MURR TOUTS IMPENDING DEAL ON UNITY CABINET
By Nada Bakri
The Daily Star, Lebanon
Nov 9 2006
BEIRUT: Lebanon’s leading politicians are expected to reach a deal
over a national unity government, a key demand of Hizbullah and
the Free Patriotic Movement (FPM), during Thursday’s consultation
meeting. According to MP Michel Murr, the official assigned to work
out a “formula” Wednesday to rescue the country from political crisis,
the formation of a national unity government was “70 percent” complete.
“I have so far accomplished 70 percent of my mission, and now I am
waiting for the last meeting, which is the most important,” with
Parliament majority leader MP Saad Hariri, Murr said early Wednesday
afternoon.
Murr added that Hariri did not oppose this formula.
Hariri’s office said Wednesday evening that the two officials
had discussed the new formula, but declined to elaborate. Murr’s
spokesperson was not available for comment.
Earlier meetings included talks with Speaker Nabih Berri, a close
Hizbullah ally and sponsor of the national talks, and FPM leader
Michel Aoun.
Murr said following his meeting with Berri that all participants during
the roundtable talks on Monday and Tuesday agreed to a Cabinet that
includes four ministers from Aoun’s bloc.
He added Aoun wanted to be represented in Siniora’s Cabinet – whether
in its current 24-member form or in an expanded 26-member government.
Either scenario would see the addition of two FPM ministers and two
of the party’s allies in the Armenian Tashnak Party and the Zahle
bloc headed by MP Elie Skaff.
The question is whether two or four current Cabinet members will
be tossed.
Hizbullah and the FPM have been demanding a more inclusive government
since this summer’s war with Israel ended on August 14, to correct
what they argue is a misrepresentation of political power.
The two parties threatened to take to the streets to force a change if
the anti-Syrian majority refused to meet their demands by mid-November.
Sources close to Murr told the Central News Agency that the former
deputy prime minister is looking to bring “a neutral blocking minority”
into Siniora’s reshaped Cabinet.
The sources said participants must choose one of three options: Replace
four ministers with FPM ministers; expand Cabinet to 26 members and
introduce amendments to certain portfolios; or form a 30-member Cabinet
which will guarantee a higher likelihood of pleasing all parties.
Hizbullah and Amal, headed by Berri, have five ministers, pro-Syrian
President Emile Lahoud has three ministers, including Defense Minister
Elias Murr, Justice Minister Charles Rizk and Environment Minister
Yaacoub Sarraf.
Attaining one-third of Cabinet would allow the opposition to block
any Cabinet decision it did not support.
However, media reports said Wednesday that Lahoud will not approve
any new government that includes Rizk, who has not seen eye to eye
with the president on key issues as of late.
Rizk told the Lebanese Broadcasting Corporation on Wednesday that he
has had “differences of opinion” with Lahoud since the formation of
Siniora’s Cabinet on two main issues: judicial appointments and an
international tribunal to try those accused of the assassination of
former Prime Minister Rafik Hariri.
The Central News Agency quoted sources close to Berri on Wednesday
as saying that
a breakthrough might be pos-sible on Thursday “if the right Arab and
international coverage is available.”
But these sources said it was unlikely that a new government would
be formed – if a deal is reached Thursday – before November 13,
the deadline Hizbullah set for a new Cabinet.
Hizbullah MP Hussein Fadlallah said Wednesday his party insists on
acquiring greater representation through a national unity government.
“We hope that the governing majority realizes the importance of this
opportunity to correct the misrepresentation in power after they have
violated all the agreements, which were the basis for accepting to
participate in the current government,” Fadlallah said.
“We will not give up our demand … We are not seeking to topple the
government or change it, but we want to participate in power to boost
the country,” he added.

A DAMASCUS MEETING. A POLITICAL GAMBIT. A PAYOFF. A FINAL PHONE CALL
By Nicholas Blanford
The Daily Star, Lebanon
Nov 9 2006
Among other things, ‘Killing Mr. Lebanon’ captures the last week in
the life of Rafik Hariri
Editor’s note: The following edited extract from Nicholas Blanford’s
newly published book “Killing Mr. Lebanon: The Assassination of Rafik
Hariri and its Impact on the Middle East” recounts the week up to
February 13, 2005, the eve of the former prime minister’s death.
Hariri, who spoke on the phone with Abdel-Halim Khaddam on a daily
basis, met his old Syrian ally for the last time in early February.
Khaddam was becoming convinced that his friend was going to be murdered
and advised him “to get on a plane and leave.”
“I repeatedly warned him and told him to resign and leave the country
because I knew that the ruler of Syria does not have a logical and
balanced mind. He could take any action,” Khaddam recalls. “But Hariri
replied, how could he leave with the elections coming up?”
On February 8, Terje Roed Larsen, the UN envoy, arrived in Beirut
to negotiate a mechanism that would allow Resolution 1559 to be
implemented with the approval of all sides. In his meetings with the
Lebanese leadership, he suggested linking 1559 with Taif as a means
of encouraging Syria to begin the process of redeploying troops to
the Bekaa.
In Damascus, Larsen told Bashar that the international community
would welcome some significant moves by the Syrian president in
Lebanon. Those moves could be symbolic, Larsen added carefully. It was
obvious that Damascus could not remove the entire army and military
intelligence service overnight. However, he continued, if the president
was to withdraw one soldier in particular, then Larsen would reflect
that in his upcoming report on the implementation of Resolution 1559.
“What one soldier would that be?” Bashar asked.
“Your man in Anjar,” Larsen replied, referring to Rustom Ghazaleh.
Bashar looked startled and then after a moment replied to the effect
that it would be easier to remove the entire Syrian Army from Lebanon
than oust Ghazaleh from Anjar.
Sharaa was present at the meeting, along with some of Larsen’s UN
aides. Larsen asked to speak to Bashar alone for a few minutes and
the other attendees left the room. In an awkward postscript to the
meeting, Larsen’s aides discovered to their consternation that sitting
in the office of the director-general of the presidential palace,
arms crossed and staring pensively at the floor, was none other than
Rustom Ghazaleh. Clearly he was waiting to be briefed on Larsen’s
discussion with Bashar where he would undoubtedly be told of the UN
envoy’s suggestion that he be removed.
In his one-to-one discussion with Bashar, Larsen discussed the tensions
between Lebanon and Syria, particularly the deteriorating relationship
between Hariri and the Syrian leadership which the UN envoy believed
“might lead to a dangerous situation.”
“I met a number of officials on both sides and my impression was,
without any qualification or nuance, that there was a rapidly
deteriorating situation between the leadership of the two countries
that caused [me] concern,” Larsen says. “I urged both parties
immediately to start a dialogue; otherwise it would continue to
deteriorate rapidly further. We [Larsen and Bashar] had a tentative
discussion about setting up a meeting between a representative of
[Bashar] and Hariri for the following week, the same week that
Hariri died.”
Larsen returned to Beirut that evening and had dinner at Koreitem
to update Hariri on his talks with Bashar and the possibility of
organizing a reconciliation meeting.
That same day, the Christian opposition Qornet Shehwan gathering
discussed an offer from Marwan Hamade to meet Hariri at Koreitem
to form a joint position on the electoral law. Although Hariri had
decided to align himself fully with the established Christian-Druze
opposition, he had yet to go public. The Qornet Shehwan decided that
they would meet Hariri but not at Koreitem. Instead they settled
on the more neutral setting of Parliament where the MPs in Qornet
Shehwan would meet Hariri on Monday morning.
The parliamentary elections also formed part of the discussion between
Hariri and Nasrallah the next day, Friday, February 11, at what would
be their last encounter together. Hariri was still refusing to include
any pro-Syrians on his electoral list, but Nasrallah persuaded him
to accept two candidates, an Armenian and a member of Hizbullah.
“How can I not have a member of the resistance on my Beirut list?”
Hariri said.
A few weeks earlier, Hariri had used his influence with Jacques Chirac
to persuade France not to support adding Hizbullah to the European
Union’s list of terrorist organizations which EU foreign ministers
were planning to discuss in Brussels on February 16.
Nasrallah was appreciative of Hariri’s intervention and in return
agreed to try to broker a secret meeting in Damascus between Hariri
and Bashar at which all points of contention would be discussed.
Even though he was on the verge of publicly announcing his
affiliation with the opposition, Hariri had not abandoned the
possibility of reconciling with the Syrian leadership, according to
his colleagues. After all, if his electoral game plan bore fruit,
he would return as prime minister of Lebanon after the May elections
and he would once more have to deal with the Syrians. Nasrallah told
Hariri that a senior Hizbullah official would be in Damascus on Monday,
February 14, to arrange the reconciliation with Bashar.
The state’s pressure on Hariri reached new heights on Saturday,
February 12, when four workers from one of his charities, the Beirut
Society for Social Development, were arrested by police on charges
of providing bribes to families in the form of bottles of olive oil
in advance of the parliamentary election. On hearing the news of the
arrests, Hariri intervened personally to have the workers released,
describing the incident as “foolishness.”
Hariri later that day told Adnan Baba, his personal secretary, “If they
[the Syrians] kill me, they will be signing their own death warrant.”
Handling the olive oil arrests took up much of Hariri’s time over the
weekend, although he did receive an unexpected phone call on Sunday
morning. It was Rustom Ghazaleh. Sounding agitated, the Syrian general
bluntly demanded a large sum of money to be delivered in cash to his
headquarters in Anjar, according to a Hariri aide.
It was not the first time that Ghazaleh had squeezed money from
Hariri. Even though Hariri had decided to no longer deal with the
Syrian mukhabarat, he gave in to Ghazaleh’s demand, saying that the
general would have to wait until the next day because the banks were
closed on Sundays.
But Ghazaleh insisted on the money being delivered the same day.
Hariri made the appropriate arrangements and the money was delivered
to Anjar by Abu Tarek, the head of Hariri’s security detail.
According to Saad Hariri, Abu Tarek received a tongue-lashing from
Ghazaleh, who used “every single curse in the Arabic dictionary”
against his boss. Abu Tarek was so shaken by the tirade that he
switched off his phone and drove to his home where he stayed for
three hours to calm himself down.
As afternoon turned into evening on Sunday, February 13, Hariri was
visited by allies and friends, including Jumblatt and Ghazi Aridi,
who remained with Hariri until late in the evening.
It was nearly midnight by the time Hariri took the lift to his private
quarters on the seventh floor. His wife, Nazek, was in Paris, although
he was planning to fly to France on the Friday to celebrate the
birthday of his only daughter, Hind, who was staying with her mother.
As he undressed for bed, he telephoned his son Saad in Saudi Arabia
for his customary late-night chat. He asked after Lara, Saad’s wife,
and his grandson Hussam, of whom he was especially fond. Saad said
that he was flying to Abu Dhabi in the morning. The conversation was
limited to general personal matters. Although Saad was curious to
hear the latest political developments, he knew better than to ask
given that the phone lines were being monitored. After a few minutes,
Hariri wound up the call with his customary adieu to his son. “I love
you,” he said, and hung up the phone.
Nicholas Blanford will be signing copies of “Killing Mr. Lebanon:
The Assassination of Rafik Hariri and its Impact on the Middle
East” tonight from 6-8 p.m. at Librairie Antoine in the ABC mall
in Achrafieh.

THIRD MOBILE OPERATOR TO APPEAR IN ARMENIA BY 2009
Arka News Agency, Armenia
Nov 8 2006
YEREVAN, November 8. /ARKA/. The third mobile telecommunications
operator will appear in Armenia by 2009, Andranik Manukyan told
reporters Wednesday. He explained that the government has made
a commitment that it will not grant a license to a new operator
until 2009.
“The Armenian market of mobile communications is so small that two
operators fully share it,” the minister said.
The Russian VimpelCom OJSC (Beeline brand) signed an agreement with the
Greek Hellenic Telecommunications Organization SA (OTE) on purchasing
90% shares of the Armenian ArmenTel Company for EUR 341.9mln.
According to the report by VimpelCom, the company will take the debts
and liabilities of ArmenTel for about EUR 40mln.
ArmenTel Company is one of the two mobile operators in Armenia. It has
the biggest number of subscribers in Armenia. The company holds 40%
of the mobile communications market of Armenia.
In July 1, 2005, the second mobile operator K-Telecom of VivaCell
brand entered the Armenian market of mobile communications.

DRAFT PROJECT OF ARMENIA’S NATIONAL SECURITY STRATEGY TO BE APPROVED IN NOVEMBER
Arka News Agency, Armenia
Nov 8 2006
YEREVAN, November 8. /ARKA/. The draft project of Armenia’s national
security strategy is to be approved in November, Hayk Kotanjyan,
secretary of the interdepartmental commission for elaboration of the
National Security Strategy, counselor of the Armenian defense minister
and major-general reported.
Kotanjyan reported that Chairman of the Interdepartmental commission,
Defense Minister Serj Sargsyan appeal to Rector of the Yerevan State
University, Professor Aram Simonyan and President of the National
Academy of Sciences Radik Martirosyan with the relevant request.
“It is planned to start open parliamentary discussion of the draft
project before December. According to the results of open discussions,
the Interdepartmental commission will submit the project to the
government for approval,” Kotanjyan said.
He said that from the viewpoint of the project’s contents, the
specificity consists in the Strategy’s aim at the multidirectional
balance of secure orientations, as well as transformation of the
society by democratic reforms and integration into the international
community.
“Another important specificity is that the Commission simultaneously
elaborates two mutually conditioned products: the Strategy of
national security and a portfolio of departmental programs, providing
implementation of the National Security Strategy in all the spheres
of Armenia’s life,” Kotanjyan reported.
“The basis of the interdepartmental elaboration of the project was
the report of Defense Minister Serj Sargsyan called ‘Basic Trends of
Armenia’s National Security Strategy’,” Kotanjyan said.

FITCH RATES VTB BANK (ARMENIA) ‘BB’: OUTLOOK STABLE
Arka News Agency, Armenia
Nov 8 2006
YEREVAN, November 7. /ARKA/. Fitch Ratings has assigned today VTB Bank
(Armenia) (“VTBA”) ratings of Issuer Default ‘BB’, Short-term ‘B’,
Individual ‘D/E’ and Support ‘3’. The Outlook is Stable. The bank’s
Issuer Default rating (“IDR”) is at Armenia’s Country Ceiling.
The Issuer Default, Short-term and Support ratings reflect the
moderate probability of support being forthcoming, if required, from
VTBA’s majority shareholder, Russia’s Vneshtorgbank. In Fitch’s view,
VTB would have a strong propensity to support VTBA, if required,
although the ability of VTBA to receive and utilise this support may
be constrained by Armenian country risks, in particular transfer and
convertibility risks, as reflected in the Country Ceiling.
In light of VTBA’s large market share, there is also a limited
probability of support being forthcoming from the Armenian authorities
(rated foreign currency and local currency Issuer Default ‘BB-‘(BB
minus)), although in Fitch’s view the authorities would be more likely
to look for VTB to first support the bank, should the need arise.
The Individual rating reflects VTBA’s modest profitability, high
loan concentration, weak loan loss reserves and increased exposure to
structural risk due to maturity mismatches. The rating also takes into
account the bank’s significant domestic franchise, sound capitalisation
and adequate liquidity position. VTBA’s overall competitive profile
has been enhanced following a restructuring by its new shareholder
with stronger emphasis on the rationalisation of its low-efficiency
large branch network and on diversification of the funding base.
VTBA is Armenia’s fourth largest bank, with 10% of the banking
system’s loans and retail deposits at end-H106. VTB acquired a 70%
stake in March 2004. VTBA (formerly known as Armsberbank) has a long
history of operations in Armenia and traces its origin to a branch
of Sberbank of the USSR, established in 1923. The bank services both
corporate and retail clients, supported by an extensive branch network
consisting of 100 branches located all over the country.
The VTBA has the fourth largest amount of assets, the 5th largest
amount of crediting of individuals and the 2nd largest amount of
crediting of legal entities. The bank ranks 3rd as to the volume of
fixed deposits attracted from individuals, 2nd as to call deposits
attracted from individuals.
The bank has the fourth largest total capital and the 2nd largest
authorized capital.

ENDURING GRATITUDE: ARMENIAN DIASPORA MOBILIZES ON BEHALF OF LAND THAT TOOK IN FOREBEARS
By Christopher Atamian
The Daily Star – Lebanon
Nov 10 2006
Armenians the world over owe a special debt to Lebanon and the Lebanese
people. From 1915 to 1923, starved Armenian refugees – victims of a
genocide at the hands of Ottoman Turks – came straggling across the
desert into what is now Syria and Lebanon. Whether out of compassion –
so say idealists – or demographic politics – so say cynics – Armenians
were welcomed with open arms.
Statistics are hard to come by, but by most measures some 50,000
Armenians started their lives again in the land of the Cedars –
principally in the Karantina camp (they later moved on to Bourj
Hammoud) and in the village of Anjar.
With time, as most Lebanese will tell you, Armenians became successful
in all areas of life in Lebanon and numbered as many as 250,000 to
350,000. At the height of their presence, the Armenians operated 40
schools and opened the only Armenian university in the diaspora –
Haigazian University.
Many Armenians left Lebanon during the Civil War and the diaspora
spread elsewhere. But many remained. As many as 150,000 to 200,000
still call Lebanon home.
It is no surprise, then, that Armenians from all over the diaspora
have responded to the war in Lebanon this past summer with the same
compassion once extended to them. In France, an Armenian Web site –
– reported from Lebanon throughout the 34-day
Israeli offensive.
The exposure meant a lot to people stranded in Beirut or Broummana or,
for that matter, Southern cities such as Tyre.
“The support of Yevrobatsi meant that we felt that someone out there
understood what was happening to us during the Israeli bombings
and that we were not alone,” says Nada Haddad, who served as a
correspondent for the site from Beirut.
In New York and Washington, curator and Aleppo-born cultural critic
Neery Melkonian, who spent her adolescence in Beirut, led protests by
a group of repatriated Armenian-Lebanese demonstrating against the
war. The collective Melkonian formed – Armenians in Solidarity with
Lebanon – issued a mission statement of sorts, outlining its support
for Lebanon.
“We deplore the Bush administration’s approval of Israel’s excessive
military response to a political conflict,” the statement read. “We
believe that all countries in the region have the right to exist
in peace and security. All sides to the conflict must recognize
this reality.”
Finan cial support for Lebanon has also begun to arrive from
organizations in the Armenian diaspora, ranging from small individual
donations to million-dollar cash infusions. The Armenian Network
recently donated several thousand dollars through the charity organ
of the Armenian Diocese, the Fund for Armenian Relief (FAR).
Most recently, Harut Sassounian, president of the United Armenia Fund
(UAF), boarded a plane to Beirut on November 2. The purpose of his
trip was to lend assistance to 28 Armenian schools currently operating
in Lebanon.
The UAF is a collective effort of several Armenian-American
associations, including the Armenian Assembly of America, the Armenian
General Benevolent Union (AGBU), the Armenian Missionary Association
of America, the Armenian Relief Society, the Eastern Diocese of the
Armenian Church of America, the Prelacy of the Armenian Apostolic
Church of America and the Lincy Foundation (the latter being the
charity arm of multi-billionaire Kirk Kerkorian’s operations).
All in all, the UAF will donate a total of $4.7 million to Lebanon’s
Armenian schools.
The support coming from the Armenian diaspora is also more than
immediate and urgent. Mid- to long-term assistance is in the works
as well. On November 22, three youth organizations – the Armenian
Students Association, the AGBU Young Professionals and the Armenian
Network – are teaming up with the Hye Q’s, the Armenian Gay and
Lesbian Association of New York, at a downtown nightclub called Earth
to party and raise money for both Armenia and Lebanon.
As one Armenian-Lebanese aptly puts it: “Lebanon took in our
grandparents. It’s our second home. The least we can do now is give
back as much as we can to the country.”
Given their history, Armenians have tended to look out for themselves
and to donate disproportionately to Armenia and Armenian causes.
Now, perhaps wealthier and more confident than in the past, they are
returning a long-term favor to those who, in their hour of gravest
need, opened their arms to them some 90 years ago.
Christopher Atamian is a New York-based writer and journalist of
Armenian-Lebanese origin who writes on culture and politics for The
New York Times, Gourmet, New York Press and more.
tion_id=1&categ_id=2&article_id=76788

NIZHNY NOVGOROD SKINHEAD ON TRIAL FOR TWELVE ASSAULTS
Union of Councils for Jews in the Former Soviet Union, DC
Nov 8 2006
A 20 year old neo-Nazi gang leader is on trial in Nizhny Novgorod
on charges of organizing attacks against 12 Armenians earlier this
year, according to an October 31, 2006 report by the Novy Region news
service. Sergey Ikonnikov is charged with inciting ethnic hatred,
publicly calling for extremist actions, and robbery. On May 17, 2006
he allegedly led a group of around 40 youths in a series of attacks,
during which the assailants shouted extremist slogans and Mr.
Ikonnikov stole a cell phone. Most of the neo-Nazi youths were detained
shortly afterwards, but amazingly, only their leader faces criminal
charges. The rest are appearing before the court solely as witnesses.

ONWARD & UPWARD: RENZI’S AIDE BEARS NAME OF ARMENIAN WARRIOR
By Betsy Rothstein
The Hill, DC
Nov 7 2006
Among Vartan Djihanian’s favorite memories on Capitol Hill is the one
that occurred when he was serving as a congressional page at the ripe
old age of 16.
Djihanian, now 26, has recently become Rep. Rick Renzi’s (R-Ariz.)
communications director. He looks back on his time as a page with
particular fondness, despite the fact that he was performing such
menial tasks as running errands for members and delivering messages
to them on the House Floor.
His all-time favorite memory happened late one night after the House
adjourned around 2 a.m. Then-Rep. Dick Armey (R-Texas) was leaving at
the same time as the pages. Armey stayed and gave them an impromptu
tour of the old House chamber.
“It’s one of the fondest memories I have,” Djihanian said. “For him
to take time out to do that was very memorable.”
For a young aide, Djihanian has held many jobs in politics. He began
his career in 1993 when he volunteered for the campaign of former
Rep. Jim Rogan (R-Calif.), who was then a state assemblyman.
Djihanian was 13 at the time. He had met Rogan during middle school
while doing a mock trial. He was given a class assignment to visit
a courtroom; he visited Rogan, who, at the time, was a municipal
court judge.
After meeting him, he phoned and asked to volunteer on his state
assembly race.
“As a kid you’re always looking for role models,” he said. “Rogan
took time to mentor me.”
After Rogan won election, Djihanian continued to work on his state
assembly campaigns and went on during high school to work on Rogan’s
congressional campaign. In college he worked fulltime on Rogan’s 2000
campaign for Congress.
“It was long days,” he recalls.
Other political jobs he has held include serving as the district chief
of staff for state Sen. Bill Morrow (R). Between 2003 and 2005, he
was Rep. Howard “Buck” McKeon’s (R-Calif.) press secretary and before
that served as deputy press secretary for Rep. Tom Feeney (R-Fla.).
Djihanian grew up in Glendale, Calif. He graduated from the University
of California at Los Angeles with degrees in public policy and
political science. He says he enjoys handling press, but would one
day like to run for office himself.
And he would make an interesting candidate in name alone. Djihanian
was named for his grandfather. The name, Vartan, comes from St.
Vartan the Warrior, a military and spiritual leader of Armenia,
and so it comes with great weight and responsibility.
Djihanian says he feels fortunate that St. Vartan the Warrior is a
positive figure in history and could be a boon for a prospective run
for Congress, joking that the same would not be true if the warrior
had been “Vartan the Horrible.”
/TheHill/Features/CapitalLiving/110706_onward.html
From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

PRESIDENT LEFT FOR UNITED STATES
Azat Artsakh, Republic of Nagorno Karabakh
Nov 9 2006
The press secretary of the NKR president informed that on November 4
NKR President Ghukassian left for the United States to participate in
the preparations for the annual telethon to be held in Los Angeles on
November 23. The president of Nagorno-Karabakh Republic is going to
meet with businessmen, political figures, the civil society and the
representatives of the church of the Armenian communities of the East
and West Coast. The press secretary of the NKR president informed that
on November 3 President Ghukassian addressed the National Assembly
with a proposal on amnesty on the occasion of the 15th anniversary
of the independence of Nagorno-Karabakh Republic and the referendum
on the Constitution of Nagorno-Karabakh Republic.
From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

DAYS OF ARTSAKH CULTURE IN ARMENIA
Azat Artsakh, Republic of Nagorno Karabakh
Nov 9 2006
On November 13 the days of Artsakh culture in Armenia will start at
Sundukyan Theater in Yerevan. The cultural days will last for a week
and will include the cities of Abovyan, Artashat, Echmiadzin. The
orchestra, the choir, the folk band of Artsakh will perform, the
artists will display their works.