SOUTH CAUCASUS CULTURE MINISTERS TO MEET IN KIEV
Pan Armenian News
13.09.2005 07:12
/PanARMENIAN.Net/ September 15-16 a meeting of Ministers of Culture
of the South Caucasian countries on the subject of Culture, Cultural
Policy for Development will be held in Kiev. The fifth meeting of the
Ministers is held in the Ukrainian capital within the Stage Project,
aimed at promotion of cultural exchange between Armenia, Georgia and
Azerbaijan and contributing to democracy in these countries. During
the opening ceremony Maud de Boer-Buquicchio, the CE Deputy Secretary
General, will make a statement. The Stage Project comprises the three
South Caucasian republics, as well as observer states – Germany,
Austria, Greece, Russia, Switzerland, Turkey, Ukraine, reported the
Yerkir newspaper.
Russian-Armenian military exercise complete
Russian-Armenian military exercise complete
Interfax news agency, Moscow
13 Sep 05
Yerevan, 13 September: The Russian-Armenian annual military
exercise has finished in Armenia on Tuesday [13 September], Interfax
correspondent reports.
The Russian military from the 102nd base in Gyumri and Armenian
servicemen took part in the exercise involving 1,307 personnel and
294 vehicles and aircraft, including S-300 air defence systems,
MiG-27 jet fighters and helicopters.
The exercise began on 10 September. Armenian President Robert Kocharyan
and general secretary of the Collective Security Organization Nikolay
Bordyuzha were observing its final phase.
The exercise was held for the 10th time. Its scenario was traditional:
the “aggressor” was attacking Armenia from the direction of Turkey on
the ground and in the air and advancing into its territory. The Russian
and Armenian troops destroyed the “aggressor’s” reconnaissance groups,
then its main grouping and forced it to capitulate.
ANKARA: USA: Turkish premier,President Bush to discuss Kurdish rebel
USA: Turkish premier, President Bush to discuss Kurdish rebels, terrorism
Hurriyet website, Istanbul
13 Sep 05
Ankara: Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan prepares to hold critical
meetings in New York where he flew to attend a UN summit yesterday
evening. Erdogan will attend a dinner US President Bush will give
in honour of the leaders who will attend the UN summit. Erdogan
will remind Bush of the need to fulfil the promises made by the US
administration to remove the threat the PKK [Kurdistan Workers’ Party]
presence in northern Iraq poses to Turkey during the reception and
the dinner to be held at the Waldorf Astoria Hotel.
The prime minister will also ask Bush to support Turkey’s stance on
the Cyprus problem, which has become the most important instrument
for those who try to put pressure on Turkey on the eve of 3 October.
Erdogan is expected to inform Bush that the Cyprus issue has to be
solved by the UN rather than the EU and ask for his support to have
the UN Security Council debate the UN report on Cyprus.
BAKU: Opposition leader says upcoming election to mark “regime chang
Opposition leader says upcoming election to mark “regime change” in Azerbaijan
ANS TV, Baku
11 Sep 05
Ali Karimli, leader of the opposition People’s Front of Azerbaijan
Party which is part of the Azadliq election bloc, has said the
forthcoming 6 November parliamentary election will mark the beginning
of a regime change in Azerbaijan.
Speaking to the “Otan Hafta” programme of the Azerbaijani commercial TV
station ANS, Karimli said: “I want to say openly that the peculiarity
of this election is that we are not fighting for only parliamentary
seats in this election. As a whole, we view this election as a
regime change. The first stage of the regime change should happen
in parliament.”
Karimli said the Azadliq bloc can gain at least 75 of the 125
parliamentary seats if the election is free and fair. But he doubted
the election will be democratic.
“The electoral commissions, which rigged 2003 presidential and 2004
local elections and which are headed by school principals and heads of
[government] offices, cannot hold a democratic election,” Karimli said.
The opposition leader urged the people to take to streets and fight
for their votes if the election is rigged.
“You should believe in changes,” Karimli said, adding that Azerbaijan
can be the next country of democratic changes.
From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress
190 officers graduate in strategic sciences: among them 3 Armenians
ANSA Notiziario Generale in Italiano
September 13, 2005
ESERCITO: 190 UFFICIALI LAUREATI IN SCIENZE STRATEGICHE ;
TRA LORO TRE ARMENI E DUE ALBANESI; CERIMONIA CON GEN.ROMEO
TORINO
(ANSA) – TORINO, 13 SET – Sono 190 i giovani ufficiali che,
tra oggi e domani mattina, conseguono la laurea in Scienze
Strategiche: 186 appartengono all’ Esercito italiano, tre sono
Armeni e due Albanesi. Sono i sottotenenti che, dopo aver
frequentato i primi due anni di studio presso l’ Accademia di
Modena, hanno terminato l’ iter nella Scuola di Applicazione di
Torino.
La cerimonia si e’ svolta alla presenza del generale Gaetano
Romeo e del rettore dell’ Universita’ torinese, Ezio Pelizzetti,
che hanno sottolineato la sempre maggiore importanza della
formazione culturale dei professionisti impegnati nelle Forze
Armate. “Il 70% dei nostri volontari possiede un diploma di
scuola media superiore – ha sottolineato il gen. Romeo – e nelle
donne la percentuale sale all’ 85%”. I nuovi laureati si
iscriveranno a uno dei cinque corsi di laurea specialistica
attivati presso l’ ateneo torinese. Sono i corsi biennali in cui
Scienze Strategiche viene declinata secondo differenti
indirizzi: Scienze Strategiche e delle Comunicazioni,
Logistiche, Politico-organizzative, Economico-Amministrative e
dei Sistemi Infrastrutturali.
Grazie ad accordi bilaterali, possono accedere ai corsi di
laurea interateneo anche giovani di Eserciti stranieri. Nel
nuovo anno accademico da poco iniziato sono in 12. Provengono 4
dall’ Afghanistan, uno dalla Thailandia, uno dall’ Etiopia, tre
dall’ Albania, due dalla Macedonia e uno dall’ Azerbaijan.
Stanno, invece, ultimando gli studi sette Albanesi, dei quali
cinque in Scienze Strategiche e due in Ingegneria.(ANSA).
Russo-Armenian Army Exercise In South-Eastern Armenia
RUSSO-ARMENIAN ARMY EXERCISE IN SOUTH-EASTERN ARMENIA
By Tigran Liloyan
ITAR-TASS News Agency
TASS
September 13, 2005 Tuesday
A military exercise to check the combat readiness of the
Russian-Armenian group of troops, formed on decision of the Collective
Security Treaty Organization (CSTO), are being currently held for the
tenth year running on the Marshal Bagramyan training ground in the
south-eastern part of Armenia. Armenian President Robert Kocharyan
and CSTO Secretary-General Nikolai Bordyuzha will watch the exercise.
Taking part in it are units of the Armenian Armed Forces and troops
manning the Russian military base in the Armenian republic. Their
coordination is patent proof of the effectiveness of Russo-Armenian
cooperation. However, Moscow and Yerevan have repeatedly declared
that this military cooperation is not spearheaded at any other country.
The armed forces of Armenia were formed in 1991-1992 after the
republic’s independence was proclaimed. Officers of the former Soviet
army made up its backbone. Today, the majority of Armenia’s future
officers are being trained at Russian military schools. Armenia is
taking active part in the work of the CSTO and of the CIS Joint
Anti-Aircraft Defence System. Armenian soldiers had earned high
praise at the recent CIS anti-aircraft defence exercises on the
Ashuluk training ground in Russia’s Astrakhan Region.
The 102nd military base of the Russian Defence Ministry is deployed
in Armenia on the basis of several bilateral inter-state agreements
and is in high favour among the local population. It is the successor
of the Leninakan motorised infantry division of the Seventh Guards
Army of the Trans-Caucasian Military District. The main part of the
base is in the town of Gyumri (former Leninakan) and is subordinated
to the North Caucasian Military District’s Group of Russian Troops
in Transcaucasia. It is manned by five thousand officers and men.
The Armenian authorities regard the presence of the Russian military
base and of Russian border guards in the republic as an important
guarantee of national security and regional stability.
From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress
Karabakh conflict may be settled only if all parties are realistic
KARABAKH CONFLICT MAY BE SETTLED ONLY IF ALL PARTIES ARE REALISTIC
Pan Armenian News
13.09.2005 08:11
/PanARMENIAN.Net/ On September 11, in the NKR Permanent Representation
in the RA, Arman Melikian, the NKR Foreign Minister, received the
delegation of the International Crisis Group (ICG) Non-Governmental
Organization headed by Alain Deletroz. Mr. Deletroz presented the
organization’s activity to the NKR FM noting their aim in general is
to contribute to the peaceful settlement of international conflicts
and war prevention. In this context, the ICG prepared a report on
the Nagorno Karabakh conflict titled Nagorno Karabakh: Viewing the
Conflict from the Ground. According to Mr. Deletroz, the report is
aimed to assist the Armenian and Azerbaijani parties, as well as the
mediators to find acceptable solutions at the bargaining table. Mr.
Melikian emphasized the importance of the international community’s
involvement in the process of establishing lasting peace in the
region. He noted that the conflict may be settled only if all the
parties involved are realistic and clearly understand that the
Nagorno Karabakh Republic and Azerbaijani Republic are the main
parties to the conflict and any effort to present the conflict as a
territorial dispute between Armenia and Azerbaijan could be interpreted
as intentional distortion of the reality. Having handed the NKR
Foreign Minister the text of the report at the end of the meeting,
the ICG delegation head informed it will be published on September 14.
Thanking the ICG representatives, Mr. Melikian assured them that the
provisions of the report would be carefully examined in Stepanakert.
ICCO repairing Iran’s churches
ICCO repairing Iran’s churches
IranMania News, Iran
Sept 13 2005
Tuesday, September 13, 2005 – ©2005 IranMania.com
LONDON, September 13 (IranMania) – Iran will spend five billion
rials to repair churches across the country. Islamic Culture and
Communications Organization (ICCO) said in a press release that an
annual budget has been allocated to repair churches belonging to
various Christian communities, including the Armenians, in Iran.
Iran?s cultural attache in Armenia Alireza Otoufi said that Iran
accords special importance to Iranian religious minorities and the
government has set aside five billion rials to repair the churches in
the current fiscal year (March 2005-March 2006), Iran Daily reported.
Otoufi explained that the government?s decision to that effect in a
meeting in Yerevan, Armenia with archbishops of Armenian churches in
Tehran, northern Iran and Isfahan.
He said that Iran is the only country that extends annual budget for
repairing churches.
Archbishop of Armenians in Tehran and northern Iran, Siveh Sarkisyan
said that Iran is a unique country and the government and churches
enjoyed excellent relations in the field of dialogue among religions.
Archbishop Sarkisyan appreciated the services of Iranian cultural
attache in Yerevan and said, ?Wherever, we are, we have the same
obligations for promoting religion.?
Bobken Charyan, a bishop of Isfahan archdiocese thanked the Iranian
government for its cooperation with the churches.
Copies from chapters of holy Qur?an were presented as gifts to
the guests.
–Boundary_(ID_SqbZclcw8nVrXzsMwvkeKQ)–
R. Kocharian Thanked Both Armenian And Russian Servicemen For Valian
R. KOCHARIAN THANKED BOTH ARMENIAN AND RUSSIAN SERVICEMEN FOR VALIANT SERVICE TO FATHERLAND
Pan Armenian News
13.09.2005 06:52
/PanARMENIAN.Net/ Armenian President Robert Kocharian thanked
participants of the final phase of the jubilee 10th Armenian-Russian
military and tactical exercises, held on the ground after marshal
Baghramyan in Armavir region of Armenia today. The Armenian leader
thanked both Armenian and Russian servicemen for valiant service
to Fatherland. “Fraternity between Armenia and Russia continues. It
comes out in an agreement, in compliance with which there is a Russian
military base in Armenia and joint exercises are held,” R. Kocharian
emphasized. Having thanked the personnel, Russian Ambassador Nikolay
Pavlov in his turn noted the high level of harmony in work of Armenian
and Russian military units. It should be reminded the exercises were
held in compliance with the bilateral cooperation plan.
Secretary of the National Security Council at the Armenian President,
Defense Minister Serge Sargsyan, CSTO Sec. Gen. Nikolay Bordyuzha
and commander of the Group of Russian Troops in Transcaucasia (GRTT)
major general Andrey Popov followed the maneuvers as well. 545th
infantry fortified regiment, a tank company, antiaircraft means, an
intelligence group, as well as four SU-25 planes, four MI-24 and two
MI-8 helicopters took part in the event from the Armenian side. The
Russian party was represented by a fortified infantry battalion, a tank
company, S-300 antiaircraft missile complex and four MIG-29 planes. The
personnel of both parties taking part in the exercises numbered 1307
servicemen, while the equipment totaled 294 units. The script of the
exercises provides for repulsing an attack of a conditional adversary
and subsequent elimination of his units. The exercises aim at working
out interaction between the Armenian and Russian formations. A new
detail was introduced in the script – a counter-terror operation,
during which a possible act of terrorism by the conditional adversary
was prevented, reported IA Regnum.
From: Baghdasarian
“Jews Are News”
‘JEWS ARE NEWS’
Maclean’s, Canada
September 12, 2005
Why does the Nazi Holocaust preoccupy us more than any other genocide?
In this excerpt from Beethoven’s Mask, heavily condensed by
Maclean’s, Toronto-based author and journalist George Jonas refutes
the popular notions — articulated, among other places, in Daniel
Jonah Goldhagen’s book Hitler’s Willing Executioners — that the
Holocaust was a unique event, and that it arose from a peculiarly
German kind of anti-Semitism.
I SPENT the first 10 years of my life in Nazioccupied Europe. My
immediate family and I survived the war by hiding. Since I kept no
diary, had the Nazis found me as they had found Anne Frank, I would
have disappeared without a trace. This would undoubtedly have made
the Holocaust a singular and unique event for me. I am less sure
about the Holocaust having been a singular and unique event in world
history. To me it seems that it was one of many horrifying holocausts,
albeit of immense proportions. I also doubt that the Holocaust was the
inevitable result of anti-Semitism, and especially that the Holocaust
was inevitably caused by a singular and unique type of anti-Semitism
peculiar to Germany.
Goldhagen’s thesis is that the Holocaust could never have happened
without the participation of ordinary Germans, who participated
because they were virulently anti-Semitic. This is true enough as far
as it goes, but it does not go very far. Saying that Hitler could not
have killed six million Jews without the participation of many other
people, and that people who participate in the wholesale slaughter
of Jews are likely to be virulently anti-Semitic, is saying something
singularly self-evident.
Goldhagen contends that German people and culture were anti-Semitic in
a unique way that he calls “eliminationist.” For proof, he documents
the historic existence of German anti-Semitic ideas and policies
exhaustively and convincingly. But he offers no proof of its German
singularity, or that “eliminationist” anti-Semitism can be taken as
a precursor to, or at least a portent of, genocide.
Proof would be hard to come by, for history shows no inevitable link
between anti-Semitism — or any other type of racial, ethnic, class, or
religious prejudice or hatred — and genocide. What’s more, traditional
German prejudice against Jews, though widespread and intense, was
less acute than traditional Polish prejudice, and not significantly
more acute than French prejudice. Before Hitler’s time, Jews often
emigrated to Germany to escape worse discrimination elsewhere.
Was German anti-Semitism before the Hitler era materially different
from anti-Semitism in other times and places? I believe it was not.
Modern anti-Semitism developed side by side with nationalism, as
older organizing principles of the social order weakened. Ironically,
it came as a by-product of the Enlightenment. As the dynastic and
religious systems by which groups used to define themselves were losing
their grip, people were gradually beginning to think of themselves as
“Russians” rather than subjects of the Czars, or “Germans” rather than
subjects of the Hohenzollern emperors. The one-time vassals of the
Bourbons were turning into the Gallic sons and daughters of Marianne,
the emblematic figure of the French Revolution. The pilgrims and
warriors of Christendom or Islam were evolving into “Italians” or
“Turks.”
Such definitions inevitably put a premium on ethnic identity.
Suddenly Jews were no longer patches in the colourful tapestry of
empires, but alien and potentially baneful cells in the bloodstream
of nations. As national identities assumed greater importance, a new
type of anti-Semitism was born.
But these modern, populist-nationalist-racist elements existed in the
anti-Semitic laws and opinion of all contemporary cultures, not only
in Germany’s. The “Jewish question,” so-called, was raised by almost
every nation from the mid-19th to the mid-20th century. Raising it
was regarded as legitimate.
Why, then, did the Holocaust occur in Germany and not in some
other country? There is a danger of replying to this by attributing
some peculiar evil to Germans as a group — i.e., as a “race.” To
his credit, Goldhagen takes great pains to avoid it. The problem is,
unless we postulate evil, there is little in German history or culture
to provide an alternative explanation. Germany’s traditions were
no less rational, no less civilized, no less chivalrous, than other
Western traditions during the same period. Her public laws and civic
morality, the personal habits of her citizens, their ethical precepts,
their customary religious beliefs, were not markedly different from
those of the citizens of other European nations.
German art, science, industry, and infrastructure were, if anything,
more advanced. Although the governmental institutions in Germany’s
recent past were more autocratic than those of France and England,
not to mention the United States, they were not nearly as autocratic
as many other countries’. In any event, by the time Hitler came to
power, the Weimar Republic was a democracy.
Jews in Germany were well integrated — not only far better than the
Jews of Poland or Russia, but on the whole better than the Jews in
many Western countries, including even the United States and Canada.
Most German Jews were German patriots. Though after their emancipation
in the mid-18th century, their contribution to music, arts, sciences,
commerce, literature, journalism and even politics far exceeded their
numbers (about one per cent) in Germany’s population, Germany’s
institutions were not overwhelmed by Jews (though this became a
frequent explanation offered by anti-Semites for their anti-Semitism),
not even to the extent that Austria’s or Hungary’s might have been. One
looks in vain for a rational — or even irrational — explanation
for a supposed “unique hatred” in the history of the relationship
between Jews and Germans. The search turns up nothing.
What, then, is the answer? Why did the Holocaust occur in Germany? We
can certainly view traditional German anti-Semitism as one contributing
cause. Hitler himself must be considered a significant factor. A
charismatic leader is like an ignition source, a spark: utterly
insignificant in the absence of an explosive mixture, but the direct
cause of a blow-up in a place filled with combustible fumes.
In another country — or in Germany in another historic period —
Hitler might have died unnoticed in a flophouse or in a mental
institution. But he was where he was, therefore he did what he did.
The Holocaust would not have happened without him.
There were many reasons for Germany being unlike other countries
in the 1920s. Other countries lacked the shock that follows losing
a war that the Germans believed they were winning almost until the
last minute. The national trauma of that unexpected blow is still
insufficiently understood outside Germany. It was inevitable for
conspiracy theories to start flourishing after such a traumatic
event. The soil for Nazism was prepared by German indignation. It
sparked an immediate search for scapegoats. It seemed natural to
include Jews in this conspiracy.
The super-inflation that started in 1922 and lasted until 1924 was
devastating. The stock market crash of 1929 was undoubtedly a factor,
but the Depression did not necessarily lead to the rise of totalitarian
systems elsewhere. More significant was the rare, maybe even unique,
vulnerability of the Weimar Republic. Conventional analysis often
blames the treaty of Versailles for the rise of Nazism, but the status
of Germany as an adolescent democracy was at least as important. This
almost teenage-like stage in the nation’s life probably had more to do
with the irrational eruptions in Germany’s soul than any other factor.
Mature democracies, such as the United States or Great Britain, with
solid traditions of both individual liberty and checks and balances
on the exercise of power, would have been far more resistant to the
totalitarian nature of Nazism than Germany. Additionally, a class
society such as Britain’s would have been far more resistant to letting
a party composed of tradesmen and petty officials grab the helm of
the ship of the state. Social snobbery alone would have prevented a
corporal like Hitler from becoming supreme leader of England.
But there is something even more important. The seemingly
insurmountable hurdle of “Why in Germany?” vanishes if we stop
insisting on the Holocaust as a unique and singular event. If it were
unique, we could scarcely explain it, in spite of all the points listed
above, except by attributing to Germans an inherent, subhuman barbarity
that comes perilously close, no matter how we try to get around it,
to the inherent, subhuman malice the Nazis attributed to Jews.
A race of barbarians with inherent streaks of virulent anti-Semitism
does not metamorphose into a race of liberal humanists overnight,
as Goldhagen incongruously insists in his book. The influence of
postwar education could not achieve such a miracle. If Germans are
not genocidally anti-Semitic today — as indeed they are not — it
is because Germans were never uniquely or inherently genocidal or
anti-Semitic. They were just situational murderers between 1933 and
1945, as many groups have been at one period or another.
If we view the monstrous tragedy of the Holocaust as only one of many
such monstrous tragedies in human history, then the accurate question
becomes “Why not in Germany?” Why could Germans not do evil in the
same way that so many other people have done?
“I would suggest that barbarism be considered as a permanent and
universal human characteristic which becomes more or less pronounced
according to the play of circumstances.” The French Catholic
philosopher Simone Weil, a converted Jew, wrote these lines in 1940.
The years since have given us no better insight.
A different question: If there is nothing unique about the Nazi
Holocaust (aside perhaps from its dimension), why does it preoccupy
us more than other holocausts?
Match it, for instance, with our attitude to the Communist holocaust.
While Nazi criminals who played a direct role in the murder of six
million are still hunted down and tried, we rarely prosecute Communist
criminals of similar degrees of responsibility.
(Interestingly, almost all the exceptions occurred in Germany, which
did prosecute some former East German officials after unification.)
Elsewhere it has been more usual for ex-functionaries of KGB- or
Gulagtype organizations to receive government positions or pensions.
The Nazi Party was immediately outlawed in post-war Germany. The
Communist Party, in contrast, is still the official opposition in
the former Soviet Union. Ex-Nazi officials like Kurt Waldheim, once
discovered, became international untouchables. Ex-Communist officials
like Mikhail Gorbachev are still asked to join think-tanks or lecture
at Western universities. It would be unthinkable for known ex-Nazis
to be invited to the same diplomatic cocktail receptions in Western
countries at which ex-Communists, or even current Communists, are
honoured guests. And imagine a former Gestapo officer being accepted
as the president of post-Nazi Germany, the way ex-KGB officer Vladimir
Putin has been accepted as the president of post-Soviet Russia.
Why do we react to the Nazi Holocaust and the Communist holocaust
differently? It is possible to postulate the following answers:
To begin with, the Holocaust provided people with the initial images
of mass slaughter as the Nazi death camps were being liberated.
Cinemas around the world showed — for the first time in history —
heaps of skeletal corpses being pushed into mass graves by bulldozers,
along with mounds of footwear, gold teeth, artifacts alleged to have
been made of human skin, and charred remains inside the incinerators
of Auschwitz. No ordinary person had ever seen anything like it. Those
inaugural images literally shocked the world’s conscience.
The Communist holocausts provided no comparable photo opportunities.
The islands of the Gulag deep inside the Soviet Union or China remained
inaccessible to the cameras of the Western media. Their millions of
victims between the 1920s and the 1980s perished unseen.
By the time a few snippets appeared on television screens, such as
the aftermath of the holocaust in Cambodia, audiences had become
inured to death and destruction through repeated exposure. Pictures
of slaughter in people’s living rooms became commonplace during the
television coverage of the Vietnam War. By the end of the 1970s,
photographic images had lost their power to shock.
Another contributing reason, at least until recently, was the
contrasting attitude many opinion makers had to Nazism as opposed
to Communism. Identical as the two intoxicants may have been,
intellectuals could get drunk on the wine of one far more easily
than the other. Nazism never “travelled,” to borrow an expression
from viticulture. Communism did.
There were self-evident reasons for this. It would have been
nonsensical for ideas of German superiority to become an export item
for non-Germans, or ideas of Aryan superiority for non-Aryans.
Marxist notions of the class struggle faced no similar obstacles. In
addition, Nazism as a social theory could rely on nothing but the
coldest and most selfish of human impulses to justify its call for
conquest and slaughter, but Communism could also enlist warm and
humane impulses of altruism to rationalize its own genocides.
Next, given that Nazism suffered an abject military defeat within
a decade of its emergence, while Communism appeared to march from
triumph to triumph until the mid-1980s, it is not surprising that
generations of opinion makers in academia, journalism and government
have been reluctant to discuss acts of Communist genocide in the same
breath with Nazi acts of genocide. To this day, Communist holocausts
may be respectably denied in countries whose laws treat the denial
of the Nazi Holocaust as a crime.
World opinion has also been affected by the fact that the largest
single group of Hitler’s victims were Jews. Murdering six million
members of one group does not have exactly the same consequences as
murdering six million members of another. Recent massacres of Mayans,
Moluccans or Kurds have not resulted in the same echo as earlier
massacres of Armenians. The opprobrium that attaches to genocide will
vary not only with the slaughter’s magnitude, cruelty, irrationality,
documentability and scope, but also with the ability of its victims
and survivors to attract attention and sympathy.
All victims are equal in their desire for, and entitlement to,
the world’s notice, but they are not always equal in their capacity
to capture it. When Germans decided to exterminate the Jews, they
picked the wrong group. As individuals, Jews tended to be gifted and
articulate. As an aggregate, they were well placed to disseminate
information, especially in the Western hemisphere. Traditional
Jewish occupations, in addition to science, business and the law,
included such natural forums as the literary arts, the entertainment
industry and the media. What’s more, the Diaspora spread Jews all over
the globe. Many rose to prominence in various fields. Jews always
amounted to a constituency in many key nations, at least in weight
if not in numbers. “Jews are news,” as an eminent Western scholar on
Islam quipped in a speech in 2002, quoting an old witticism.
Anti-Semites have often pounced on these characteristics, distorted
them, or used them illegitimately, mixed with false ones of their
own invention, to raise the spectre of a mythical “Jewish conspiracy.”
That is poisonous rubbish, but it does not mean that some of these
characteristics do not exist. It is hardly surprising that Jews were
traumatized by Nazism and resented being murdered. As they had the
necessary attributes to attract public attention, they relied on them
— especially after the Holocaust — in self-defence.
Still, the foremost reason for which we view the Holocaust not only
as one of many such abysses in humanity’s past, but as a unique
occurrence and the epitome of evil, is probably different. Germany
was Europe’s most cultured nation. It was a nation of Kant, Beethoven
and Goethe. Even if only a minuscule minority of its Nazis read poetry
or played Mozart on the piano, the gulf between the cultural history
of Germany’s inhabitants and their barbaric behaviour during the Nazi
era was incomprehensibly wide. It stunned their victims as it stunned
the world.
The scope and barbarity of the Holocaust would have been stunning
even if carried out by headhunters from Borneo, but it was not. It was
carried out by Germans. It may be difficult for post-war generations
raised in the last half century — during which Germans became
equated with the Nazi salute, not only in popular entertainment but
also in political and academic discourse — to understand the sheer
bewilderment people felt in the decade between the mid-1930s and the
1940s as they were gradually discovering the full extent of the vulgar
brutality of Hitler’s regime. It did not seem “typically” German, as we
might think of it today, but fundamentally un-German. It did not fit.
At the risk of trivializing a cataclysmic event by a facile metaphor,
the Holocaust was like a society murder. Society murders become
notorious because of the contrast between the criminal and the crime.
Butchery in the slums hardly makes the back pages, but the same act
committed in a mansion becomes headline news. The crimes of a serial
killer would be noted in any event, but if Jack the Ripper turns out
to be the Archbishop of Canterbury, it occupies a unique place in
the annals of crime. It becomes singular. This, I suggest, is what
happened in 1945 when the Allies entered Bergen-Belsen and revealed
the Germans to the world as mass murderers.
It is the human race that is genocidal, not the Germans. Saying this
is not to excuse the Germans, but to note a fact. In one vital sense
we are all Jews and we are all Germans, potentially, depending on the
conditions in which we find ourselves. Remembering this may reduce
the likelihood that we will ever be Jews or Germans again as Jews or
Germans were during one night-marish period between 1933 and 1945.
Reprinted with permission of Key Porter Books from Beethoven’s Mask:
Notes on My Life and Times by George Jonas.
For original reprints (with graphics) available