that shape public life and foreign policy. For a diaspora that has historically built inward, strategically embedding Armenian voices and interests into the institutions of one of the world’s most influential democracies represents a largely underexplored dimension of nation-building — and a concrete demonstration of the strategic value the diaspora can bring to the partnership.

Among the threads running through the evening was also the question of language — the most intimate dimension of Armenian identity. The concern was clear: institutional strength, political networks, and financial support can all be rebuilt. A language lost to a generation is far harder to recover. In this sense, preserving and transmitting Armenian is not a cultural nicety, it is a nation-building imperative.

Understanding Before Action
What distinguished this evening from many community gatherings was its philosophical premise: that clarity of understanding is itself an achievement — and a prerequisite for any meaningful action. The debate was not designed to produce a roadmap. It was designed to ensure that when the Diaspora Conference convenes in couple of days, the conversations that follow are grounded in honest self-knowledge rather than inherited assumptions. In that sense, the most important question of the night was also its last: having now mapped where we are and what this moment holds, do each of these panelists still hold the same view of the diaspora’s greatest asset that they articulated at the start of the evening?

The answers varied — some reinforced, some subtly shifted. Which is precisely the point. A community willing to think out loud, in public, with rigor and without pretense, is a community that still believes in its own future. On the evidence of Thursday evening in Glendale, the Armenian diaspora is exactly that.

168: Billions came from abroad

March: 9, 2026

In recent years, in the form of private transfers, sums amounting to tens of billions of dollars have come to Armenia from abroad. They came especially from Russia. They served the political agenda of the authorities, but not the development of Armenia’s economy.

The sanctions applied to Russia have become a real salvation for today’s rulers of Armenia. Without it, it is hard to imagine what they would do. The economic growths that have been recorded in the last few years and of which they are so proud, are not due to the developments of the Armenian economy, but mainly due to this. If there were no sanctions, there would be no such economic growth either.

They are not only financial, but also the result of serving huge commodity flows.

In addition to the direct impact on trade movements, they also greatly influenced the economic indicators of Armenia. For example, the role of Russian gold is invaluable for the industry, about which they try to talk as little as possible. However, without Russian gold, not only would there not have been, let’s say, the slight growth of last year, but it would also have been impossible to avoid the decline. The influence of Russian gold on the industry is so great that after 2-3 months of active re-exports of gold, the industry came out of the decline recorded for months and also recorded growth. But that is not development. And you will not go far with such increases. Such increases give almost nothing, both to the economy and to the society.

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That is the reason why “revolutionary” increases very often do not add anything to the pocket of an ordinary citizen, instead, they give the authorities an opportunity to create an illusion of developments.

The financial and commodity flows that circulate through Armenia continue to be a lifeline for the authorities. 3-4 years after the start of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict, huge financial resources are coming to Armenia. Another record of private transfers was registered last year. Almost 6 billion dollars came from abroad only through the banking system.

We are talking exclusively about the money sent by citizens, which exceeded last year’s record by 142 million.

But it is not with the difference of 142 million that the whole change of money coming from abroad, which is happening in the last few years, can be seen. Small sums of money did not enter Armenia before. But what we see after the Russian-Ukrainian conflict is incredible. In a short time, the financial flows entering Armenia through private transfers, exclusively through the banking system, have increased almost 3 times.

If in 2021 they were within the framework of 2.1 billion dollars, now they have reached 6 billion.

The main part of that money comes from Russia.

Russian flows continued to remain extremely high last year.

Of the 5 billion 979 million dollars that came to Armenia through banks, 3 billion 878 million are Russian capital. It made up almost 65 percent of the receipts.

In order to make it clear what happened in these few years in terms of transfers from Russia to Armenia, let us record that in 2021 during the whole year, the entry of Russian capital through this pipeline amounted to only 865 million dollars. It increased 4.5 times in four years, reaching 3 billion 878 million dollars.

In total, more than 15.2 billion dollars entered Armenia from Russia in four years. No other country has ever received so much money in Armenia in 4 years. Although most of these amounts were of commercial significance, they had a direct impact on the economy, trade and especially the financial sector. The high growth recorded in the banking system and the huge profits secured are also related to these amounts.

Money comes to Armenia from other countries as well, but they are much less than what comes only from Russia.

As always, the second place is the United States, whose share is around 12 percent.

733 million dollars came from the USA last year, which is 43 million more than the previous year.

During the last 4 years, the money transferred from the United States has also increased, but much less, in the amount of only 153 million.

Recently, there has been a sharp activity in terms of money sent from Great Britain to Armenia through the private transfer channel. In that sense, Great Britain has not been active in relations with Armenia before. However, recently the activity has increased dramatically. For example, last year the inflow of funds from that country almost doubled, reaching 207 million dollars. Just 4 years ago, they were barely around 40-41 million dollars.

They have increased by 5 times in four years. But the activity has increased especially in the last 1-2 years. It is not known what contributed to such activity of British capital flows in Armenia, but they came mainly under the name of trade transfers. Non-commercial ones are only in the order of 22-23 million dollars or 10-11 percent of the transfers made.

In the last 4 years, through private financial transfers, exclusively through the banking system, a total of 22.7 billion dollars entered Armenia, 15.2 billion from Russia. This is a huge amount for a country with a small economy like Armenia. An average annual amount of 5.7 billion dollars came from abroad through private transfers, which is very little inferior to the expenses made in the state budget. Regardless of the purpose for which these funds entered Armenia, how they were circulated, they had a direct impact on economic indicators and especially on the financial sector. Another thing is that very often these effects were not qualitative, because the political power was unable to use these huge resources for the development of the economy and the increase of economic capacities.

HAKOB KOCHARYAN




“Danger of toxic rain in the region. and in Armenia there is silence”. Anush P

March: 9, 2026

Anush Poghosyan writes: “Danger of toxic rain in the region. and in Armenia there is silence

Iran has warned there is a risk of “toxic rain” due to fires caused by US and Israeli strikes on oil storage facilities.

What does “poison rain” really mean?

During the burning of oil storage facilities, the following are emitted into the atmosphere:

sulfur compounds (SO₂),
nitrogen oxides (NOₓ),
hydrocarbons,
soot and heavy metal particles.

These substances can mix with water in the clouds, form acidic compounds, and then fall to the earth with precipitation. This phenomenon is often called acid or conventional “poison rain”.

What should the Ministry of Health of the Republic of Armenia do in case of such a danger?

The main responsibility of the Ministry is:

assess health risks,
protect the health of the population,
keep medical facilities ready,
provide clear and timely public information.

However, everything seems to be fine in Armenia.

It is SILENCE.

Ministry of Health, at least tell me if there is no danger or if you just don’t have time yet to understand what is happening.”

“No matter how dependent Aliyev is on the forces fighting against Iran, he understands: A

March: 9, 2026

Yesterday, March 8, the President of the Islamic Republic of Iran Masoud Pezeshkian is a phone conversation had a meeting with the President of Azerbaijan, during which he said that the incident of the airstrike on Nakhichevan has nothing to do with Iran, and emphasized that the incident will be investigated.

Along with all of this, mutual strikes between Iran and Israel continue. Israeli army announced, which strikes the Iranian city of Isfahan, targeting security forces there.

The US and Israel launched a joint military operation against Iran on February 28, accusing Tehran of developing its missile and nuclear programs.

What guarantees does Armenia have to protect itself from the threats caused by these actions taking place in Iran? Could there be contradictions between Azerbaijan and Iran?

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Azerbaijan affairs expert Tatevik Hayrapetyan according to the assessment, Azerbaijan is trying to present itself as a sovereign, shows its “tooth”, makes certain definitions that are quite sharp, for example, calling the state terrorist, etc. However, according to his assessment, after a certain time these tensions begin to decline, that is, this external manifestation is always there, and there are internal processes.

“Internally, I think that Aliyev depends on the forces fighting against Iran, including Israel, at the same time he has pragmatism, he understands that involving Azerbaijan in such problems is fraught with many dangers, including for his own government. By and large, no one can guarantee the result, as of today, Iran is not in such a situation that Azerbaijan thinks that any of its steps, actions, provocations can have the opposite effect.

I think there is an external component: Aliyev’s connivances, threats, but at the same time, we saw that the same cargo transportation has already been restored. In other words, there is the negotiation component, there are visible and invisible parts, we see the visible parts, which are often tougher, and then we already see a certain regulation of relations.” of 168.am said Tatevik Hayrapetyan in a conversation with

According to the expert, the positions of Iran and Russia in the period of the Artsakh conflict, during the 44-day war of 2020, made Azerbaijan so bold. By and large, they opened “Pandora’s box”, which manifests itself differently in different situations and has already manifested itself.

As for Armenia, Tatevik Hayrapetyan said that all his information is from open sources.

“I used to talk about the threats and dangers coming from Azerbaijan, for example, it happened in the spring of last year, in September 2023, 1-2 months before the war against Artsakh, when the state TV station of Azerbaijan was talking about it in open text. If there is no such information in open sources, I think that such formulations cannot be made.

Of course, there are risks, we live in a world where events develop very quickly, naturally, we have to take all of that into account, the Armenian-hatred propaganda on the part of Azerbaijan has not ended, it is still there. But to say that there is a direct threat or that there will be an attack tomorrow, I certainly cannot say such a thing.

The only guarantee of the security of any state is the priority armed forces, smart diplomacy and trained public. No matter how the superpowers try to create guarantees, at some point they will work, at some point they will change. the interests are changing,” added the expert.

In this context, our interlocutor also emphasized that the Armenian public is vulnerable to various information operations, when there is misinformation, widespread panic begins, which entails serious risks.

“There are two extremes: one extreme is when the government tries to present that everything is wonderful, magnificent, ignoring what is happening in the outside world, and another extreme is when the opposition circles try to present that they will attack Armenia tomorrow. According to me, we should get rid of these two extremes, try to be sober.

Finally, during this period, Arman Tatoyan spoke in the opposition field about the advance of the troops in the summer of the previous year, which was actually not denied. To his credit, I must say that he presented verified information to the public, this is very important for the source to be reliable. “The actual government has hidden the advance of the Azerbaijani armed forces from the public, which once again proves that the processes that they will be withdrawn from our territories are completely false,” Tatevik Hayrapetyan emphasized.

“On Friday, Vahagn Chakhalyan started having pains, only on the 2nd or 3rd day.

March: 9, 2026

Vahagn Chakhalyan, the founder of the “Kamk” public initiative, was detained for 2 months by the decision of the General Jurisdiction Court of Yerevan on July 5 of last year. A criminal case was initiated against him under Article 43-308, Part 1 of the Criminal Code: preparation for usurpation of power) and Article 43-419, Part 1: preparation for terrorism.

He is blamed for what the “Holy Struggle” supporters are accused of. for “usurpation of power and preparation of terrorism”.

The other day by court order Vahagn Chakhalyan’s preventive detention was replaced by house arrest, his health condition is bad.

Vahagn Chakhalyan’s lawyer Vrezh Khachikyan According to him, before he was transferred from the penitentiary to house arrest, he had kidney pains on Friday evening.

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“My client had health problems, but until that moment we were not allowed to speak in court, but he did not have kidney complaints. All that came to light during the last 8 months of detention. During this time, Vahagn Chakhalyan was once taken to a punishment cell, he was kept in cold conditions for several days. We applied to the HRD and only after we raised the issue, they turned on a small heater in the punishment cell. On Friday, Vahagn Chakhalyan started having pains, only on the 2nd or 3rd day they brought him to inject a pain reliever.

After that, he was transferred to “Izmirlian” medical center, they examined him, and it was found that there was a stone in the kidneys. It can be said that my client’s life was in danger at that time.” of 168.am Vrezh Khachikyan said in a conversation with

According to the lawyer, according to the alleged and false accusation, the “18 righteous” are accused of forming a “terrorist group” and “organizing terrorism”.

“Vahagn Chakhalyan is accused because his last name was given in those recordings, but the name Vahagn was not there, it was added by the investigator or the operational employee, in connection with which we will make a report later. It is not known who is the organizer and who is the facilitator in those recordings, all of them are organizers and facilitators, such a thing does not happen in the field of criminal law,” added our interlocutor.

Vrezh Khachikyan emphasized that in those recordings, without a name, it is only said: where is Chakhalyan and what did Chakhalyan say?

Continuing, the lawyer also said that “in the case of the 18 righteous”, unfortunately, only Saint Bagrat is in prison.

“Vahagn Chakhalyan has been in prison for 8 months, his house is under bail, what man does not work for so long and the house does not end up in such a bad condition?” That’s why we asked to change his restraining order, unfortunately, the court gave him house arrest for 3 months. We believe that during this period Vahagn Chakhalyan’s speeches in the court about the current authorities, in which he presents the true picture, had an impact on the court’s decision. In other words, a process directed by the authorities is taking place, we assume that the court also carries out that direction.

I am sure that if justice is done, everyone should be acquitted,” emphasized Vrezh Khachikyan.

After the incident of the Iranian ATS in Nakhichevan, the Turkic bloc met in Stambo

March: 9, 2026

Against the background of the US-Israel war against Iran and the recent incident in Nakhijevan with the participation of Iranian anti-aircraft missiles, the Turkic world has presented a united front.

The Minister of Foreign Affairs of Turkey, Hakan Fidan, has announced the formation of a joint position of the countries of the Organization of Turkic States (TPC) in response to external threats.

Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan held an informal meeting of the Council of Foreign Ministers of the member countries of the Organization of Turkic States in Istanbul, which was attended by the representatives of the member states and the secretary general of the organization. According to reports, the diplomats focused on global and regional challenges that require solidarity and the ability to act “with one voice” from the Turkic world.

The main result of the meeting, according to the publication, was the adoption of the Joint Declaration, in which the countries of the organization officially expressed their collective response to the attacks against Turkey and Azerbaijan. “The participants of the council fixed the principle of indivisibility of security in the document. an attack on any member of the organization is a source of serious concern and a threat to all other participants,” the message said.

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“In the Joint Statement we adopted, we resolutely demonstrated our common response to the attacks against our country and Azerbaijan, as well as solidarity within our ‘family council’. We have recorded that the attack on one of the members is a source of concern and threat for all the participants of the organization,” emphasized Hakan Fidan.

He also noted that the parties have agreed to move to deeper foreign policy coordination. According to him, the Turkic states have a common will to strengthen peace and stability in the region. “The Organization of Turkic States will resolutely continue its efforts aimed at strengthening peace, stability and prosperity in our region,” the Turkish Foreign Minister concluded.

And all this, despite the fact that the President of Iran made several interesting announcements in a video message about the attacks on neighboring countries. “It is necessary for me to apologize to the neighboring countries that were attacked by Iran. Our leader, our commanders and our students lost their lives due to the brutal aggression of the enemy. Our armed forces are ready for self-sacrifice. they put their lives on the line to protect the country’s territorial integrity. When commanders were not present, they acted on their own initiative (“fire at discretion”), doing whatever was necessary to defend our homeland with honor and might.

We do not intend to carry out aggression against neighboring countries, they are our brothers, and we are trying to establish peace and tranquility with them hand in hand,” Pezeshkian said. He also announced that in the interim leadership council they decided and conveyed to the armed forces that from now on neighboring countries should not be attacked or hit with rockets, unless there is an attack from those countries in our direction. “We should solve these issues with each other through diplomacy,” Pezeshkian said. It should also be noted here that in the late evening of March 8, the Iranian state media reported on the election of Ali Khamenei’s son, Mojtaba Khamenei, as the spiritual leader of Iran.

Mojtaba Khamenei is known for his strong ties to the military-political elite, the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, and his radical stance toward the West. According to a number of Iranian Telegram news channels, shortly after being elected, Iran resumed strikes against some of the Persian Gulf countries.

However, it became known today that Iran’s President Masoud Pezeshkian had a telephone conversation with Azerbaijan’s President Ilham Aliyev and announced that Tehran had nothing to do with the incident involving drones in Nakhichevan. “On March 8, at the initiative of the Iranian side, a telephone conversation took place between presidents Masoud Pezeshkian and Ilham Aliyev. The leader of Azerbaijan emphasized the importance of investigating the incident in Nakhijevan,” the message said. “Masud Pezeshkian stated that the airstrike in Nakhijevan has nothing to do with Iran, and emphasized that the incident will be investigated,” the press service added. And in fact, as in the case of the AZAL plane incident with Russia, as with the Nakhichevan incident with Iran, the Azerbaijani side is proceeding in the same scenario, demanding an investigation, after which an apology, compensation, thereby trying to give Azerbaijan additional weight and role.

Russian Orientalist, Turkologist Viktor Nadein-Raevsky 168.amtold that Turkey and Azerbaijan are trying to use the incidents of Incirlik and Nakhichevan to ensure a broad Turkish mobilization around the interests of themselves and the Turkic world and to receive the support of the rest of the Turkic countries, as needed. According to him, naturally, the meeting of representatives of Turkic countries in Istanbul aims to advance the interests of Turkey and Azerbaijan.

“It has been a long time since Turkey and Azerbaijan, acting as leading countries, have been deepening the cooperation between the member countries of the Organization of Turkic-speaking countries, particularly with Kazakhstan, trying to offer the Middle Corridor program to the West.

In other words, this rapprochement is not at all a coincidence or the result of some incidents, but a logical continuation of the already ongoing policy. All geopolitical developments should be viewed in terms of general trends. And it is no coincidence that the global war against Iran has started, against this background, Turkey and Azerbaijan are trying to strengthen themselves even more, showing caution towards Iran. At the same time, such meetings and mobilization are aimed at showing strength,” the expert analyzed.

According to him, Iran’s confrontation with the USA and Israel still restrains and manages many developments, including the deepening of Turkish influence.

As for the South Caucasus and Armenia, Victor Nadei-Raevsky said that these trends are directly related to Armenia and the South Caucasus, where Turkey and its partners are trying to strengthen themselves even more, continuing the trends of recent years.

“There are both challenges and opportunities for Armenia here. The main thing is that in military matters, Azerbaijan can present itself not alone, but as part of the Turkic bloc. Nakhichevan is becoming an important strategic base for Azerbaijan. And in this direction, joint military exercises and so on may be started to show strength to Iran, this will naturally be a new situation for the south of Armenia.

If the tension with Iran continues, Armenia may find itself in a difficult situation: on the one hand, the need for cooperation with Iran, on the other hand, the political pressure of the Turkic bloc led by Turkey and Azerbaijan and the deepening of its influence in the region. The challenges are still deepening,” said Victor Nadein-Raevsky.

According to a new survey, after the June elections, Nikol Pashinyan no longer

March: 9, 2026

The data of the last survey conducted before and after February 12 show that Samvel Karapetyan is considered the leading candidate to replace Nikol Pashinyan as the Prime Minister. He writes about this news.amthe

According to a survey conducted by the Empirica research and consulting company, after the launch of the “Strong Armenia” party, when people were asked which of these two candidates should be the next prime minister, 35% of respondents at the national level chose Samvel Karapetyan, and 34% chose Nikol Pashinyan, and the results in Yerevan are more pronounced: 49% of respondents here chose Samvel Karapetyan, and only 24% chose Nikol Pashinyan.

In the comparison of prime ministerial candidates, Samvel Karapetyan has an 18% advantage over Nikol Pashinyan among young people aged 18-29, by 4% among 30-49-year-olds, while Nikol Pashinyan is leading only in the group of voters over 50. Among men, their support is equal, and among women, Samvel Karapetyan is ahead by 2%.

The data on the suitability for the post of Prime Minister is also reflected in the picture of the parliamentary vote, where the “Civil Pact” party gets only 28%, while the opposition forces together have 47%. According to these results, Samvel Karapetyan is considered the leading candidate to become the prime minister as the leader of the opposition party.

Nikol Pashinyan steadily lost and continues to lose the support of voters. The fall of public trust has been contributed by the failure to fulfill promises, the non-serious attitude towards security issues, the problems related to the supply of drinking water, the increase in prices and the deepening of the threat of war. Most of the disappointed voters relied on the new party led by Samvel Karapetyan. The support of the party has increased significantly in recent months. it increased from 4% to 13% from November 2025 to January 2026. The launch of the “Strong Armenia” party gave an additional significant boost to that growth, and the voting intention index reached 24%.

In Yerevan, the support of the “Strong Armenia” party is even higher, almost doubling that of the “Civil Pact”. If the parliamentary elections were held now, 35% of voters in Yerevan would vote for “Strong Armenia”, while “Civil Pact” would receive only 17%.

The “Armenia” alliance would collect 11%, and the rest of the opposition forces – 16%. In addition, since the share of undecided voters is only 8%, there are not enough voters left that Nikol Pashinyan and the “Civil Pact” can win over. This means that Pashinyan has already lost the elections in Yerevan.

People are losing confidence in Nikol Pashinyan both in Yerevan and throughout Armenia. In Yerevan, only 24% are satisfied with his work as the prime minister, while 75% are dissatisfied. The situation at the national level is also not favorable for Pashinyan. 37% are satisfied with his work, and 61% are dissatisfied.

People are losing confidence in Nikol Pashinyan, because they are afraid of the resumption of war and think that the peace established by him is only temporary.

They realize that under a weak prime minister like Nikol Pashinyan, peace is just a dream and war can start again at any time, as it happened in 2020 during his administration. 64% of respondents in Yerevan stated that they are “very worried” about the possibility of resumption of war by Azerbaijan, and another 24% are “somewhat worried”.

Only 11% stated that they are “not that worried” or “not worried at all”. The fear of war is also very high at the national level. 53% are “very worried”, 32% are “somewhat worried”, and only 14% are “not so worried” or “not worried at all”.

news.am

War against Iran. will the Kurds be involved in a “suicide mission”?

March: 9, 2026

In the north-west of Iran in the region of Urmia the risk of inter-ethnic conflicts increases

Although recent to failure, plans to use Kurdish fighters in an alleged ground operation against Iran at all were not thrown into the archive. At least, that’s what follows in the Kurdish region of northern Iraq “Habat” (struggle) recently given by the leader of the nationalist organization Babasheikh Hosseini from the interview։

According to him, despite the fact that no action is being taken at the moment, the Americans are getting in touch and are considering the possibility of conducting a campaign as before.: “We have been preparing for a long time, and now that the conditions have become more favorable, there is a high probability that we will start operating,” Hosseini boasted, adding: We still have to make a final decision, but it is very likely that we will start a ground operation.”

The group that he led, which initially spoke under religious-nationalist slogans, became the so-called “Coalition of Iranian Kurdistan Political Forces” (IQQQ), which is designed to bring together various parties and groups on a broad basis that have diametrically opposed approaches on a number of key issues, including the attitude to the US-Israeli aggression, during which the Kurds are planned to be used as “combat infantry” and coin, about what in detail tells Fehim Tashtekin, a famous French journalist, originally from Turkey.

Read also

  • THE POLITICAL POWER THAT DABRO WILL WAIT FROM OUTSIDE WILL BE LOST. DON’T LET THE MONKEY GET A GRENADE IN THE HAND. From Suren Surenyas
  • Khamenei’s son signed his death sentence. The US will arm the Iranian opposition. Yakov Kedmi
  • “The end of the war is not foreseen. Mojtaba Khamenei may have a more radical position.” Ashot Badalyan

According to him, any escalation of the conflict can cause a wide regional conflict, and “if the Kurdish forces get involved in the war against Iran, it can become a suicide mission for them.”

The White House continues to press hard, demanding active actions from the Kurdish forces in the west of Iran. It is known that Trump personally called the Kurdish leaders, offering air support and autonomy, which, let’s face it, seems quite extravagant in the context of the recent handover of the Kurdish “andreprat” to Damascus and Ankara.

Considering these and earlier examples, is it worth wondering about the lack of unity in the Kurdish environment towards the “tempting” proposals of the White House, which are fraught with another disaster for both the Kurds and all their neighbors without exception?

Some seem willing to cross the line with the caveat that without a “no-fly zone” as was done in Iraq after 1991, and which Trump does not provide, any attack would become a “mission of executions.” The Sulaymaniyah region is known to be controlled by Jelyal Talabani’s Patriotic Union of Kurdistan, which has long maintained close ties with Iran due to its close geographical proximity.

This was announced by the head of the Kurdish autonomy of Iraq, Jellal Talabani. Talabani in an interview with Fox News 6 on March 6 confirmed that the Kurds do not intend to intervene in the war.

According to him, “Kurdistan should be a bridge, not a battlefield,” adding that being in a unique position, the Kurds will be able to play their role in de-escalation when the time comes. Erbil also hastened to deny reports that the armed groups located in the territory of the Kurdish Autonomous Region are preparing to carry out attacks in the direction of Iran.

In turn, on March 7, the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) announced “strikes on three positions of separatist groups in the Iraqi region (Kurdistan).” If separatist groups in the region take any action against Iran’s territorial integrity, we will defeat them.”

Baghdad, Ankara and everywhere in the region are watching the events with alarm, fearing the increased activity of Kurdish militias in the border areas, the risks of inter-ethnic tensions and the outflow of refugees from Iran in all possible directions.։

The Iraqi Prime Minister warned on March 6 that Baghdad will not allow its territory to be used for the expansion of the conflict. In Turkey, which is strengthening the 534-kilometer border with Iran, attention is being paid to the participation of the Kurdistan Free Life Party (PJAK) and the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), which originated in Iran in the late 1990s and is banned in Turkey.

In recent years, PJAK militants have not been able to organize a long-term insurgent movement in the west of Iran, having regularly launched attacks from bases located in the north of Iraq. After 2011, they mostly stopped their activity, but the situation may change dramatically.

Bravely aware of the inevitability of large-scale regional destabilization, Erdogan’s government has sought to end the perennial conflict in the country’s southeast over the past few years, with some success there.

PKK militants have announced self-disbandment and disarmament as part of ongoing peace talks between Ankara and Turkey’s Kurdish leader Abdullah Ocalan, who has been serving a life sentence in a Turkish prison since 1999. And the appearance of a new “no front line” in Iran can complicate the already fragile process of disarmament, providing a new battlefield for the radicals who do not lay down their weapons.

“It’s the worst possible idea,” Ben Rhodes, former deputy national security adviser to Barack Obama, said on the Pod Save the World podcast on March 4, commenting on reports of plans to arm Kurdish groups.

“We see how Kurdish groups with different views are uniting, creating alliances and making joint statements. We are watching them carefully.  We analyze to what extent they will fight against the regime, to what extent against other ethnic groups, where they are, what is their goal. We are following and analyzing all this,” Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan, former long-time head of intelligence, announced on March 1.

There is clearly a hint of the risk of inter-ethnic conflicts in the northwestern provinces of Iran with a mixed Turkish-Kurdish population.

In and around cities such as Urmia (the administrative center of western Azerbaijan, which was also bombed), the majority of the population is Turkic (Azerbaijani). The spread of armed conflicts increases the risks of civil war between different ethnic groups within Iran.։

In recent years, inter-communal tensions have surfaced in the form of mass gatherings and demonstrations on both sides, such as this one happened During the celebration of Navruz in 2025. The slogans “Urmia belongs to the Turks and will remain Turkish” provoked the indignation of Kurdish activists.

The situation in the city is also troubled these days representatives of both sides went out into the street. The disintegration of the central authority would ultimately lead to the inflaming of the camps, significantly increasing the risks of armed conflicts and the flow of refugees to the neighboring countries: Turkey, Armenia, Azerbaijan. presenting them with complex challenges that must be responded to in some way։

For example, calls can be found on social networks that if an “American-Kurdish” ground operation begins in Iran, the Turkish army should be withdrawn to the Urmia-Tavriz line under the pretext of protecting the “Turkish” population there.

In turn, Turkey’s opposition parties often criticize the government’s migration policy, using the issue to fight the Erdogan administration. The several million refugees and displaced persons from Syria who have settled in the country have become an important factor in domestic political tensions, and a new wave of migration, now already from Iran, will clearly not add stability.

Of course, Trump and Netanyahu are not particularly concerned about such “trifles”.  Seeking to defeat their hated “Ayatollah regime” at all costs, they will continue to try to use the Kurds, Turks, Baluchis, Arabs and other minorities, turning them into pawns in their bloody game and sacrificing them when deemed necessary.։

ANDREY: ARESH:AND:

fondsk.ru

Translation by Zhanna Avetisyan