Verelq: Transformation of the real estate registration institute was discussed with Pashinyan

A consultation was held in the Government under the leadership of Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, during which the steps towards the transformation of the Real Estate Registration Institute were discussed.


The head of the cadastre committee, Suren Tovmasyan, noted that large-scale works were carried out by the committee in the direction of the transformation of the institute of real estate registration, registration of rights and restrictions. Accordingly, reports were made on the existing legislative regulations for the protection and guarantee of rights, the risks of the existing procedures for the transfer of ownership rights based on the alienation of registered property.


Reference was made to the current procedure for registration of unregistered property. The experience of different states regarding the regulation of the sector was also presented. Suren Tovmasyan emphasized that the goal of the reforms is to simplify the administration and strengthen the protection of property rights. In this context, recommendations were presented for the implementation of the above goals.


Prime Minister Pashinyan emphasized the programs aimed at the transformation of the sector, emphasized that the most effective approach to institutional reforms is to start them with small steps. In this context, the Head of the Government gave appropriate instructions to those responsible.

Asbarez: Groundbreaking Work on Western Armenian Historical Evolution and Hist

“Prolegomenon to the Millennial History of the Western Armenian World – From ‘Kingdoms’ to an Awakening ‒ Politics and Culture ‒ The First Phase Tenth to Fifteenth Centuries” by Prof. Seta B. Dadoyan is the third in the Book Series of the Western Prelacy entitled “Fundamentals and Phases in the Making of the Western Armenian World” (by the same author).

In her Conclusion to the book, Dadoyan explains the purpose of the Series: “There can be no foresight without hindsight, there is always a need to understand the past, to know where/what one comes from, to think about where/what one is going, or must go to. This is the purpose of the Western Prelacy Book Series.”

In addition to being a critical study of the Armenian historical evolution in the Near Eastern World and appropriate historiography, the book is a summa. It is an ultimate theoretical summation of various hypotheses and theories in the first two volumes of the Series, also her entire scholarship.

The first in its kind, and as per the title, the Prolegomenon is not just an ‘introduction’, but a critical-discursive preamble to writing the history of the Western Armenian World. It traces the extraordinary metamorphosis and the persistence of the Armenians with their political and religious institutions west and south of the mainland after the middle of the tenth and through the next, following the fall of all dynastic powers and the massive move of the people. As such, and as per the title, the book is a Prolegomenon to the unwritten millennial history of the Western Armenian World, that still awaits comprehensive analysis

The study stops at the end of the Early or Proto-Awakening in the fifteenth century precisely because of the circumstances of the Western Armenian World, as she demonstrates. The next phases in the Western Armenian World during the Ottoman and soon the Safavid periods are different themes for other studies.

Methodologically and in objectives, Dadoyan’s study is an argument in favor of her historiographic model of ‘Western-and-Eastern Armenian Worlds’, as opposed to and in refutation of the traditional ‘Center-and-Periphery’, ‘Hayrenik‘-and-Sp‘iwṛk‘’ paradigms. First introduced by the philosopher of science, Thomas Kuhn in The Structure of Scientific Revolutions, a paradigm (from Greek and Latin) is a universally recognized framework of theories, beliefs, values, and techniques that guides a scientific or another community. It dictates which questions are valid to ask, and establishes the accepted methods for finding answers to them.

Covering broad and unchartered areas in Near Eastern and Armenian interactive histories, Dadoyan’s entire intellectual career and publications of the past decades (in sixteen books and over a hundred articles) stand as arguments against most mainstream, often semi-epic Armenocentric paradigms, also the practices of so-called ‘contemporary’, ‘objective’ Armenian historical thinking/writing.

In her view, if all things Armenian were looked upon and analyzed as per the lived experiences of the Armenians ‒ of all classes, backgrounds and faiths ‒ both on the native land and their much larger Habitat west and south of it, there would be a totally different and definitely brighter and more intriguing Armenian history.

In favor of critical, dialectical, and interdisciplinary historiographic perspectives and methodology, the Prolegomenon, her sixteenth book, is in turn a critical study of hitherto unperceived and undetected aspects and paradigm cases that radically alter assumed images and accounts of the historical evolution of the Armenians in the vast Near Eastern region. Dadoyan observes that by the tenth century the broad region was predominantly Muslim.

Previously, after the seventh century and gradually, most Armenians in their homeland and habitats, were under Muslim rule, except for Cilicia (from 1080s to 1375) and much later the First Republic (1918). However, she points out, the subject of fourteen centuries of Islamic-Armenian interactions, and Armenian political, cultural and social experiences and interaction in the Islamic World has never been approached as a unique area. Dadoyan therefore seems to have almost singlehandedly turned it into a discipline, writing six volumes and dozens of studies in this area in the past three and a half decades (since 1991).

As Dadoyan argues and demonstrates in the Prolegomenon, the Western Armenian World, much larger, complex and dynamic in all respects than the Eastern one, is directly related to, and simultaneously an organic part of the Near Eastern region and its peoples. The temporal and thematic gateway to this vast and mostly unexplored subject is the development of Armenian Cilicia, the longest lasting body politic, and the first episode of this world in the eleventh century. Through Cilicia the Western Armwenian World developed through and because of the patterns of its evolution between the Christian West (Chalcedonian Byzantium and Latin Crusaders) and Islamic Empires and factions.

As always, the Armenians were between two powerful poleis (states) in a complicated yet rich mesopolitan condition (meaning ‘between states’, միջնաշխարհեան, a new term by Dadoyan). In the midst and under the pressure of major and minor regional powers, the Western Armenian World grew and shaped its unique path, so did the Eastern Armenian World, but differently.

The circumstances and the responses of the people in the Western Armenian World could not be similar to the East, they were very different, hence the legitimacy, as Dadoyan points out, also the urgency to shift paradigms and initiate new research into the formation and the millennial path of the people and their institutions in this world.

This is the purpose of the Prolegomenon.

The universally granted model of center-periphery, hayrenik‘- sp‘iwṛk‘, according to Dadoyan, is not a ‘natural’ paradigm. There are no ‘natural’ and obvious beliefs, she says, and serious historiography is precisely the critical study of historical narratives, writing and accounts, both in texts and public opinion.

One of the many ‘natural’ beliefs in Armenian historical thinking/writing is depicting all things Armenian and from the beginning as a single stormy yet continuous process, the protagonist of which is the ‘Armenian nation’ azg, which is understood as a single subject with a clear and permanent essence/identity (ink‘nut‘iwn). The stage of the national narrative is the central Homeland (Hayrenik‘), that has an ambiguous, peripheral and dispersed part. Eventually, in the Soviet era and the Cold War, it was labeled as the Diaspora or Sp‘iwṛk‘. This vast entity was and is still considered the external, complementary part, or the artasahman of the hayrenik‘.

This is what Dadoyan calls the ‘center-periphery’ historiographic paradigm that dominates histories from early medieval times through medieval Armenicentric perspectives. In the Awakening the medieval versions that had almost eroded, but were revitalized by the initiative of a native of Bolis, Mkhit‘arist Mik‘ayel Ch‘amch‘iants‘ (in 1780s) to write a ‘modern’ ‘universal’ Armenian history but in the style, language and perspectives of the medieval authors.

In the Soviet Republic of Armenia that lasted seven decades (1921-1991), the hayrenik-sp‘iwṛk‘ model was heavily and intentionally politicized and became a paradigm on all levels, despite the absence of historiographic grounds. The reason was the failure to perceive Armenian historical evolution as a totality and in its regional aspects.

Dadoyan observes that the focus on the ‘center-periphery’ model in fact ends up assuming a monolithic central and authentic part, and secondary, peripheral Habitat, or the so-called Sp‘iwṛk‘. Thus, most of the Armenians in this part and centuries of historical experiences and extraordinary persistence recede into an ontological also historical twilight. They are robbed of relevance, permanence and priority. In the broad spectrum of ‘national’ narrative/s, the Habitat falls into a peripheral status and significance.

Geographically, also periodically classified and referred to, this part is still regarded a random and constantly changing accumulation of communities or hamaynk‘s, gaghut‘s, ‘outside the borders’ of the homeland or hayrenik‘, the depository of all things Armenian. By consequence, Western Armenians inevitably become non-natives, but out-of-borders aliens, artasahmantsts‘i.

One of the main themes of the Prolegomenon is the political status and role of the Armenian Church and its men in the Western Armenian World (following the fall of the consecutive Artsruni, Bagratuni, Siwni Dynastic territories and houses, and the exile of Catholicoate from Bagratid capital Ani in 1045). The only continuing institution everywhere, the Armenian Church was inevitably an integral part of the political history of the people. Yet its political history, also the political careers of its men, have never been studied as a separate and vital theme.

The reason, observes Dadoyan, in typical medieval fashion, and contrary to the record of the political careers of clergy on the ground, the Church was depicted as a ‘purely’ spiritual institution. It was intentionally and despite facts on the ground, defined as a non-political entity. Instead, the mythical-spiritual image of ‘Ghewond erets’ of Vardanants‘ was forced everywhere, (even to this day in the church-schools of USA…). The few histories of the Church are partial contributions but belong to a different discipline.

The first two books of the Series are devoted to the political aspect of the careers of Nerses IV Shnorhali and Yovhan III Ōdznets‘i, depicting both as “saints” and “diplomats.”

Nersēs IV Shnorhali – Saint and Diplomat and the Persistence of the People and the Church in the Western Armenian World/Nersēs D. Blessed Saint and Ambassador and the Survival of the People and the Church in the Western Armenian World. (2025).

Yovhan III Ōdznets’i Saint, Jurist and Great Master of Armenian Mesopolitan Culture and Diplomacy/ Yovhan G. Odznets (ruled 717-728) the Saint, Ruler and Great Master of Armenian Medieval Culture and Diplomacy. (2025)

To understand the millennial path of the Church in the Western Armenian World – also the Eastern Armenian World – Dadoyan makes another paradigm shift from an assumed ‘Armenian Ideology’ to ‘Armenian realpolitik’. Given their complicated mesopolitan circumstances, the Armenians in the Western Armenian World ‒ and the Cilicians in particular, including the clergy ‒ could not be insulated from their environment, nor have the luxury of maintaining a so-called strictly ‘national ideology’. As active and integral parts of the region, they were under pressure from all sides, says Dadoyan.

Dadoyan discusses the relevance of her theory of ‘Armenian realpolitik’ in the study of the Western Armenian World, in particular. She points out that it is probably one of the most appropriate and relevant paradigms to understand and explain most events and episodes of the Western Armenian World. For traditional, also contemporary so-called ‘objective’ historians, in turn this is a controversial concept because it cancels puristic and simplistic narratives about ‘Armenian ideology’ and assumed fixed patterns of Armenian political-cultural behavior.

Dadoyan says that the blunt pragmatism of many Armenian figures and factions, also institutions, including the Church, defies abstract and fossilized models of an ‘authentically’ Armenian identity and ideology. Instead, she suggests that interaction, mobility and migration are keys to explain change and evolution in the millennial Western Armenian World.

The Western Armenian World came about and persisted in a most coveted and tumultuous spot of the medieval Asia Minor by the realpolitik of its leaders and people. Previously too and everywhere, the Armenians made alliances with and/or fought against all the powers and factions in the region, adopting and/or rejecting whatever was most beneficial for them, or the contrary at that time.

In the Western Armenian World in particular, rarely did ideology gain priority over interest in survival, land and power, but on the other hand, and despite the odds, no native tradition and value was betrayed. They were maintained by a sheer will to persist. The immediate instance is the doctrinal status of the Armenian Apostolic Church to this day.

Unfortunately, writes Dadoyan, through the catastrophic events of the late nineteenth century and the first decades of the next, the basic concepts of the early narratives of martyrdom and death/resurrection became even more dramatic models. Following the Genocide and mass deportations, as intellectuals and artists converted the massive catastrophe into dramatic/lyrical constructs and forms, the national cycle of narratives became the ‘money’ for posterity and legitimacy.

In the past century the Republic sees itself as the locus/nucleus/center of the national narrative and the primary depository of the spiritual, intellectual and material investment in the ‘Armenian Metapolis.’ The hayrenik‘-spiwṛk‘ model in all its translations and manifestations is stronger than ever. The makers/actors of the new/old narrative based on the Homeland-Diaspora motif come from all strata, institutions and segments of the Armenian communities. There are politicians, intellectuals, poets, artists, singers, filmmakers, actors, entertainers, clergy, teachers, businessmen, travel agents, and many more. Inevitably, intellectuals are part of the same stage.

On the first page of the Foreword of the first book of the Series on Shnorhali, Dadoyan writes: “… just as knowledge is a significant factor, so is ignorance a major factor… People often make wrong judgments out of ignorance. Right action starts at self-knowledge, or sound knowledge of one’s history, both on individual and collective levels. This volume … is an attempt to provide self-knowledge of a different scope and methodology. The objective is to make so-called ‘academic’ material not only accessible but existentially meaningful and applicable.”

Summary of the Contents and the Arguments in the Four Parts of the Prolegomenon

Part One. The Beginnings in the Tenth Century and Turning Points

Dadoyan briefly traces the formative period in the tenth century and the next. It covers the situation and the events in the very broad area from the mainland to Cappadocia, and the Black Sea to the Mediterranean by the eleventh century. The regional and Armenian circumstances became the stage of the radical and permanent development of the Western Armenian World alongside the Eastern. Her primary argument in the Preface and Part One is: If Armenian history is the entire history of all the Armenians wherever they have been and are, it must cover and explain all episodes everywhere and at all times.

This has not been the case. Indeed, she discovered presented many documented paradigm cases in Arab primary sources that were hitherto unnoticed, yet they radically alter the traditional accounts of things Armenian. Dadoyan argues that there are too many discrepancies, black holes and basic historiographic errors. As a first step, she therefore suggests replacing the traditional model of center-and-periphery, by the model of Western and Eastern Armenian Worlds and start at paradigm cases that stand as counterpoints.

Part Two. The Dynastic Triangle or the Second Age of Kingdoms ‒ Twelfth to Fourteenth Centuries

In this part Dadoyan introduces what she calls her major theory of the Armenian Intermezzo. This is a novel perspective on Armenian mesopolitan history. The Intermezzo is the interval of two centuries between the gradual loss of sovereignty, or the Kingdoms and the rise of a “Dynastic Triangle”, or a ”Second Age of Kingdoms” ‒ another novel theory ‒ in Cilicia, Erznka, and Georgian Armenian Zakarian Ani. The theory of Armenian Intermezzo in her research, concerns a very specific and separate phase in both Near Eastern and Armenian histories, when the Western Armenian World began developing.

During this phase, having lost sovereignty, but not their political interests and needs, the Armenians were major players on the regional level, between the Byzantine-Christian, also Crusader-Latin worlds, on the one hand, and the Islamic Worlds, on the other. Armenian Cilicia is precisely a product and part of this phase and Armenian realpolitik. It is not a “divine gift”, as believed, to replace the Bagratid kingdom the Greeks took from them, nor another national epic episode.

The other important and totally novel argument in Part Two is Cilicia and the Dynastic Triangle or the Second Age of Kingdoms, Twelfth to Fourteenth Centuries. It is the appearance of an Armenian Dynastic Triangle or what she calls the ‘Second Age of Kingdoms’; Cilicia was on the Mediterranean, Erznka on the Western Euphrates in its north, and Zakarian Ani in their east.

While previously the Bagratunis, Artsrunus and the Siwnis, also some lesser Houses, made the First Age of Kingdoms, this was a Second Age of Kingdoms, the western parts of which are totally western. A greater part of this longest Part focuses on the political history of Cilicia, the first body politic in the Western Armenian World, from 1080s, to its fall to the Mamlūks in 1375.

Part Three. Problematics of Sovereignty, Orthodoxy and Identity ‒ The State and the Church in Cilicia focuses on the complexities of the institutional aspects of the struggles for persistence in the Western Armenian World.

Exiled from Ani in 1045, after over a century, in 1150, the Catholicosate finally settled at Hṛomklay, on Muslim land, just east of Cilicia.

Dadoyan points out that for three centuries, to the fall of the Kingdom in 1375, under extreme pressures from all sides, sovereignty and orthodoxy had to be maintained and preserved by political and religious institutions. A total of twenty-two catholicoi resided during the terms of twenty-two Cilician rulers, nine of whom were Princes, and thirteen Kings (Prince Lewon II becoming King Lewon I). Important episodes, such as Church Councils, attempts to modify doctrines as per the demands of the Catholic Church, significant figures, and popular responses are briefly discussed. Dadoyan analyzes the problematics involved in maintaining and preserving political sovereignty and doctrinal integrity at the same time.

The political and religious institutions during the Kingdom (1199-1375), and the Church in particular. This institution faced some of its most difficult challenges. Important episodes, such as the Church Councils for union with the Catholic Church, pressures, compromises and large-scale popular revolts are briefly reviewed. The doctrinal integrity of the Church was a political issue and in Cilicia the common people stood up against both their monarchs and catholicoi. Part Three also has a section on Dadoyan’s different and novel perspective on the ‘1441 Movement’ and its aftermath.

Part Four. A Mesopolitan Culture in the Western Armenian World from the Middle Ages to the Early Awakening ‒The Path to an Awakening.

Dadoyan dedicates this part to the evolution and peculiarities of the mesopolitan culture and intellectual legacy of the Silver Age in Cilicia and the Western Armenian World. Major figures, from Narekats‘i and Magistros – forerunners of the Silver Age – and the twelfth century pillars of the Age, from Grigor II, to Shnorhali and Nersēs Lambronats‘i are presented, always supported by citations. There are specific discussions about the poetry and theology of Narekats‘i, and secularization of learning by Grigor Magistros.

The unique phenomenon of the cosmopolitan City State of Erznka/Erznijān and its major figure Yovhannēs are part of this chapter too. The discussions deal with the legacies of circumstances and figures that generated the basic aspects of not only the Silver Age of Armenian culture but the early Awakening in the Western Armenian World. Dadoyan also focuses on the unique aspects of the Western Armenian intellectual, social and aesthetic cultures that practically marked an early, proto-Awakening.

Asbarez: FAST and AMAA Launch Second Annual AI Careers Camp in Hankavan


PARAMUS, NJ — More than 460 high school students from Armenia and the Diaspora have gathered in Hankavan for the second annual AI Careers Camp, a first-of-its-kind initiative designed to help young people explore the rapidly evolving world of artificial intelligence and future careers.

Organized by the Foundation for Armenian Science and Technology in partnership with the Armenian Missionary Association of America, the camp brings together participants ages 14 to 17 for an immersive summer experience that combines career exploration, speed networking with AI professionals and traditional camp activities.

The initiative builds on FAST’s Generation AI High School Project, which integrates advanced AI education into Armenia’s public school system and extends learning opportunities beyond the classroom. It offers students an opportunity to discover AI-related professions, explore real-world applications of AI across industries, identify their strengths and develop personalized pathways for academic and professional growth.

“Helping young people envision and prepare for their future is essential,” said Suzanna Shamakhyan, executive director of FAST.

“The camp has a strong career-guidance focus. It takes participants on a journey from self-discovery and skills development to speed-dating sessions with AI professionals. We want participants to discover their strengths and explore new career pathways opening up with the advancement of AI.”

As co-organizers, FAST leads the camp’s educational content, while AMAA ensures a vibrant daily program filled with games, competitions, and recreational activities.
“Education does not begin and end in the classroom,” said Aren Deyirmenjian, AMAA Representative in Armenia.

“At Hankavan, we strive to create an environment where young people can discover their talents, build skills that will serve them throughout their lives, and develop new aspirations for the future. Our partnership with FAST enriches that mission with knowledge in the field of AI.”

New this year is a three-day Entrepreneurial AI Camp, delivered in collaboration with Berlin-based IMPACT Week, an organization that has provided training for global companies including Lufthansa and Mercedes Benz. The program introduces students to design thinking, equipping them with skillset to transform ideas into real-world solutions.

This year’s camp also welcomes IDBank as its Financial Literacy Partner, delivering interactive workshops that equip participants with financial knowledge and skills for the future. Complementing these efforts, Nairi Insurance has provided accident insurance coverage for all attendees, supporting student safety and well-being.
AMAA and FAST are founding members of the 405 Educational Alliance, a collaborative network of Armenia’s leading educational organizations.

The Armenian Missionary Association of America, founded in 1918 in Massachusetts, USA, has been active in Armenia for over three decades, implementing educational, social, healthcare, economic, and spiritual-cultural programs through more than 400 staff across the country.

Its educational mission focuses on a new school model, piloted at the Khoren and Shooshanig Avedisian School, integrating a day center and planned expansion with a school-based health center and community services, with further cluster schools envisioned in other regions.

A key non-formal education initiative is Camp Hankavan, offering year-round programs and facilities such as accommodation, conference halls, sports areas, pavilions and an amphitheater, while generating support for school construction in Vardenis and house building for Artsakh Armenians in Tavush.

The Foundation for Armenian Science and Technology was founded in 2017 with the aim of creating a favorable ecosystem to promote technological innovation and scientific advancement in Armenia. FAST develops and pilots programs with the potential for a long-term, sustainable impact on Armenia’s science, technology, and innovation ecosystem. Over its nine years of operation, the foundation has implemented 31 programs and impacted more than 27,000 direct and indirect beneficiaries.

Founded in 1918, in Worcester, MA, and incorporated as a non-profit charitable organization in 1920 in the State of New York as a 501(c)3 tax-exempt organization. the Armenian Missionary Association of America serves the spiritual, educational, and social needs of Armenian communities in 22 countries around the world including Armenia. Visit the website for additional information.

168: Is the return of Iran a global game? How will the US-Iran deal be affected?

June: 16, 2026

US President Donald Trump has announced that Washington and Tehran have reached a framework agreement that will stop hostilities in the Middle East, reopen the Strait of Hormuz and lift the US blockade of Iranian ports.

“The agreement with the Islamic Republic of Iran is ready,” Trump wrote on his social network page, continuing in the next post that “this magnificent agreement will bring peace and security to the entire region.” Iran’s Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs Kazem Gharibabdi confirmed the information about the agreement early in the morning, detailing that “an immediate and permanent cease-fire is declared on all fronts of the war, including Lebanon.” Iran’s Mehr agency has published the draft memorandum of understanding between Iran and the US, which consists of 14 points and refers to regional security, economic cooperation and the regulation of bilateral relations.

According to the document, the parties plan to immediately and permanently stop hostilities on all fronts, including in Lebanon. At the same time, the US undertakes not to interfere in Iran’s internal affairs and to respect the sovereignty of the Islamic Republic. The memorandum envisages the complete lifting of the naval blockade against Iran within 30 days, as well as the withdrawal of American troops from the regions close to Iran’s borders. The document also provides for the reopening of the Strait of Hormuz and the suspension of restrictions on the sale of Iranian oil. According to the draft, the US and its allies must present a program for the reconstruction of Iran’s infrastructure, in the amount of 300 billion dollars. In addition, a 60-day negotiation process is planned in order to reach a final agreement.

Iran, for its part, undertakes not to produce nuclear weapons. At the same time, the USA should not impose new sanctions during the negotiations and should not expand its military presence in the region. The document also states that Iran’s frozen assets of 24 billion dollars should be unblocked, a mechanism for monitoring the implementation of the agreement should be created, and the final agreement should be approved by the appropriate resolution of the UN Security Council. It said final talks would not begin until a number of preconditions were met, including the unblocking of at least half of Iran’s frozen assets, the suspension of oil sanctions and the lifting of the maritime blockade.

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A high-ranking US official has denied the claims of the Iranian side that Tehran will receive billions of dollars in frozen funds before the start of negotiations on the final agreement, calling the formulation a “distortion of reality”. Speaking to Axios, the official denied reports that Iran would get unconditional access to $12 billion in blocked assets before the 60-day negotiation phase begins.

“This is completely untrue,” the official said.

“This is a pay-for-performance deal, and no frozen funds will be unfrozen until the Iranians fulfill their commitments.”

Iranian officials, for their part, have said that final negotiations will begin only after key commitments are met, including the release of some frozen assets and the lifting of the naval blockade.

The document has not been officially published, but the leaks show that both conflicting parties present the same draft document in accordance with their own political interests and audience. The actual text of the document (14 points) probably exists, but Iran emphasizes what the US is “obliged to do”, and the US emphasizes that Iran will receive all of this “only after fulfilling its demands”. However, international leaders are already welcoming the achievement of a framework agreement between the United States and Iran. London, Paris, Berlin and Rome expressed their willingness to ease some sanctions against Tehran in a joint statement.

Other countries and centers also made statements. Against this background, however, Israel declares that Israel will not withdraw from southern Lebanon. Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz noted. “Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and I have a clear policy that the Israel Defense Forces will remain in the security zones of Lebanon, Syria and Gaza indefinitely to protect the borders and Israeli communities from jihadist elements.”

The framework agreement to be signed between Washington and Tehran, despite the different interpretations at the moment, claims to change the logic of global politics. According to Donald Trump, this “great historical deal” not only lays the foundation for the new security architecture of the Middle East, but can directly affect the neighboring regions, particularly the South Caucasus. The quick reaction of major Western capitals – London, Paris, Berlin and Rome – and the willingness to ease sanctions show that the European superpowers have huge economic needs. The return of Iranian oil to the world market and the planned unblocking of transportation routes can significantly reduce the prices of energy carriers, giving a big boost to the world economy. However, according to experts, the weakest link of this agreement remains Israel’s tough position.

Israel’s Defense Minister Israel Katz’s statement that their troops will not leave southern Lebanon, Gaza, and Syria indicates that the Washington-Tehran agreement is still not strong, and a complete regional consensus has not been achieved. Israel views the diplomatic game between Washington and Tehran as an existential threat to its security, which means that even if the document is signed in Geneva on June 19, the risk of renewed military clashes will remain extremely high. The possible recovery of US-Iran relations and the gradual lifting of sanctions also radically change the geo-economic map of the South Caucasus.

Coming out of isolation, Iran, with its huge economic potential, will naturally look for stable and safe transit routes to Europe through Armenia. In this context, Iran may also be interested in the TRIPP project.

All of this is directly related to Armenia, because the de-encirclement agenda around Armenia is in the stage of active discussions and agreements, and at this very stage, the stabilization of the situation around Tehran significantly increases the latter’s weight in the South Caucasus as well.

The implementation of the US-Iran framework agreement will be a cornerstone for strengthening Tehran’s position, returning it from international isolation to influential global political and economic platforms, which will be especially visible due to the suspension of oil sanctions in the energy market and the legal legitimization of regional hubs.

This global geopolitical transformation will be directly projected on the South Caucasus, where Tehran, freed from Western pressure, will pursue a much more decisive policy, preventing the establishment of absolute hegemony of the Turkish-Azerbaijani tandem in the region. For Armenia, the possible rise of Iran can create various opportunities. It is able, most importantly, to balance the influence of Turkey and Azerbaijan in the region, which will allow Yerevan to conduct a more independent foreign policy. At the same time, this is not only an economic opportunity for Armenia, but also a geopolitical challenge, as Azerbaijan, Turkey and Israel will try to advance their own agendas with even greater intensity against this background. Armenia’s success in this possible configuration around Iran will depend on the extent to which Yerevan will be able to use Iran’s emerging potential.

Today, the critical minerals of Armenia are in the center of attention of the USA

June: 16, 2026

Doctor of Political Sciences, Professor Vahe Davtyan writes: “If today the critical minerals of Armenia are in the center of attention of the USA, then tomorrow the shale reserves, which many have already managed to forget, may return to the agenda.

Meanwhile, American interest in Armenia’s shale resources has a long history.
Back in 1995, within the framework of the “Energy” target program, the RA government decided to carry out geological-research works in order to evaluate and exploit the industrial potential of combustible shale, oil, gas and coal reserves discovered during the Soviet years. However, due to the financial and economic crisis of the 1990s, the initiative remained incomplete.
In 2011, the Ministry of Energy and Natural Resources of the Republic of Armenia and International Minerals registered in the Isle of Man
The agreement provided for a joint assessment and technical study of energy resources, including potential shale gas reserves.
However, the American side’s geological research in Armenia started long before the signing of the said memorandum.
According to the studies of the US Geological Survey, there are about 44 million tons of combustible shale reserves in the Aramus region. American specialists came to this conclusion as a result of research conducted in 1994.
In the 2005 report, the American side had already presented higher estimates, indicating the presence of shale reserves of 17-18 million tons in Ijevan, Shamut and Germanis, and around 128 million tons in the Dilijan region.
Today, in the conditions of increasing geo-economic activity carried out by the US in Armenia, a gradual expansion of American interest in the entire complex of strategic resources of Armenia, from critical minerals to shale resources, is possible.
All this is getting a new character of resource colonization. TRIPP is one of the pillars of that strategy.”

For small and not rich countries, the main question should be: how did you get it?

June: 16, 2026

Artak Zakaryan writes on his Facebook page. “The English King’s College London has published research, according to which it is no longer justified for countries with limited budgets to copy the armies of great powers on a smaller scale.

From the conclusions of the research, it follows that the scaled-down models of large armies are considered more expensive, while at the same time, from the point of view of the combat effectiveness of the armed forces of a small country, they are less effective.

It should be noted that in the conditions of modern war, not the status of existing weapons and tactical-technical characteristics, but your own ability to make the aggression started against you long-lasting, costly and unpredictable for the enemy has become much more important.

The concept of “deterrence by denial” is based on this principle, the goal of which is not to defeat a stronger state in an open conflict, but to deprive it of the opportunity to achieve quick and cheap success. In a strategic sense, this is a defensive approach, when the state seeks not to threaten the opponent with a heavy punishment or a counterattack, but to organize its defense in such a way that the opponent ultimately cannot achieve its goals.

Ukraine, Taiwan, Finland, and Iran present various examples of the implementation of this approach.

Taiwan relies on a so-called “hedgehog strategy,” using mobile coastal missile systems, mines, drones, distributed air defense systems and infrastructure stockpiles to make a possible invasion as difficult as possible.

The Ukraine war showed that relatively inexpensive UAVs, satellites, civilian communications networks, radio-electronic warfare and flexible logistics can cause systemic damage when used effectively.

Finland and Sweden demonstrate a model where defense is built not only on armed forces, but also on a trained public, reservists, strategic reserves, vital infrastructure and stable governance.

The main conclusion is that the effective defense of medium and small states sometimes depends not on expensive and well-known systems, but on the goal and target architecture of security, defense capability and military-political management.

Unmanned aerial vehicles, mobile missile systems, distributed sensors, radio electronic warfare means, munitions stocks, backup energy supply, protected channels and decentralized command can, in specific situations, together provide no less deterrent effect than the few authoritative systems and classic models of warfare that usually become the primary targets.

This does not mean the abandonment of traditional military equipment, but requires a review of defense concepts and justifications for the acquisition of armaments.

Modern conflicts show that cheap and massive means, if properly integrated, can significantly change the balance of power.

For small and non-rich countries, the main question should be not how to create a smaller version of the armed forces of big and rich powers, but how to turn your limited resources into the most expensive retribution tool for the aggressor.

That is why the defense concept of “deterrence by excluding the opportunity” is not just a theoretical idea today, but a practical strategy for states that cannot afford to participate in a symmetrical arms race.

“The situation is a wall for Trump if he managed to break Ne by June 19

June: 16, 2026

On June 14, officials of the United States, Iran, and Pakistan acting as a mediator confirmed the achievement of an agreement between Washington and Tehran. It is planned to be signed in Geneva on June 19. As noted in Tehran, in the 60-day period after the signing of the memorandum, the parties will discuss, among other issues, Tehran’s nuclear program, and from June 15, the end of the naval blockade of Iran by the US is announced, as well as the immediate and permanent cessation of military operations on all fronts, including Lebanon.

After that, Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi announced, that the new round of negotiations between the USA and Iran regarding the lifting of sanctions and the settlement of the conflict over the Iranian nuclear program will begin on Friday, after the signing of the memorandum of understanding in Geneva.

Associate Professor of YSU International Relations and Diplomacy Chair, international scholar Grigor Balasanyan speaking about the Iran-USA negotiations and the planned signing of the agreement, he mentioned that the agreement may not be signed on June 19.

“Yesterday, Israel again violated the clause of the declaration, which was signed between Iran and the USA, and hit Lebanon, although it was stated that Israel should withdraw the troops, but the latter declared that the troops will remain. In other words, at this moment the situation is already a wall for Trump, if he was able to break Netanyahu’s resistance by June 19, then it will be signed, if not, it will not be signed.” 168.amGrigor Balasanyan said in a conversation with

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Regarding the impact of these processes on the South Caucasus, Grigor Balasanyan said, Iran shows that if the state, the people are fighting for their independence, territorial integrity, sovereignty, then it is not important who is in front of them, what is important is that they stand by that state and support it, if the struggle is fair.

“Iran showed a classic example of all this, that it is possible to fight even against a nuclear superpower and the number one power, such as the United States. Iran showed that if the Middle East should not have Iran, then who needs such a Middle East, and began to turn to ashes all the allies that the United States had in the Persian Gulf. This should also be a clear signal for the states of the South Caucasus, if Iran attacks Oman, which has friendly ties with it, then the states of the South Caucasus cannot avoid Iran’s anger, so to speak, if God forbid, decisions will be made against it,” added our interlocutor.

As for TRIPP, the international expert noted that it is exclusively an economic project, and the trilateral agreement between the United States of Armenia and Azerbaijan is essentially an agreement between Armenia and the United States on the territory of Armenia, and Azerbaijan has no obligations.

“In that agreement it was clearly stated that the parties do not have any legal obligations towards each other, this is a direct transaction between three states, but for some reason, only one state is obligated. It is not understood how Azerbaijan will participate in TRIPP, for example, which part of the road will Azerbaijan cross and where will it exit after Goris.

I am far from thinking that God forbid, if any military action takes place, then Trump or TRIP can stop those actions. The United States could not even protect the construction of one copper smelter in Yeraskh from the Azerbaijani shootings. This means that Trump has no intention to delve into any problem and create an additional problem for himself in the South Caucasus. The Middle East is enough for Trump, where it is still not clear how it will be,” stressed Grigor Balasanyan.

He also reminded that during the 44-day war in Artsakh in 2020, Trump was the US president and did not stop the war, he only announced that he knows Armenians and that they are good people. Therefore, to hope that the leader of a superpower can stop a possible war in the South Caucasus is from the genre of a fairy tale. Each state must think about its own security, and the steps of that state must be thought out.

Let’s remind that the United States and Israel attacked Iran on the morning of February 28. Iran, in turn, retaliated against American military bases in the Middle East. Weeks later, at the beginning of April, the US president agreed to stop attacks against Iran for two weeks, and Tehran announced that it would start negotiations with the US in Islamabad on the 10 points proposed by it.

A decline in GDP is expected, which everyone is afraid of. economist

June: 16, 2026

Today, Finance Minister Vahe Hovhannisyan at the National Assembly ավետել է՝ In 2025, the poverty rate, unemployment decreased, and the average salary increased. He also noted that compared to 2021, consumer prices increased at a much more modest rate of 14.8%, which means that average wages in real terms increased by around 30%.

Economist Hrayr Kamendatyan does not believe these official figures.

“All of them are fake indicators, they are just fake” 168.am“Go to any commercial area, enter, make purchases, you will be convinced that these people are just cheating.” I’m just giving you an example: last year, beef cost about 4,000-4,500 drams, now it costs 7,000 drams.

Regarding salaries: all numbers are numbers formed by drawing strokes. If there is an independent audit, if Scandinavian specialists come and conduct studies for just a couple of weeks, this nakedness, the luxury of lies will be revealed at once.”

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By the way, the economist paid attention to the probability of GDP decline and did not consider the estimates of inflation trends to be objective at this time.

“The decline, which everyone is afraid of, is due to the elimination of the export of agricultural products of approximately 2-2.5 billion dollars, which was going to the Russian Federation and Belarus. And it’s fairy tales that we have already taken to Singapore, Bulgaria.

There will be 2.5 billion worth of undelivered, unexported products, the issue of a part of which, probably through canning, can be somehow closed by the factories, but still, that canned product is not expected in the European Union, nor will it be certified. These are just cheating.

And those 2.5 billion, with producers and related persons, generated a large volume of taxes. the state budget will not receive those taxes. In addition, insurance companies, banks that have given loans to large greenhouse farms, they will be in a risk zone.

Not to discuss all this and to discuss some inflation issues in the conditions of belt tightening is simply impudence,” he added.

Considering whether the tightening tax policy will not alleviate this situation? for example, recently there was a discussion about raising the excise tax rates in the government, Hrayr Kamendatyan responded that it will not only alleviate, but also deepen the problems.

“In these conditions, producers should be helped more, subsidies should be given, and credit interest rates should be given to them, but instead, these people are raising taxes.”

Minister of Finance Vahe Hovhannisyan announced the following figures at the NA session when he presented the report on the implementation of the 2025 budget: In 2025, unemployment decreased by 0.6 percentage points to 12.8%, compared to 2021, the average monthly nominal wage increased by 48.6%, wage workers by 22.4%, and the unemployment rate decreased by 2.7%.

About Hikmet Hajiyev’s NATO failures, why does he want to be punished?

June: 16, 2026

Against the background of the post-election events in Armenia, on June 14, through the demarcated and demarcated part of the land border, Hikmet Hajiyev, the assistant to the president of Azerbaijan, arrived in Armenia and discussed issues related to the peace agenda between Armenia and Azerbaijan at a meeting with the Secretary of the RA Security Council Armen Grigoryan in Dilijan.

At the end of the meeting, they agreed to continue working contacts, noting that the next meeting will take place in Azerbaijan. And the next day, June 15, in occupied Shushi, Baku noted The 5th anniversary of the signing of the Shushi Declaration.

How much Armen Grigoryan remembers about his Artsakh roots (he is from occupied Martuni), but Hikmet Hajiyev does not forget that he was born in Ganja (Gandzak), and he especially remembers this in October, when he writes about the targeting of Ganja by the RA armed forces during the 44-day war.

Moreover, in October 2024, Hajiyev from the RA authorities had demanded investigate Ganja cases and bring the culprits to justice.

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“2020 on October 17, the second deadliest ballistic missile was launched in the direction of Ganja. “The killing of the civilian population by the use of a ballistic missile by Armenia was not an accidental act, but a deliberate policy of terrorism (quotation marks: – M.P.).” And Armenia, as a member of the International Criminal Court, should investigate the Ganja (Gandzak) rocket attacks.” 2024 on October 17 on his X social network page to write was Aliyev’s assistant.

Are the representatives of the RA government honoring Hikmet Hajiyev sure that in Ganja (Gandzak) born Hikmet Hajiyev will not ask Armenia again to investigate the 44-day war “The Ganja Cases”as did 2024 in October, if we don’t take into account that Hajiyev’s demands were in some way placed on the agenda of the Baku “trial” and that is also why the former president of Artsakh, Araik Harutyunyan, was convicted, although in the testimony attributed to him in the Baku court, the arrow was corrected In the direction of Onik Gasparyan, head of the Armed Forces of the Republic of Armenia and during the 44-day holiday.

Of course, Hajiyev decided for himself the only culprit a long time ago. Almost immediately after the 44 day war he had announced. “Davit Tonoyan must answer for his crimes as a war criminal, even if he was removed from his post.”:

In particular, according to an Azerbaijani official, in 2020 for the shelling of the city of Terter on October 3-4 and not only, but alsoof Ganja cases.” 

Hajiyev is incorrect to express To the former Minister of Defense of the Republic of Armenia before the war, in July 2018.

And? 2019 in June and vzglyad.az was an article publish՝ “Tonoyan must answer for the murder of Elshan Khalilov.” We are talking about an Azerbaijani serviceman whose neutralization had preceded the murder of an Armenian soldier, Sipan Melkonyan. And the Armenian side took punitive actions, moreover, Davit Tonoyan rewarded the participants of the operation.

Aliyev’s assistant’s revenge against Davit Tonoyan and, why not, the RA armed forces, has its own history, which we will address in this article.

But before that, let’s remind that in September 2024, the assistant of the President of Azerbaijan, Hikmet Hajiyev had suggested apply restrictions to the armed forces of Armenia in the same way as “After the war between Iraq and Kuwait, certain restrictions were imposed on the development of the Iraqi armed forces.”

Let’s look at the reasons for Hajiev’s attitude towards the Minister of Defense and the RA Armed Forces. Aliyev’s assistant Hajiyev was the representative of Azerbaijan in NATO for several years from 2003. at the same time 2004-2007 in NATO, RA Armed Forces the representative was Davit Tonoyan, who in 1998-2004 served in various positions attached to the Headquarters of the Allied Command of NATO Operations.

And in the event that in 2003 The leadership of Azerbaijan, at the level of the president, made loud statements about getting closer to NATO and even thinking about membership, there were even rumors about deploying forces or objects belonging to NATO in Azerbaijan, but all these plans fail.

Furthermore, Hajiyev’s time in NATO is considered A period of crisis and failure in Azerbaijan-NATO relations, if not a step back.

2004 scheduled in Baku is cancelled Cooperative Best Effort-2004 NATO exercises. And this is only because Azerbaijan refuses to ensure the participation of Armenian officers in that military event. Representative of the headquarters of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization in Brussels to Mediamax given by phone in the interview said that the supreme commander of NATO’s armed forces in Europe, American General James Jones, decided to cancel the military exercises. “because Azerbaijan’s refusal to grant permission to Armenian officers violates “Partnership for Peace” the fundamental principle of military exercises within the framework of the program, according to which they should be open to all partner countries.”

And this is when, as on one occasion we wrote: During the presidency of Robert Kocharyan in 2003 NATO exercises in Armenia for the first time are held. We are talking about the exercise “Best Joint Effort-2003” within the framework of the “Partnership for Peace” program, in which 400 military personnel from 8 NATO members and 11 countries included in the “Partnership for Peace” program participated.

Moreover, “Mediamax” according to reports, at that time RA Defense Minister Serzh Sargsyan spoke about the intention to invite Russia.

In an interview published in the Russian “Nezavisimaya Gazeta”, he said that Russia should not be concerned about military exercises within the framework of NATO’s “Partnership for Peace” program in Armenia.

«The Russian military can directly participate in these military exercises, at least we will definitely send an appropriate invitation to the Russian military leadership.” Serzh Sargsyan said.

Moreover, as early as 2002 Serzh Sargsyan in July had said որ՝ “If the Turkish military takes part in military exercises, there will be nothing terrible about it.”

In other words, during the time of the former authorities, cooperation with NATO was quite active, and it was not done at the expense of relations with either Russia or the CSTO, or it was done so that the parties accepted the fact of this balanced policy. In other words, Armenia was considered a reliable partner for the parties, and there was no doubt about what was said. And Davit Tonoyan, the RA representative in NATO, played a role in the disruption of Hajiev’s various NATO programs, which Hajiev can’t forget to this day.

2004 on February 19, Armenian Armed Forces officer Gurgen Margaryan, participating in the NATO training program in Budapest, was axed while sleeping by Azerbaijani criminal Ramil Safarov. And this again coincides with the period of Hikmet Hajiyev as the representative of Azerbaijan in NATO. In other words, Baku is dealing another blow to NATO’s reputation.

The series of failed NATO ambitions of Baku and Hikmet Hajiyev in the above period can be continued. And at the same time, Armenia was recording success.

 2002 Armenia: has become Associate member of the NATO Parliamentary Assembly, also joined the NATO Planning and Review Process (PARP).

– We have already mentioned that 2003 in the summer Armenia hosted the NATO exercise “Joint Best Effort 2003”.

– 2004 Armenia’s 35-member peacekeeping platoon has begun its participation in the NATO-led Kosovo Force (KFOR) peacekeeping operation. Besides this, Armenia has established a permanent diplomatic mission at the NATO headquarters.

– 2005. In June, RA Foreign Minister Vardan Oskanian presented Armenia’s first Individual Partnership Action Plan (IPAP) to the North Atlantic Council, which was approved by the NATO North Atlantic Council and Armenia on December 18.

– 2006 In July, the “Rescuer 2006” NATO/GCC exercise was held in Armenia. Moreover, NATO has appointed the first NATO liaison officer in Armenia, and later has started Implementation of the Armenia-NATO Individual Partnership Action Plan. The series of successes recorded in Armenia-NATO relations can be continued, perhaps we will limit ourselves to this.

Ի դեպ, այլ առիթով we have touched on Armenia-US defense relations, and Armenia’s participation in various international military exercises.

In this context, perhaps, it is necessary to recall the 2010 «Mediamax” the interview given by Celesta Wallander, Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense of the United States, where she, in particular, emphasized:

During Secretary of State Hillary Clinton’s last visit to Armenia, she informed President Serzh Sargsyan about the intention to expand the cooperation agenda between Armenia and the USA. My visit made it possible to focus on defense cooperation itself. I discussed with President Sargsyan and Minister of Defense Ohanyan the issue of expanding our support in the training and preparation of Armenian servicemen. There are other areas where there is potential for expanding cooperation. in particular, we are talking about the expansion of RA’s opportunities to participate in international missions.

Armenia already participates in missions in Kosovo and Afghanistan, and the opportunity to contribute to international missions is always there.

Defense cooperation largely depends on organizational capabilities. planning, organizing processes, budgeting and working with staff.

During the meetings we discussed SDR (Strategic Defense Review). ԱՄՆ-ը և մյուս երկրներն օժանդակում են այդ գործընթացին, և այն շատ լավ է առաջ ընթանում:

The strategic defense review is the basis for conducting defense reforms, during which an assessment of the current state of the system is made, priorities are outlined, after which the action plan can be drawn up and implemented.

That process is progressing well, laying the groundwork for other components of defense reform. We cooperate with Armenia in the development of non-commissioned officers (NCOs) of the Armed Forces. Sergeant staff is the key to the effectiveness of the American and European armed forces.

It would be useful for other countries to have such a model of the Armed Forces, because it would facilitate their interaction with NATO and participation in the activities and programs of the Alliance. Մենք ուսումնասիրում ենք նաև ՀՀ պաշտպանության նախարարության ներքին բարեփոխումների մյուս ուղղություններին սատարելու հնարավորությունը, որոնք վերաբերում են կադրային հարցերին:

When countries have a program of cooperation with NATO, the United States tries to support it by looking for synergies in bilateral relations.

By the way, as we have seen, the Defense Military Review process was emphasized by the officials of the US Department of Defense, and it was also emphasized by the former authorities of Armenia.

2023 on November 8, the former Minister of Defense of the Republic of Armenia Davit Tonoyan through the legal team interview had given 168.am, where the Defense Review process was highlighted again.

168.amis extensive study presented in different rounds about the PR process, noting that Pashinyan’s government did not implement such a process. We presented we are also the history of introduction of the sergeant system in the Armed Forces.

That is, what the current authorities talk about or don’t talk about was discussed by the former authorities of RA a long time ago and concrete results were recorded by those occupying responsible positions of the RA Ministry of Defense at that time. Of course, it is welcome to conduct the “Eagle Partner” exercise under the current authorities, in which this year, in addition to the servicemen of the RA Armed Forces and the US troops, the servicemen of France and Greece will also participate, but we cannot help but notice that the RA Armed Forces need to participate in exercises of a different quality, content and caliber.

Now let’s return to Hikmet Hajiyev and add that he had “claims” regarding the leadership of NATO even during the reign of the current authorities.

In 2023, he Former NATO Secretary General Anders Fogh Rasmussen had accused In acting in favor of Armenia.

The problem is how well today’s authorities are able to create strong defense relations with NATO, host or participate in military exercises, thwart Baku’s similar plans or leave behind progress in the context of relations with NATO and not only, and that too in the conditions of Armenia’s “frozen” membership in the CSTO. The answer is perhaps simple.

Elections: Without Legitimacy. to take the mandates and the Constitutional Court

June: 16, 2026

The June 7 elections also put an end to the “electoral legitimacy” of the current administration.

This was the last, legally illusory, but politically relatively stable fight for legitimacy, which still created the impression among our people and elsewhere that we were dealing with a government expressing the opinion of the majority of the people.

From a legal point of view, the numerous and gross violations of the constitutional order, starting at the latest with the so-called constitutional amendment of 2020, have long nullified the legitimacy of these authorities, as well as the legitimacy of the bodies that have been formed since then, under the conditions of a disrupted and manipulated constitutional order.

In my deep conviction, the leading opposition forces should not be limited only to the evaluation of the legitimacy of the elections, but should make an in-depth legal and political joint assessment of the previous eight years, especially the encroachments on the foundations of the constitutional order.

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The June 7 elections, even if they were held with fewer violations, could never legitimize the current government under the conditions of the encroachments I mentioned against the constitutional order. However, they proved that the unconstitutional regime is not capable of holding free and fair elections, in which it may lose or lose a qualified majority in the National Assembly.

The elections were accompanied by blatant, crude and cynical, staged and campaign-tailored interventions in our right to self-determination by the US, European states and the European Community, as well as the Turkic states, which were themselves intended to influence the results of the elections, even without systematic and massive electoral fraud.

The involvement of other states and international organizations on such a scale indicates the intention to colonize Armenia, as the actual level of sovereignty of the Republic of Armenia is significantly reduced or nullified.

That intervention, which is a well-known fact, was done exclusively in favor of one of the forces competing in the elections, with the aim of undermining the competitive opportunities of the opposing political forces in the elections. And to what extent this happened, that is, how many voters it affected, it is impossible to determine, which in itself is already one of the factors delegitimizing these elections.

Combining so many efforts, however, in the conditions of such a modest result, proves that the foreign centers are only interested in the implementation of their own programs at any cost, even through illegitimate authorities, and they are no longer interested in the false veil of legitimacy, the important thing is the effectiveness of the implementation of these programs.

As for the election process itself, it can be stated that under threats of information intimidation, open abuse of criminal prosecution tools, large-scale use of administrative resources, disruption of the control functions of opposition forces over electoral processes, threats of hate speech and coercion, the candidates of deputies involved in opposition parties and alliances: the fundamental constitutional right to be elected has been fundamentally violated:

Influencing the will of the voters with such methods undermines not only the constitutional right of the opposition forces to be elected, but also the objective image of the elections, because it is no longer possible to find out which part of the voters and to what extent these violations affected, therefore, it was the task of the election commissions and the judiciary to find out whether such violations caro՞Did they influence the results of the elections or not? I repeat, not that they actually influenced, but they did՞Were they affected or not?

When it comes to the fact that a small number of votes were not enough for one of the parties to be represented in the parliament, then it is obvious that, at least in that respect, the illegal influence on the will of the voters could have influenced the election results:

Thus, the decision of the Central Electoral Commission (CEC) regarding the results of the elections, at least for the PAP, is clearly illegal and groundless, even regardless of the real or manipulated image in specific polling stations.

As for restoring the general, objective picture of the elections, it is not possible, because the intensity of the illegal influence on the will of the voters, combined with the systematic, organized, managed electoral violations, carried out before and on the day of the election, regardless of the ratio of votes, predetermine that such violations of the electoral system were directly aimed at changing the actual results of the elections, and, regardless of the circumstance, did they achieve their goal or not? were able to influence the results of the elections:

Unfortunately, it did not become clear to many during the thirty years that the election results are invalid not only because of the critical volume of quantitative election violations, not only because of the invalidity of the election results in individual precincts, not only because of the arithmetical sum of various violations, but also and especially aimed at distorting the results of the elections due to the actions, inactions and decisions of the state and local self-government bodies and their officials, regardless of the actual results, because it is assumed that if the state uses its tools for the benefit of one of the participants in the elections, and there is a systemic correlation between various decisions and actions to achieve that goal, then it is obvious that the elections quality, regardless of quantitative indicators, is problematic; or which is the same the electoral system has been disrupted, therefore, even the quantitatively less vulnerable general picture, although this is not the case in the last elections, is highly controversial from the point of view of guaranteeing the right to be elected, the legislative and practical guarantee of the true expression of the voters.

In short, elections are not legitimate not only in cases of a large volume of quantitative violations, not only in cases of a significant volume of actual violations, but also when already the quality of proven wrongdoing is such, that could distort the actual results of the electionsregardless of the fact that it happened or not, because that fact cannot be fully determined in the short term of the administrative proceedings and the trial, due to the objective impossibility of studying and evaluating thousands of facts.

If the state is unable to guarantee the compliance of the electoral process with the requirements of the Constitution and laws, and this has been indirectly confirmed even by the observers of the beneficiary countries in terms of these authorities, then the result of that process is doubtful, therefore the legitimacy of the elections is in question.

So, in my opinion, the violations that occurred during these elections in their quality are such that they aimed to influence the results of the elections, and were also capable of influencing the results of the elections, therefore, on that basis, the decision made based on the results of these elections should be declared invalid:

The solution to the question of whether՞Whether the opposition will give up the mandates or not should be left to the discretion of the opposition forces.

Of course, accepting the mandates can create the impression that the opposition legitimizes the election results, even though it declares not to accept them.

In my opinion, that issue was partially resolved by the statement of the opposition forces that they do not accept the results of the elections.

I think, however, that there is an imperative need, not only with regard to the results of these elections, but also through a fundamental statement about the gross violations against the constitutional order in the previous years, to the news of both our people and the international community, to emphasize that the opposition forces do not accept the legitimacy of these authorities, starting at the latest from June 2020, when the constitutional order was disrupted, although there were also obvious illegalities in the previous two years, and that the mandates acceptance is conditioned solely on the acceptance of the new Constitution either by this government and its satellites In order to prevent changes to the Constitution.

On the other hand, even if the mandates are accepted, a strategy should be developed to put them down at an opportune moment.

In addition, parliamentary work without a single and clear strategy for operating in an illegitimate parliament may lead to the reduction or even loss of the authority of the opposition forces, in the scenario of previous years. The stubborn way of working, only reacting to the actions of the authorities, “sharp issues” and so on can indirectly legitimize the National Assembly and the ruling power from a political point of view, therefore, it is necessary to develop a deep approach aimed at ignoring that power and implementing the “alternative parliament” model with the forces of the opposition. It’s too early to talk about specific tactics, but it’s great to have a general vision is important.

I consider it necessary to mention once again that the current authorities, without the political programs of their external sponsors, are deeply apolitical, they are only executors, they are on an extremely low scale in terms of civilization and good manners, and generating serious political processes in the parliament, in my opinion, will not succeed, as it did not succeed in the past five years. From this point of view, only those opposition candidates who can be in power from some distance should be included in the parliament «to communicate» to further inferior performances without their part or «the victim» to become

According to the decision of the CEC, the ruling party maintains a three-fifths majority, so the legal possibilities of the opposition factions will actually be very limited.

Even if PAP mandates are returned to that party, although it will be a qualitatively different situation, the ability of opposition forces to prevent elections or appointments in key positions is limited by the constitutional authority of the President of the Republic to appoint acting officials in a number of important positions (Article 138 of the Constitution).

Basically, only the adoption, amendment of constitutional laws and the election of judges elected by a three-fifths majority can be prevented by the opposition. However, the highest bodies of the judicial power are already excellently organized, and from that point of view, the possibility of causing a constitutional crisis is very small.

There is also a misconception that the ratification of a peace treaty or other key international agreements can be prevented by the opposition. It is not so. According to Article 116, Part 2 of the Constitution: international agreements are ratified by law, which is adopted by the majority of votes of the total number of deputies, and the ruling political force has and will have such a majority in any case, because when it loses, it will also lose power.

Turning to the issue of contesting the decision made as a result of the elections, it should be noted that the current Constitutional Court does not have any legitimacy, and when applying to that body, one should realize that it will gain some legitimacy due to the opposition.

If the opposition received the mandates from its voters, and participation in the parliament under the condition of not accepting the election results does not legitimize that body as a whole, then in the case of the CC, we are dealing with a structure formed almost exclusively by KP votes as a result of destructive and deeply illegal processes, which according to the most optimistic forecast, only the PAP can return the mandates to that party, but even in that matter I have serious doubts, although it may be a plan developed in advance: “power for crumbs”.

The question of applying to the CC is much more important than it seems, because by starting a legal process and failing, the opposition will inevitably find itself in a situation where it will be forced to accept any decision of the CC and its consequences.

It would be more logical and justified if a unified approach to unconstitutional processes, including all bodies formed as a result of the last elections, was developed and consistently implemented.

Of course, in this case too, one can not recognize the CC’s legitimacy and declare that this body is needed only as a platform to present the details and structures of electoral fraud to us and the international community, although legal uncertainty in this matter would be more preferable for me personally. It is not just a question of not trusting the CC on the question of challenging the CEC decision, but of giving a legal and political assessment on the question of its lack of legitimacy.

In the event of a decision to apply to the CC, however, it is necessary to create such a professional and informational advantage over the respondent and other “adversaries” to be involved in the proceedings that it is possible to prevent the impression that the inevitable submission to the usual rules of the proceedings can become a basis for legitimizing that body and its composition.

Nevertheless, as the main author of the draft law “On the Constitutional Court” in the previous edition, which is the basis of the current constitutional law, it should be noted that in terms of challenging the decision of the CEC adopted as a result of these elections, the opposition parties and alliances have wide procedural opportunities, which I would not like to address at this time.

Applicants can identify the qualitative components of the main election violations by focusing on evaluations relevant to the content of the legal positions expressed in many legitimate CC decisions until June 2020. “Conducting” the trial from that perspective, coupled with the full use of the broad legal toolkit of requesting evidence, will allow for a wide gap between the expected unjustified decision of the SC and the facts and legal assessments revealed during the trial. Only in that case, in my opinion, at least on the professional level, it will be justified to apply to the CC.

On the other hand, in cases of not providing wide coverage of the proceedings in the CC, as well as artificially limiting the tools set by the constitutional law for the evidence requested by the applicants, the applicants should be ready to jointly withdraw the applications.

I also emphasize that the focus of applying to the Supreme Court should not be primarily quantitative violations, violations that are not distinguished by qualitative characteristics, various in specific polling stations, thousands of insignificant facts of violations, because such an approach always gives the courts, especially the current Supreme Court, a legal opportunity and will now also give it a legal opportunity to avoid the study and assessment of facts that really affect the election results by highlighting secondary facts and giving them “strict” evaluations.

Thus, in my opinion, the interest of revealing the election violations before us and the international community should prevail over the interest of keeping these authorities in “strategic uncertainty” in order to justify the appeal to the CC, and in case of appeal, it will be necessary to ensure and make evident the professional and informational advantage of the applying party or parties over the opposing parties.

GRIGOR MURADIAN

Founder, director of the legal consulting company “Justice through Law”.