Turk PM: Turkey will withdraw soldiers from Lebanon if asked to

Turkish PM: Turkey will withdraw its soldiers from Lebanon if they are
asked to disarm Hezbollah
AP Worldstream; Sep 02, 2006

Turkey’s premier on Saturday said his government will withdraw Turkish
soldiers from Lebanon if they are asked to disarm Hezbollah, as public
concern runs high that Turkish soldiers could end up clashing with
their fellow Muslims once deployed in Lebanon.

The government on Friday submitted a resolution to parliament to send
peacekeepers to Lebanon as part of an expanded U.N. mission, despite
public opposition to the deployment. The parliament is expected on
Tuesday to vote on authorizing a one-year deployment of an unspecified
number of troops

Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan assured Turks the soldiers would
only be protecting peace and helping with humanitarian aid, not
disarming Hezbollah militants.

“When such a thing is requested from our soldiers, then we will
withdraw our soldiers from there. I’m saying this very openly,”
Erdogan told reporters in Istanbul on Saturday.

The Turkish contribution to the U.N. mission would include a naval
task force to patrol the eastern Mediterranean and prevent arms
smuggling.

According to the resolution, Turkish forces would also help train
Lebanese army troops and provide sea and air transport in support of
other national contingents in the U.N. force.

Europe, the United States and Israel are all eager to see peacekeepers
from Muslim Turkey in Lebanon, in the hopes that strong Muslim
participation would avoid any impression in Lebanon that the
U.N. peacekeepers are primarily a Christian, European force.

Bird-Dogging Hillary

/
In These Times, September 2006
Bird-Dogging Hillary Clinton
By Nancy Kricorian
In November 2005 Hillary Rodham Clinton sent out a fundraising letter
to her constituents. `Part of my job is being a good listener,’ she
wrote, going on to describe all the good listening she does as the
junior senator from New York. She concluded, `Now I’d like to listen
to you.’
In the envelope with the letter was a three-page, 18-question `2005
Critical National Issues Survey’ addressing a range of topics from jobs
to homeland security to separation of church and state. Not one
question in the survey mentioned the war in Iraq – an omission that came
as no surprise to those of us at the New York chapter of CODEPINK Women
for Peace.
At the time Hillary prepared her `questionnaire,’ close to 2,300 U.S.
troops and more than 100,000 Iraqi civilians had died, and polls showed
that most Americans were worried about the war and its ill effects,
including rising prices at the gas pump. But somehow, Hillary and her
handlers thought that ignoring the war was the strategically smart
thing to do. And they were right.
It turns out that Hillary has done a tremendous job – of getting New York
Democrats to assume that because right-wing Republicans hate her she
must oppose the war. Most New York Democratic voters also don’t realize
that she co-sponsored an amendment to ban flag-burning, is against
marriage equality for gays and lesbians, supports the death penalty,
votes consistently for Star Wars appropriations and has served on the
board of Wal-Mart for six years. Yet, she is consistently touted as the
`liberal Democrat from New York.’
But it is her position – or, rather, her exquisitely-phrased,
calculatedly imprecise non-position – on the Iraq War, accompanied by her
consistent voting record in support of the Bush administration on Iraq,
that had our local CODEPINK chapter trying for weeks before she sent
out her `I’m a listener’ mailer, to meet with Hillary or someone on her
New York City staff.
When the topic turns to Iraq, Hillary repeats the same garbled message
in various locutions: We shouldn’t stay, but we shouldn’t not stay;
while before we go we should get a job done, we shouldn’t be doing the
job we’re doing. If you parse her carefully worded speeches and
statements, the only significant differences between Hillary and Bush
are that she thinks we need more troops on the ground in Iraq so the
war can be better prosecuted – and that she is furiously trying to hide
that position from her constituency.
No invitation to talk from Hillary’s office was forthcoming. So
CODEPINK NYC pulled together a coalition of local peace groups and
launched a weekly vigil outside Hillary’s office on Third Avenue at
49th Street. We bought enormous rubber ears from a theatrical supply
company and made signs that said, `Hillary you’re not listening, bring
the troops home now.’ We passed out information about her positions,
and we launched the Web site
Standing on the sidewalk, in the dead of winter, it was remarkable how
many passersby would stop and talk, amazed to learn how close her
position on the war was to Bush’s.
Soon after we launched the weekly vigil we got a call from Hillary’s
office to set up an appointment. Four of us met with Hillary’s New York
City `Director of Governmental Affairs,’ a fresh-faced and genial young
woman who honestly appeared to know less about Hillary’s voting record
or statements on the war than the crowds on the sidewalk. She
patronizingly told us that she would pass along our concerns to the
senator.
After this fruitless meeting, we coordinated with peace groups around
the state and CODEPINK chapters around the country, organizing a
statewide and national campaign called `Bird-dog Hillary.’
Wherever Hillary was appearing we were there with our signs and
handouts, dressed in pink with big rubber ears. Women also got inside
and raised their voices, raining down flyers from balconies, and
generally making a notable, if momentary, ruckus. The results
everywhere were similar: a genuine sense of amazed – and
dismayed – recognition that Hillary’s views on Iraq are out of synch not
only with those of many Democrats but of the vast majority of
Americans, regardless of party affiliation.
CODEPINK has now become an almost integral part of the Hillary road
show. The only major fundraiser we were unable to crash was the one for
Hillary held in July by Rupert Murdoch, the location of which was a
more tightly-held secret than the location of Dick Cheney’s bunker. The
rituals of the campaign trail and the fundraising gauntlet have given
us a funny intimacy with her team.
In late May we were outside a fundraiser for Senator Robert Byrd in a
private apartment on the Upper West Side of Manhattan at which Hillary
was a `special guest.’ As the elderly Senator Byrd entered, one of us
asked, `Senator Byrd, can you tell Hillary to stop supporting the war?’
Senator Byrd paused and answered, `Ladies, I don’t tell her to do
anything.’
A few minutes later Senator Clinton drove up in her shiny black SUV
accompanied by her Secret Service detail. As she walked past us, one of
us asked, `Senator Clinton, when are you going to help end this war?’
Hillary’s answer: `We’re working on it.’
After she entered the building one of her secret service guys, whom
some of us by this point knew by name, winked and asked, `Will we be
seeing you later?’
He was referring to the West Village fundraiser for Ohio gubernatorial
candidate Ted Strickland that Hillary was co-hosting. A few minutes
later we were on the subway heading downtown.
In June we bought tickets to a Women for Hillary fundraising luncheon
at the Hilton Hotel in Midtown Manhattan. Eva-Lee, Missy and I went
into the ballroom where 1,000 enthusiastic and decorous attendees were
taking seats at their tables. I spotted a mother from my kid’s school
and a business acquaintance of my husband’s who had told me point blank
that she despised Hillary. What were they doing here? Placing their
bets on the Democrats’ leading horse.
Staging a protest at a Hillary event is a delightfully surreal
experience. We were assigned to Table 121, way in the back (we paid
$125 apiece for our tickets; the tickets up front went for $1,000) but
very close to the bank of press cameras. We nervously ate our cold
salmon and chatted with other women at our table.
We were in Hillaryland: we watched a slickly produced Hillary film in
which she single-handedly revived New York State’s economy, palled
around with firefighters and cured two children of cancer. A lot of
eyes got misty, both on screen and in the audience.
Then she made a grand entrance down a side stairway, greeted with a
standing ovation. She read through a very, very long list of
politicians’ wives and other supporters. And when she said `support’
for the 100th time, Missy stood up and shouted, `What about supporting
our troops by bringing them home?’ This was our cue.
Eva-Lee and I removed the sweaters covering our pink T-shirts, on which
we had written pro-troop messages with black fabric markers (mine said
`2,475 U.S. military deaths: How many more?’) Then we unfurled our pink
satin TROOPS HOME NOW banners. As we started chanting `troops home
now,’ the cameras strayed from Hillary and toward us.
The Hillary campaign employees, secret service guys and hotel security
who came to escort us out were resolutely polite, by now familiar with
the recurrent and inevitable drill. One young campaign worker said, `If
you’ll be quiet, you can stay.’ I answered loudly, `Troops out now’ and
off we went. Missy ran forward, handing out photos of her nephew who
had been killed in Iraq.
The bulk of the e-mail we get congratulates us on our work, but some
complains about the `Bird-dog Hillary’ campaign. One woman reminded us
that Hillary was a feminist who wore sandals in college and suggested
that as women and feminists we should be supporting her. Another New
Yorker asked why we weren’t targeting our senior senator, Chuck
Schumer, who isn’t much better than Hillary on the war. That one had
an easy answer: Chuck Schumer is neither running for re-election nor
positioning himself for a presidential run.
CODEPINK will continue to push the war issue to center stage, as others
are doing in Connecticut, fueling Ned Lamont’s successful challenge to
Senator Joe Lieberman. When he was stumping for Lieberman in July,
President Bill Clinton referred to the war as `the pink elephant in the
room.’ Well, the pink elephant has raised its head, as has CODEPINK.
Nancy Kricorian, whose most recent novel is Dreams of Bread and Fire,
is the coordinator of CODEPINK NYC.

sept/2

Thursday, August 31, 2006
********************************************
As a child I don’t remember to have ever tried to reconcile the mantra of my elders “mart bidi ch’ellank,” (freely translated, “we shall never acquire the status of human beings”) with the propaganda line that said we are just about the smartest and most civilized people on earth. As an adult I know that our defects and deficiencies, our intolerance, tribalism and incompetence are like a city set of a hill – they cannot be hidden. The world knows us better than we know ourselves – that’s another thing we share in common with Turks, who like to project the image of a civilized nation that has victimized no one, let alone defenseless women, children, and old men.
*
In his travel impressions of Turkey, Lord Kinross, a notorious Turcophile and biographer of Ataturk, tells us he met old Turks who not only knew all about the Genocide but also bragged about it to him. He quotes them as saying, “We taught Armenians a lesson they’ll never forget,” or words to that effect.
*
We flatter ourselves when we think people can’t see through us. We are not enigmas but walking clichés. Our rhetoric and propaganda may convince the dupes among us but no one else. We like to believe ours is a success story because we survived where many others did not. It is equally valid to say that we are a failure because with solidarity and statesmen as leaders (as opposed to petty tribal wheeler-dealers) we could have been a mighty empire.
*
Political correctness deals only with appearances. A man can be politically correct and harbor racist sentiments. An Armenian can say, “I don’t hate Turks,” but given an opportunity he would gladly exterminate not only them but also anyone who disagrees with him.
*
Speaking of solidarity: In an article about the recently arrested polygamist “prophet” Warren Jeff and his community of fundamentalist Mormons, I come across the following sentence: “The situation is so toxic that brothers don’t speak to brothers, depending on which leader they follow.” Does that ring a bell?
*
And speaking of intolerance: In the obituary of Naguib Mahfouz, the first Arab writer to be awarded the Nobel Prize, I read: Because he was “a strong voice for moderation and religious tolerance… he was accused of blasphemy and survived a stabbing attack twelve years ago.”
#
Friday, September 01, 2006
***********************************************
We make better servants than masters. As masters we can be merciless, especially if our servants are Armenian.
*
We have made many more significant contributions to foreign empires (Byzantine, Ottoman, Soviet, American) than to our own nation. I call that our “Gulbenkian complex” – give only 7% to your own people and 93% to odars.
*
When a friend of mine asked the late and lamented Sylva Kaputikian (may the blessings of Karl Marx be upon her) about the chances of having his translation of Nikos Kazantzakis published in Armenia, she replied: “We don’t publish books written in West Armenian.” A big lie that! I have seen many books in West-Armenian (by Zohrab, Baronian, and Odian, among others) published in Yerevan. Why lie? Is it because we can’t handle the truth? We are not worthy of it? Is it more convenient to lie than to speak the truth? Masters are under no obligation to level with servants?
*
Pablo Casals to one of his students on how to play Bach: “Put some gypsy in him.” I like that. He didn’t say, “Make it more Germanic!”
*
Speaking of Bach: How to explain the fact that the greatest Bach interpreters were not German but Landowska (Jew), Glenn Gould (Canadian), Casals (Spaniard), and Schweitzer (French) — also the author of the most insightful and readable book on Bach.
*
Voltaire on democracy: “Le gouvernement de la canaille [riff-raff].” And yet, it was intellectuals like him who inspired and provided the impetus for the French Revolution.
*
Stendhal: “We commit the greatest cruelties but without cruelty.” Perhaps because that which comes naturally to us we don’t consider cruel or criminal or even abnormal. (A possible explanation of Turkish attitude towards the Genocide?)
*
There are three ways to wisdom: by way of books, by word of mouth, by one’s own mistakes. The most painful of these is the third way, but also the surest – provided of course one survives.
*
God is on the side of bigger battalions and better lawyers.
#
Saturday, September 02, 2006
*********************************************
Whenever a Christian dares to criticize Muslim fundamentalism, a so-called moderate Muslim is bound to raise his voice against the infidel dog. Oriana Fallaci may be right: a moderate Muslim is only a fundamentalist with a mask.
*
When wise men disagree, they may settle their differences without bloodshed. But when fools disagree, the chances of developing a consensus range from slim to nil.
*
It is not the truly wise who assume to know better because they know wisdom to be a search without end; it is rather the arrogant ignoramus.
*
And speaking of their imams and our commissars (and all their neo- and crypto- variants, of which we Armenians have more than our share) what they have in common is an inability to learn from history or their version of it, which, if it is not the propaganda of the victor, it is the consolation of the loser.
#

Another view of Iraq: Love, peace, tolerance

The Toronto Star
September 1, 2006 Friday
Another view of Iraq: Love, peace, tolerance
by Nicholas Keung, Toronto Star
As an elementary school teacher in Baghdad, Janet Irmya used to take
her students to both mosques and churches to teach them about
tolerance and celebrate the rich diversity of Iraqis.
Irmya is ethnically Armenian, with a different mother tongue,
religion and culture from her Assyrian husband, Simon. But their
differences don’t matter to the couple, who both speak Arabic and
proudly share the same homeland.
“Whether you were Turkomans, Kurdish, Arabs, Sunnis or Shiites, we
were all very mixed together and we respected and appreciated our
differences,” Irmya recalls of the days before she and her family
moved to Toronto in 1981. “It’s sad to see Iraqis fighting Iraqis,
and we still ask the question why people have forgotten the peace and
harmony that we grew up with in Iraq.”
While members of the 20,000-strong Iraqi-Canadian community are in no
mood to celebrate what’s going on in their homeland – where daily
violence is driving deep wedges between the nation’s ethnic and
religious groups – they believe they still have something invaluable
to show to their countrymen and other Canadians.
Volunteers from various Iraqi ethnic groups have together planned a
three-day Iraqi Heritage Festival that starts today at the
Scarborough Civic Centre, showcasing their culture.
“We all come from the same land and we share the same identity as
survivors,” explains Ghina Al-Sewaidi, president of the Iraqi
Canadian Society of Ontario. She refuses to talk about Iraqi politics
and emphasizes that the group is social, not political, in nature.
“There is the misconception that the Iraqis are divided and we don’t
get along with one another, which is not true,” adds the Toronto
criminal lawyer, an Arab, who arrived Canada in 1988. “We want people
here and in Iraq to see that the Iraqis are one united community,
that we are one people and we all love peace.”
Essentially, the festival is a reminder of the racial harmony that
existed in Iraq before Saddam Hussein seized the reins of the Sunni
Muslim Baath Party in 1979 and began pitting Iraq’s ethnic and
religious groups against one another for political advantage.
Despite their obvious differences, Toronto’s various Iraqi groups
have much in common. By and large highly educated, they fled their
homeland for the peace and freedom Canada offered.
“It’s a small community (of 7,000) in Toronto and we have to count on
each other,” says Najiba Al-Jaddou, a Turkoman landscape designer
from Kirkuk. A Sunni, she’s married to a Shiite.
But it wasn’t until Saddam Hussein’s downfall more than three years
ago that Canada’s Iraqis began to feel safe from the watchful eyes of
the regime and started to mingle again.
“The community has had a really low profile out of fear. It just
wasn’t active,” says Yelimaz Jawid, a Kurdish-Iraqi. “When I joined
the (Iraqi) society, there were only 20 members at our annual
meeting. This year, we had 261 members there.”
In fact, the Iraqi Heritage Festival was initiated in 2004 as a
celebration, a hopeful gesture marking what might have been a new
beginning for Iraq.
“It was a sensitive time and we picked the timing deliberately. But
it wasn’t really a celebration. There’s no happiness to it, because
people there and here both were suffering from the war in Iraq,” says
festival volunteer Buthina Ezat, who is a Mandean – a tiny gnostic
sect with roots going back to the time of John the Baptist.
“We just wanted to let people know how we used to live together and
remind them of our good old days. The bottom line is we are all
Iraqis,” she notes. “Iraq is the home where we all belong. We should
be celebrating each other’s differences, like we do in Canada.”
The festival – from 6 to 9 p.m. today and Sunday, and tomorrow from
noon to 9 p.m. – will showcase Iraqi handicrafts, literature and
poetry, ethnic fashion and arts, as well as traditional dances, music
and films. Admission is free.
GRAPHIC: Carlos Osorio toronto star Najiba Al-Jaddou wears her
mother’s abaya, a traditional garment that will be showcased at the
three-day Iraqi Heritage Festival. Organizers hope the event will
show Torontonians that Iraqis of different backgrounds live together
in peace.

ARMENIA THREATENED WITH JIHAD

Agency WPS
DEFENSE and SECURITY (Russia)
September 1, 2006 Friday
ARMENIA IS THREATENED WITH JIHAD;
Religious leader of Azerbaijan sends a no-nonsense message to the
neighbor state
by Sohbet Mamedov
STATEMENT MADE BY THE RELIGIOUS LEADER OF AZERBAIJAN ON THE READINESS
TO DECLARE A JIHAD ON ARMENIA AS AN INDICATION OF COMBATIVE
DISPOSITION IN AZERBAIJANI SOCIETY; Allahushukjur Pashazade: I’m
prepared to declare a jihad to liberate the occupied territories of
Azerbaijan.
Religious factor is to be added to the equation of the
Azerbaijani-Armenian confrontation now. Sheikh-ul-Islam Haji
Allahushukjur Pashazade, religious leader of Azerbaijan and the head
of the Moslem Directorate of the Caucasus, issued a warning to
Armenia at his press conference in Baku the other day. “I’m prepared
to declare a jihad to liberate the occupied territories of
Azerbaijan,” he said. Pashazade added, however, that he would do so
when the time is “ripe” because potential of negotiations was not
depleted yet. According to Pashazade, the subject of Nagorno-Karabakh
ranks the highest on the agenda of all his meetings with senior
officials and religious leaders from foreign states. “Many of them
support our just case,” Pashazade said. “They are even prepared to
help Azerbaijan with resolution of the conflict.” (It should be noted
that Pashazade commands considerable respect both in Azerbaijan and
throughout the Islamic world.)
Pashazade is known as a level-headed person in Azerbaijan itself, and
his jihad warning therefore made headlines in the republic. Indeed,
Pashazade has been urging the faithful to keep their heads and give
the authorities a chance to settle the matter (have the occupied
territories released, that is) by peaceful means for the last decade
or so.
Local analysts take Pashazade’s warning to official Yerevan as an
indication that Azerbaijani society is weary of waiting for conflict
resolution and that it is becoming more and more accepting of radical
ideas. Even the OSCE Minsk Group is aware of the trend. Its officials
are frantically trying to arrange another round of the
Azerbaijani-Armenian peace talks. Tair Tagizade of the Directorate of
Information of the Azerbaijani Foreign Ministry said yesterday that a
meeting of two foreign ministers was to be organized in the middle of
September. The ministers might even agree to arrange a meeting
between national leaders, Tagizade said.
Attempts to revive the dialogue between Baku and Yerevan are made
against the background of frequent skirmishes at the line dividing
national armies of the warring sides. Press Service of the
Azerbaijani Defense Ministry said yesterday that the Armenians had
violated the cease-fire regime once again and opened up on
Azerbaijani positions in the environs of the village of Gjuljustan
(Geranboi district). The Azerbaijanis returned fire and the skirmish
eventually wound down without any losses reported.
Delays with the conflict resolution process, occupation of almost 20%
of the territory of Azerbaijan by Armenia lasting for over 13 years,
and Yerevan’s reluctance to obey four resolutions of the UN Security
Council demanding withdrawal from the seized areas compound mount
tension in Baku. Local analysts point out that this state of affairs
that constitutes neither peace nor war can last and the chances of
renewal of the hostilities increase by the day. Almost 1 million
Azerbaijani refugees are waiting for the word to go ahead and
liberate their ancestral lands. Even President of Azerbaijan Ilham
Aliyev keeps saying that “this is Armenia’s last chance to settle the
matter without bloodshed.”
Source: Nezavisimaya Gazeta, August 29, 2006, p. 3
Translated by A. Ignatkin

Russia govt approves accords on military base pullout from Georgia

ITAR-TASS News Agency, Russia
September 1, 2006 Friday 06:48 AM EST
Russia govt approves accords on military base pullout from Georgia
by Natalia Slavina
MOSCOW, September 1
The Russian government has decided to submit Russian-Georgian accords
on the withdrawal of Russia’s military bases from Georgia to the
president for sending them to parliament’s lower house for the
ratification.
The government’s press service told ITAR-TASS on Friday that the
accords had been approved at a government meeting.
One of them sets the ‘time and procedure of the temporary presence
and withdrawal of Russian military bases and other military
facilities of Trans-Caucuses group of Russian troops from Georgia”.
It stipulates the stay of the bases until December 31, 2008, which is
the time limit of the accord.
Russia’s federal budget slates for the pullout process 836 million
roubles in 2006, 820 million in 2007 and 510 million roubles in 2008.
Other expenditures on the military bases and other facilities in
Georgia are to be covered by budget allocations to the Russian armed
forces.
Another accord, on the transit of military cargoes and personnel
through the territory of Georgia, is aimed at law regulation of
transit problems “for ensuring the functioning of the Russian
military base located on the territory of Armenia”.
The transit will be financed from budget allocations to the Russian
army.
The two documents were signed in Sochi on March 31.

Armenian economy grows 11.6% in 7 mths

Interfax News Agency
Russia & CIS Business and Financial Newswire
September 1, 2006 Friday 5:23 PM MSK
Armenian economy grows 11.6% in 7 mths
Armenia’s GDP grew 11.6% year-on-year in January-July 2006 to 1.095
trillion dram ($2.765 billion), the National Statistical Service told
Interfax.
Industrial output (not including energy) fell 1% to 355.79 billion
dram (395.89 dram/$1 on Sept.1) and agricultural output fell 6.1% to
198.128 billion dram.
Foreign trade turnover was $1.655 billion.
The budget is targeting GDP to grow 7.5% this year. GDP grew 13.9% in
2005.

Georgia, Armenia make border delimitation plan

Interfax News Agency
Russia & CIS General Newswire
September 1, 2006 Friday 11:44 AM MSK
Georgia, Armenia make border delimitation plan
Georgian and Armenian foreign ministry experts approved a plan to
mark off sections of the Georgian- Armenian border that have not yet
been agreed upon at talks in Yerevan on Monday and Tuesday, the
Georgian Foreign Ministry told Interfax on Thursday.
“At the meeting, the sides agreed on the legal groundwork for the
delimitation of sections of the common border that remain unsettled,
to coordinated approaches and mapped out a program of action,” a
ministry source said.
The next meeting on the demarcation of the border between the two
countries will be held in Tbilisi in October, the ministry told
Interfax.

As Lebanon’s Troops Deploy, Hezbollah Stays Put in South

The Washington Post
September 1, 2006 Friday
Final Edition
As Lebanon’s Troops Deploy, Hezbollah Stays Put in South;
Across the Region, Militia and Army Operate in Parallel
by Edward Cody, Washington Post Foreign Service
GHANDOURIYEH, Lebanon Aug. 31
Backed by an M113 armored personnel carrier, Lebanese soldiers
wearing flak vests and carrying M16 automatic rifles manned a
checkpoint at the little crossroads marking the entrance to Al
Ghandouriyeh.
On a decorative archway nearby, the Lebanese flag with its
distinctive green cedar flapped proudly, proclaiming restored
national authority. Just above it on the pole, however, another flag
flew: the yellow and green banner of Hezbollah, with an AK-47 assault
rifle depicted atop the word “God.” The arrangement seemed to
illustrate popular sentiment in this heavily damaged village in
southern Lebanon.
Heeding the U.N. cease-fire resolution that stopped the 33-day war
between Israel and Hezbollah 2 1/2 weeks ago, the Lebanese army has
deployed across the rocky hillsides and stone villages between the
Litani River and the Israeli border. But to all appearances, the
deployment has not displaced Hezbollah, the militant Islamic movement
that Israel and the United States say must be destroyed as an armed
force if peace is to return to this tortured land.
In Al Ghandouriyeh and a number of other villages seen during a drive
through the border region, Hezbollah flags flew high and wide, often
alongside Lebanese flags. Hezbollah members staffed reconstruction
offices, held town council meetings and stood at their own
checkpoints in what seemed to be cordial coexistence with the
recently arrived army troops.
No weapons were visible except those carried by the soldiers. But
many of the young Hezbollah supporters were of fighting age and
seemed ready for another call-up if the need arose. In the agreement
that led to the army’s deployment, Hezbollah pledged that its
fighters would put away their weapons. But the Lebanese government
promised Hezbollah in return that its soldiers would not try to find
out where the arms were stored.
The deal seemed to be working Thursday in Al Ghandouriyeh, which lies
about 20 miles inland from Tyre and six miles northwest of the
Israeli border. Heavy fighting raged here in the final days of the
war as Israeli troops who had been helicoptered in encountered
unexpectedly stiff resistance from Hezbollah defenders. The men of Al
Ghandouriyeh openly displayed pride in what they had accomplished on
the battlefield and seemed to have nothing to fear from the army
troops lounging nearby.
“Do you think the Israelis are afraid of us now?” asked a middle-aged
resident. “When they came, they thought they were heading for just
more Arabs. But they found out. We are poor around here, but now we
are strong.”
Before the war, Hezbollah members were notorious for secrecy, hiding
their weapons underground and concealing their association with the
organization from even their closest friends and relatives. But since
the Hezbollah militia held its own against the vaunted Israeli army
for more than a month, membership has become a point of pride, to be
flaunted with fatigues or a yellow-and-green flag.
Ali Kandouh, an emigrant to Kuwait who returned to Al Ghandouriyeh to
bury a brother killed in the fighting, said he and the rest of the
village welcome the army’s deployment, which amounts to about 50
soldiers and several armored vehicles headquartered in the heavily
damaged local schoolhouse. Hezbollah’s emergence was largely due in
the first place to the government’s absence over the last three
decades, he said.
“I’m glad the army is here,” he said, drinking coffee as a group of
villagers sat nearby under Hezbollah banners. “It’s good. Now I can
sleep at night. Before they came, the Israelis could come in the
night and take someone away. But now maybe the soldiers will protect
us.”
Hassan Deeb, a 17-year-old in fatigues and a T-shirt, also applauded
the army’s arrival, saying it was the duty of the government to
protect the southern border villages. “The trouble with the army,” he
said, smiling, “is that they came only after the fighting stopped.
“They had to have a decision by the government to come,” he added.
“All the while the war was on, there was no decision. And now that
it’s over, they get their decision and they come.”
The Lebanese government has pledged to send 15,000 soldiers to the
area and to reinstate government authority after two decades during
which many of the tasks of local administration — and military
preparations — were left to Hezbollah. The United Nations Interim
Force in Lebanon, or UNIFIL, which has patrolled the border for 28
years, estimated that three battalions amounting to about 5,000
soldiers have arrived so far.
Jeeps with camouflage netting were seen Thursday purring down the
region’s narrow roads, pockmarked by four weeks of Israeli pummeling.
Schools, factories and bombed-out homes have been requisitioned as
temporary quarters for the thinly equipped troops. Heavy trucks
snorted up and down the hills, bringing in supplies from Beirut.
Prime Minister Fouad Siniora said Wednesday he will send 8,000 more
soldiers to reinforce the border with Syria. The announcement
appeared designed to meet another Israeli demand — preventing
Hezbollah from replenishing its weapons stores with Iranian-supplied
arms sent through Syria.
The extent of army deployment here has been a contentious issue
between Israel and Lebanon. The Israeli prime minister, Ehud Olmert,
has made it clear he will lift the seven-week-old air and sea
blockade of Lebanon only after all 15,000 Lebanese troops are
deployed and are joined by a 15,000-member reinforced UNIFIL as
outlined in the cease-fire resolution.
The current UNIFIL strength stands at 2,000. About 900 Italian troops
sailed out Tuesday on their way to southern Lebanon as the first
major UNIFIL reinforcement, a down payment on a pledge of 2,500
Italian troops on the ground and hundreds more for logistics. They
were expected to arrive in Tyre on Friday, according to a UNIFIL
spokesman, Milos Strugar.
France has promised 2,000 troops as well, with the first contingent
to arrive in the middle of September. A 200-man French engineering
unit has been in Lebanon for the past two weeks preparing the way.
Several other European nations have promised to send smaller
contingents. U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan said he is eager to
get Muslim troops into the UNIFIL mix as well, noting that
Bangladesh, Malaysia and Indonesia have volunteered to dispatch
substantial numbers of soldiers. Israel has objected to the presence
of those countries in the force, however, because they do not have
relations with the Jewish state.
Turkey, which maintains active economic and diplomatic relations with
Israel, has decided in principle to volunteer some troops. The
decision remains sensitive, however, because of the long Ottoman role
in Lebanon and, internally, because of objections from Lebanon’s
Armenian community over the Turkish slaughter of Armenians in 1915.

Hope for Revenge Suicidal for Azerbaijan

PanARMENIAN.Net
Hope for Revenge Suicidal for Azerbaijan
01.09.2006 16:01 GMT+04:00

/PanARMENIAN.Net/ Hope for military budget and revenge is a bad and
suicidal hope. Azerbaijan has always been stronger than Karabakh in
personnel and hardware, but you all know the results of the previous
war imposed by Azerbaijan, Nagorno Karabakh President Arkady Ghukasian
said in an interview with Azat Artsakh newspaper. In his words, the
Azeri authorities should stop misleading their public and start
natural direct contacts with Stepanakert. `We can really solve many
problems if we sit down at the negotiating table’, he said.
`Karabakh people do not hate Azeris, while the situation in Azerbaijan
is quite the opposite. The Azerbaijani authorities are actively
cultivating hatred towards Armenians. One proof: in Azerbaijan the
Nagorno Karabakh conflict is presented as Armenian-Azeri conflict,’ he
said.